Showing papers on "International relations published in 1975"

The Welfare State and Equality: Structural and Ideological Roots of Public Expenditures

Abstract: during the 196os and that the only reason for such interest was its own balance-of-payments problems. Problem III deals with efforts to reform the international monetary system from the late 196os up until the publication of the Committee of Twenty's "First Outline of Reform" in Nairobi in September 1973. Here the emphasis on the exchange-rate regime is somewhat exaggerated. Although the background materials on the issue of exchange-rate flexibility are well presented, the fact is that the exchange-rate regime itself was not discussed extensively by the Committee of Twenty. This portion also suffers from an associated failure to present the "European view" of the reform negotiations-a view which emphasized the importance to the Europeans partly for political reasons of convertibility, or settlement, arrangements that would establish constraints on United States economic policies. Most of my objections concern the organization of the book; but these defects are not sufficiently important to detract substantially from its overall usefulness. As long as a teacher using it in a course on international politics or economics is able to supply his own framework for the discussion and his own questions-the questions provided by Meier often have little direct relation to the text material-the book should be very useful to students. It does contain a few flaws-the confidence problem is mentioned (p. 14) but is not immediately defined; it is not made clear (p. 28) that the prohibition in the IMF Articles of Agreement on controls applies primarily to current account transactions; and no definition of the United States "persistent deficit" in its international transactions from 1950 to 1971 is provided (p. 98); but such flaws are minor. This is a very useful and well-written book. It would be even more valuable if it had an index and if all the references to source materials were collected in one place.

Why Big Nations Lose Small Wars: The Politics of Asymmetric Conflict

Abstract: The Vietnam and Algerian wars have demonstrated that the overwhelming conventional military superiority of major powers is no guarantee against their defeat in wars against small nations. For external powers such wars are necessarily “limited,” which constrains escalation above certain levels. With no direct survival interest at stake, fighting the war does not take automatic priority over the pursuit of other social, political, and economic objectives. Prosecuting the war consumes resources—economic, human, and political—which are thus not available for the pursuit of these other objectives. In the absence of a quick victory this creates the potential for those political divisions which historically have shifted the balance of forces in the metropolis in favor of withdrawal. For the insurgents, the fact of invasion and occupation generates cohesion, minimizes constraints on mobilization, and maximizes the willingness to incur costs. Precisely the opposite effects tend to characterize the war effort of the external power. A conceptual framework for the analysis of the evolution and outcome of such conflicts is presented and its applications and limitations discussed.

International economics and international politics: a framework for analysis

Abstract: Until August 1971, the United States categorically rejected any notion of devaluing the dollar and championed an international monetary system based on fixed but adjustable exchange rates. From August 1971 through February 1973, the United States aggressively sought massive devaluation of the dollar, and since early 1973, it has actively promoted the adoption of highly flexible exchange rates.

Prolegomena to the choice of an international monetary system

Abstract: The international monetary system—the rules and conventions that govern financial relations between countries—is an important component of international relations. When monetary relations go well, other relations have a better chance of going well; when they go badly, other areas are likely to suffer too. Monetary relations have a pervasive influence on both domestic and international economic developments, and history is strewn with examples of monetary failure leading subsequently to economic and political upheaval. Recent years have seen considerable turmoil in international monetary relations, and a marked deterioration in relations between Europe, Japan, and America. Ideally, monetary relations should be inconspicuous, part of the background in a well-functioning system, taken for granted. Once they become visible and uncertain, something is wrong.

The Missile Crisis: His Finest Hour Now

Abstract: The Cuban missile crisis has become something of a misleading “model” of the foreign policy process. There are seven central tenets of this model, each of which was considered “confirmed” by the “lessons” of the Cuban crisis: (1) Crises are typical of international relations; (2) Crises are assumed to be manageable; (3) The domestic sector is not especially critical in “crisis management”; (4) Crisis management is the practical ability to reconcile force with negotiation; (5) The process of crisis negotiation is not only manageable but can be “won”; (6) The Soviets seldom negotiate except under duress; (7) Crisis management can and must be a civilian enterprise. After the crisis, there were the beginnings of detente with the Soviet Union. The test-ban treaty, the hot line, and a more civil exchange between the two powers are widely believed to stem from die favorable resolution of the missile crisis. Yet the model and its inherent assumptions on the meaning of Cuba can be challenged. Nevertheless, Cuba stands as a watershed in the cold war and in the history of the international system.

On Systems and International Regimes

Abstract: As the consequences of science and technology impinge more and more on international relations, states attempt to deal with the promise and dangers implicit in these consequences by the creation of international regimes. The nature and scope of such regimes are justified, in part, by the scientific and technological givens with which they are to deal. Increasingly, however, the process of justification is dominated by constructs and arguments taken from systems theory, thus mixing the epistemological styles of the natural and the social sciences. It is often not clear whether justification in terms of systems theory is rhetoric or based on demonstrated isomorphisms. The article seeks to answer this question by presenting a four-fold typology of systems theories together with their assumptions and relevance to the creation of international regimes. The article then examines three specific proposals for international action on science and technology, prepared under OECD auspices, in order to demonstrate the extent to which they rely on systems theory and to determine how persuasive the systemic justification is. The conclusion: there is an inverse relationship between the elaborateness of the systemic justification and the acceptability of the regime on logical, empirical, and moral grounds.

The Prestige Factor in International Affairs

Abstract: W HEN Sir Daniel Stevenson made his endowments for chairs in international relations, he did so with a purpose wider than that of simply promoting scholarship. He also wanted scholarship to improve the world. It therefore behoves those who lecture in his honour to deliver something in the nature of an improving message. I myself have never been averse to moralising, but it so happened that when I began to think about this lecture I was not exactly burning with a message that had to be delivered. I had only puzzles, questions, and a certain expectation that if one could only explore one's way through those questions, something important in the way of a message would be discovered. Let me begin by saying what those puzzles were. Most of my life has been spent in the study of Japanese society. One thing that has frequently impressed me is the importance, for explaining a variety of internal developments in Japanese society as well as the direction of Japanese foreign policy over the last hundred years, of a shared national concern with Japan's standing in the international community. The origins of this concern are clear enough in that period of the late 19th century when the dominant objective of Japan's policy was to force revision of what were universally called the 'unequal treaties,' to remove the humiliation of foreign extra-territorial rights in Japanese ports. But why should the Japanese still be so particularly concerned about their country's external image? Why should it be, for instance, that even a government official attending an international expert group meeting supposedly in his individual expert capacity, is not only obliged to submit a position paper to an interdepartmental group chaired by the foreign office, but may well expect to have to redraft it four or five times before he is allowed to go? And what, really, is meant by 'standing in' or 'a position of equality in' the international community? Why is it that most Japanese still feel that despite their great economic power they somehow have not achieved a ' standing' commensurate with it? And why should they appear to be

UNESCO and World Politics: Engaging In International Relations

Abstract: That intergovernmental organizations do not operate effectively has long been apparent. Why they fail to do so has puzzled observers, as has the lack of a satisfying explanation of how these institutions actually do work. Using the concept of "engaging," James P. Sewell investigates the development of the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The concept of engaging-becoming involved or more involved in a continuing international relationship-permits the author to focus on levels and timing of participation as well as on the participants' motives. Drawing on extensive interviews and on published and unpublished material, his study traces UNESCO's formation and evolution from 1941 to 1972. He considers different forms of engagement, conditions of their effectiveness, and the important role played by political leaders. The concept of engaging provides new insight into several significant questions. How and with what domestic consequences do actors respond to the challenges of an international organization? Why and how do executive managers induce closer engagement in their institutions? Professor Sewell's innovative approach is applicable to the study of all types of intergovernmental organizations. Originally published in 1975. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Higher education in Nigeria

Abstract: The great Greek philosopher Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) once remarked that Africa always brings something new. And today it can truly be said that indeed, the black colossus tends to be new in everything, on a grand scale: independent national states, formation of new nations, rapid growth of its specific weight in international relations, a very high initial rate of scientific and technological progress, etc.etc. F.I.M.A. Professor and Head of Department of Aeronautics. The City University, London.

International Terrorism: A Chronology, 1968-1974

Abstract: : The report presents a chronology of incidents of international terrorism that took place between 1968-1974. Most of the material is based on press reports, although other sources were used as well. Only incidents that had clear international repercussions were included--incidents in which terrorists went abroad to strike their targets, selected victims or targets that had connections with a foreign state (e.g., diplomats, executives or the offices of foreign corporations), or created international incidents by attacking airline passengers, personnel and equipment. International activities of such groups--an IRA bombing in London, for example, or the kidnapping of a foreign diplomat in Uruguay--were included. The thousands of reported acts of terrorism in Indochina and the numerous cross-border raids by Arab guerrillas and Israeli commandos were excluded, except for the major episodes.

South-South relations: the economic and political content of interactions among developing countries

Abstract: Traditionally, examinations of the international relations of the less developed countries (LDCs) have focused on influences that can be attributed generally as originating in the developed countries (DCs). In fact, relatively few scholarly analyses of inter-LDC relations have been undertaken.1 Since South-South relations have grown appreciably in recent years, however, it is important that a framework for studying these relations be developed, and this framework must include an awareness of the significance of the international economic system. At present the existing international economic system is under pressure on many fronts-monetary, trade, investment, and aid-and recent years have witnessed the deterioration of existing arrangements to the point where reform appears imperative. However, any form of change will involve many issues that are of paramount importance to the economic welfare of the LDCs. Trade, for example, is proportionally more important, in general, to the economic growth of the LDCs than it is for the developed countries. Yet the role of the LDCs, with the possible exception of the oil-producing states, in moderating or affecting the outcome of existing reform efforts is extremely limited. While the nature of North-South

Notes on the Elusiveness of Modern Power

Abstract: Almost everyone agrees with Raymond Aron that power is not quantifiable and that the concept of power cannot play, in the study of international affairs, the role of the single yardstick which money plays in economics. And yet, since we are all convinced that politics in general, world politics in particular, entails a struggle for power, since many of us have been trained to stress the similarities between the behaviour of cities described by Thucydides and the conduct of states in this century, we tend to see in power, for all the diversity of its components and for all the complexity of its uses, a reasonably stable phenomenon, whose ingredients are not subject to incessant changes and whose exercise follows a limited and well-known number of imperatives or constraints.

Ethiopia's Admission Into the League of Nations: An Assessment of Motives

Abstract: On 1 August 1923 Ras Tafari, the regent and heir to the throne of Ethiopia, applied for membership in the League of Nations on behalf of his country. The literature relating to this event offers several conclusions on its motivation and its meaning. Authorities of the period maintain that the French supported Ethiopia's candidacy as an obstruction to British and Italian imperial designs. These scholars see Britain as the only major power openly opposed to membership on the grounds that Ethiopia was not yet sufficiently westernized or politically cohesive to warrant it.1 A description of Italy's role under the new Fascist government of Benito Mussolini varies from writer to writer. Some claim that

E. H. Carr and international relations

Abstract: No-one seriously doubts the importance of E. H. Carr in the history of the study of international relations. The publication of The Twenty Years' “Crisis, 1919–1939, in 1939 marked a turning point in international theory, ending, as it did in Britain, the dominance of the more traditional ‘pro-gressivist’ or ‘idealist’ schools of thought characterized in the writings of, for example, Norman Angell, Bertrand Russell, Alfred Zimmern, Arnold Toynbee, G. Lowes Dickinson and others. The bulk of Carr's work in the field was written in the twenty or so years between 1936 (when he accepted the Woodrow Wilson Chair of International Politics at Aberystwyth) and 1955 (when he accepted a Fellowship at Trinity, his old Cambridge College), and since then his energies have been concentrated on his abiding concern with the history of Soviet Russia. Nevertheless, he is still an important figure in the field and although international relations has not been his life' work, his unique contribution to its understanding, ensures him a permanent place in the British tradition of international studies.

The Influence of Small States upon the Superpowers: United States-South Korean Relations as a Case Study, 1950–53

Abstract: One of the important developments in world politics during the cold-war era was the relationship between the superpowers and small nation-states. In contrast to the period before the cold war, small nation-states had considerable latitude for maneuvering in pursuit of their own interests. This phenomenon was largely rooted in the imperatives of the cold war. The relationship between the United States and the Republic of Korea during the period of the Korean War is critically analyzed in light of the new reality in international relations. South Korea tried to influence the conduct of the United States in Korea by employing five techniques: (1) a public call for assistance; (2) a public call for mutual cooperation against the common enemy; (3) a calculated policy proposal for bargaining advantage; (4) refusal to cooperate; and (5) moral suasion. These techniques are examined, with the conclusion that of the five, (1) and (2) were effective; (3) and (4) were least effective; and (5) was most effective.

Civilian Power Europe

Abstract: : This paper assesses the political significance, internal and external, of the European unification process. It draws systematic conclusions from the 20 years of European Community experience by pitting this experience against two political models, (1) construction of a superstate, and (2) construction of transnational system. The future of the Community, insofar as it is predictable, is seen in the light of this experience, not in terms of certain urges and myths of the political class. The descriptive term 'civilian power' was first used by Francois Duchene, former director of the International Institute of Strategic Studies. (Author)

The Tradition of Philosophical Anarchism and Future Directions in World Policy

Abstract: Introduction The human species has recently begun to reexamine the widespread belief that there exists an ever-increasing capacity to bend favorably the universe in its favor. This reexamination has been stimulated by the recognition that certain world problems individually or in synergistic combination may prove lethal. A number of scholars, students, and activists have applied the label 'world order'1 to a systemic and futureoriented method of inquiry into interrelationships among five of these problems: war and violence, poverty, injustice, ecological instability, and individual alienation. The investigator is asked to clarify values, describe the present world, project the likely future, posit alternative visions of the world system, and formulate a transitional strategy to a better world. In contrast to the conventional methodologies of international relations,2 the purpose of such an approach is to begin worldwide discussions of policy-recommendations that can mobilize large numbers of concerned persons to transform the global political system by the end of this century. The crucial step in any process that leads to purposive societal change is agreement upon the essential agenda for improving the quality of life. In effect, we are here speaking of a process of global value clarification. The discussion of values is important since norms determine what elements of the present and projected world system are to be evaluated, what kind of alternative institutions are to be initiated, and what type of action strategy is relevant. The research trend toward specifying values and working for a particular vision has been characterized, if somewhat prematurely, as the 'twilight of the value-free era.'3 Since values reflect cultural and class contexts, great effort must be made especially in a process devoted to reaching consensus at the global level not to exaggerate the values of a dominant culture.4 While the dominance of Western, industrialized values has been attacked by the poor, non-industrialized world, Western peace researchers should not be overly defensive about value insights that are particular to the West. One such alternative, and potentially fruitful, source of insight is the tradition of philosophical anarchism. Although not normally taken seriously by peace researchers, this school of Western progressive literature hlias concerns that overlap with those of world order in important ways. In fact, the dovetailing of these two approaches could provide an important response to what may be the crucial political question in the last quarter of this century: how can humankind take the drastic institutional steps necessary to maintain existence while simultaneously insuring an acceptable quality of life for individuals? While the counterculture of the late 1960's appears to be dying, the concern of many of its advocates with the dilemma involved in reconciling autonomy and authority has a strong anarchist tone and remains a strikingly pertinent issue for peace research.5 For the maintenance of life on this planet, many scholars and decision-makers argue that global authority and institutions are necessary and desirable. While several such global designs are ingenious and would be

The Systemic Power

Abstract: World events in recent years increasingly reveal that some of the concepts designed to explain international affairs are no longer operational. The East-West conflictual relationship defined in ideological terms (on both sides) could hardly help us understand President de Gaulle's shoutings against 'American-Soviet hegemony' and the harsh Sino-Soviet polemics; nor could one explain in such terms the joint Soviet-American nuclear treaties or the official Chinese statement at the U.N. that the People's Republic of China belongs to the Third World. The other predominant school the power theorists were startled last winter when a number of backward kingdoms and sheikdoms, surviving from another age, carried out an oil embargo that shook some of the rich and powerful metropoles to their very foundations. And how can one account, in terms of bipolar or pentagonal world models, for the estimation that in the next decade the oil exporting countries will accumulate over half a trillion dollars, which would actually mean control over the bulk of the liquid capital available in the whole world? Indeed, we must think anew and formulate new concepts that would allow us to understand the meaning of these unprecedented phenomena and to see where they take us. It is the assumption of this study that in a shrinking world, with its national units more and more interdependent and caught in a dense network of mutual relations, multiple interaction and crosscutting coalitions, a new type of power is emerging, utterly different from the existing structural one embodied in the nation-state: the systemic power. To start with, let us keep in mind that in international politics there is no center of authority and power, like the state in internal politics, and that this vacuum has been filled throughout history by various formulae of centralization of power supposed to perform, in the international arena, the ordermaintaining and integration functions of the state inside society. While in the old times vacuum generated hegemonal powers (Pax Romana, Pax Britannica) or balance-ofpower schemes (Concert of Europe), after World War II most analysts used the bipolar model with the two superpowers, the US and USSR, then the triangular model (including China in the big game), and more recently the pentagonal model (adding Western Europe and Japan). What is the meaning of this latest diplomatic balance in which one center of power, Japan, though a global eceonomic power, has no significant military force, and another, Western Europe, is a loose union of nine states with a certain degree of economic integration in the EEC and a military force that is neither independent nor sufficiently strong to counter the superpowers in the global strategic game? Apparently, the changes that have taken place in world politics have affected not only the relationship of forces between the major actors, but the dynamics of power itself, in the sense that the relative weight of the military component of power has been reduced in favor of the economic, technological and politico-diplomatic components that have grown accordingly. This is not to say that force will be eliminated from the attributes of power; in spite of its setbacks

An International Perspective on the African Famines

Abstract: (1975). An International Perspective on the African Famines. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des etudes africaines: Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 293-313.