Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 1971"

Crises and Sequences in Political Development

Abstract: Contents: I. "Crises of Political Development," Leonard Binder. II. "The Development Syndrome: Differentiation- Equality-Capacity," James S. Colcman. III. "Identity and the Political Culture," Lucian W. Pye. IV. "The Legitimacy Crisis," Lucian W. Pye. V. "Political Participation: Crisis of the Political Process," Myron Weiner. VI. "Penetration: A Crisis of Governmental Capacity," Joseph LaPalombara. VII. "Distribution: A Crisis of Resource Management," Joseph LaPalombara. VIII. "Sequences and Development," Sidney Verba. Index. Originally published in 1971. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Policy Demands and System Support: The Role of the Represented

Abstract: Discontent with the functioning of representative bodies is hardly new. Most of them were born and developed in the face of opposition denying their legitimacy and their feasibility. Most have lived amid persistent unfriendly attitudes, ranging from the total hostility of anti-democrats to the pessimistic assessments of such diverse commentators as Lord Bryce, Walter Lippmann, and Charles de Gaulle. Of particular interest today is the discontent with representative bodies expressed by the friends of democracy, the supporters of representative government, many of whom see in recent history a secular ‘decline of parliament’ and in prospect the imminent demise of representative bodies.

The Legitimacy of Administrative Influence as Perceived by Selected Groups

Abstract: "The findings of this study reveal that educational administrators consistently have a greater desire to initiate influence attempts on teachers than teachers are willing to accept. The findings also provide suggested classifications of teacher behavior within which adminis trators can expect wide or narrow zones of acceptance for influence attempts. Delbert Clear is Assistant Professor of Educational Administration and Director of the University of Wisconsin- Milwaukee Public Schools Triple-T Project. Roger Seager is President of Jamestown Community College, Jamestown, New York.

The Korea-Japan Treaty Crisis and the Instability of the Korean Political System

Abstract: This paper is a study of contemporary Korean politics with special reference to the issues and politics during the Korean-Japan treaty crisis of 1964-1965, against the background of the historical, social, political and other critical determinants that have influenced the political behavior of Koreans and shaped the Korean political culture, system and process. By utilizing a combination of various research methods and techniques of social science, this paper examines political parties, political elites, major groups, and their roles in the political process of Korea in an effort to shed new and systematic light upon some selective aspects of the Korean politics and to advance some generalizations about Korean politics. With the examination of these aspects, this paper purports to explain the problems and causes of the chronic crisis of political legitimacy, the instability of political system, and the incapacity of political institutions and organizations in resolving national issues through normal political and constitutional process which were dramatized by the prolonged and acute political crisis during the treaty struggle when the extreme confrontation between the opposing forces and the mass movement in the streets had brought about a virtual breakdown of the normal political process and the constitutional order.

Revolt and Revisionism in the Gaullist Global Vision: An Analysis of French Strategic Policy

Abstract: T he Gaullist critique of the present international system, however fragmented its expositon or self-serving its intent, deserves more serious and careful examination from scholars and practitioners in international relations than it has received until now. It can serve as a useful tool, among others, for an evaluation of the stability and legitimacy of the contemporary global order. Gaullist France challenged the comfortable assumption that the superpowers could assure peace, respond sensitively to the security needs of other states, and accommodate meaningfully the perceived interests of lesser powers. It focused attention, moreover, on the threatening implications of superpower conflict and cooperation for the continued existence, independent role, and effective influence of third states. An analysis of Gaullist global policy suggests, too, the basis of its appeal among small and middle-range powers and even its attractiveness to its critics at home.' The first part of this essay briefly summarizes the French evaluation of the stability and legitimacy of the contemporary international system during the de Gaulle period; the second relates French strategic doctrine and French policy towards the Atlantic Alliance and arms control and disarmament to its perception of the inadequacies of the existing global order and to the Gaullist alternative design.

Traditional and Constitutional Law: A Study of Change in Laos

Abstract: Two years of observation-participation in Laos by the author revealed that social problem-solving occurs within two systems of law. On one hand a traditional unwritten law, taught by the family and Buddhist monks, operates within the Lao village. In addition there is the written code of the central !government, practiced in special government buildings located at the provincial capitals, serving to further isolate it from the people. Both systems of law coexist in time and space. Certain problems fall naturally within the province of traditional law, while others are relegated to the law of the central government. This paper seeks to demonstrate the situations appropriate to each system and to show their separate yet integrated modes of operation. Specific examples mostly originate from Vientiane province. The Royal Kingdom of Laos has a population of between 1.5 and 2.5 million people within its 91,000 square miles. About half the population are ethnic Lao; the remainder are comprised of a variety of Mon-Khmer, protoMalayan, Lao-Thai, and Sino-Tibetan tribal groups. Popularly chosen headmen, called nai ban, lead the 200-400 people in the village. Consensus, rather than mere majority vote, is sought among all adult men in the village in problems of community concern. Several villages within a day's walk are similarly led by a tasseng, also chosen by the local populace for his individual character and abilities. Superimposed on this highly democratic local government is the central government. Its legitimacy originates in the person of the monarch, who because of his civil and supernatural authority is the temporal proprietor of the country and its people. A constitution, written in 1947 and revised in 1956, has been signed by the king. It delegates executive power to a prime minister and his cabinet, legislative power to a popularly elected National

Situations of Contested Legitimacy in Morocco: an Alternative Framework

Abstract: In its broadest sense, the theory of segmentation provides an analytic approach to the study of the interaction of political units under conditions of minimal or no regulation by a central authority. Under such circumstances, the groups that inhabit a given territory must devise alternative means of managing conflict within and among themselves, for allocating resources, selecting leaders, and for meeting outside threats. They can neither expect nor rely upon a state apparatus endowed with sufficient coercive means to enforce its decisions and to undertake the functions of regulation, allocation, and protection. Consequently, these functions must be performed through autonomous, internally generated mechanisms arising from the structures and interplay of the groups themselves. There is no need here to explore in detail the theory of segmentation as it has been presented by numerous anthropologists. Suffice it to say that we view segmentary tribal organization as a means of conflict and resource management in the absence of a strong central authority.1 The principles guiding its operation can be extended to analogous, albeit non-tribal, situations of political competition, and it is precisely this extension that we propose to make.

Science and values in political "science"

Abstract: * The meaning of the term ’value’ has been the subject of much and contradictory erudition. Since our main concern in this paper is to distinguish between the role of values in science and the role of science in values, we do not wish to analyse in detail the various meanings which have been attributed to this term. However, we wish to use this footnote to point to some of the complexities the discussion of values involves. First we may note and then unfortunately reject, the warning of W. K. Frankena, an eminent ethical philosopher. &dquo;In fact, I am of the opinion that very little except harm has come from the broad use of terms like ’value,’ ’values,’ ’valuation,’ and ’value judgment’ that is rampant in Philosophy, theology, criticism and the social sciences. Perry himself pled that ’value’ should be our ’careful word,’ but I for one am prepared to cry ’Let us swear by all that we value never to use the word again!&dquo;’ fG. K. Frankena, ’Ethical Theory’, in R. M. Chisholm, et al. Philosophy, Englewood Cliffs, 1964, p. 452. Despite this plea we will continue to use the word in a rather bread sense and wherever necessary explicate by referring to the following definitions which are useful. (a) When value is used in an undefined way it may mean, a specific concept of purpose (’My purpose is to discredit racialism so I will show that LQ tests reflect the impact of social milieux’); a general pro-con attitude (’I like democracy’); a judgment of what is worthwhile

China: Toward Revolutionary Pragmatism

Abstract: ]7he Chinese Cultural Revolution was not merely a palace power struggle, nor simply an empty doctrinal polemic. It was, instead, an idealistic and visionary program, designed to reverse trends toward inequities in China's economic system, and toward rigidities in her political institutions.1 The major policies of the Cultural Revolution fall into five categories. Politically, the Cultural Revolution was an effort to restructure Party and state organizations in order to increase their responsiveness to local needs and social problems. Militarily, it emphasized the domestic use of the Army as a model of ideological virtue and as an instrument of political control. Economically, the Cultural Revolution involved the redistribution of investment capital and social services (educational facilities and public health, in particular) to reduce the disparities between city and countryside, and between coastal and interior provinces. In the cultural and educational sphere, it included programs to re-educate China's "bourgeois" intellectuals, revise university and high school curricula and admissions standards, and "revolutionize" Chinese culture, while employing young Red Guards as major participants in the rectification. of Party and state organs. Finally, in foreign policy, the Cultural Revolution led to emphasis on "people-topeople" (rather than state-to-state) diplomacy, to hostility toward "revisionist" and. "reactionary" governments, and to support of revolutionary movements on all continents.2 The implementation of these programs did, to be sure, involve excesses: political fragmentation and factionalism, deflation of the legitimacy of the

Professionalization and Prestige Deficits

Abstract: Aside from other requirements, the emergence and stability of a profession require the "... realization . . . that professionals are part of a moral community; that they have social links not only to their clients and colleagues in their professions, but also to other groups . . . ; and that the legitimacy of their professional contribution must be acknowledged by these other groups" (Katz, 1969: 72). Thus, the existence of a particular profession and its claims for competency must be recognized in some degree and thereby become validated. Through that recognition and the consequent allocation of resources to the professionals involved, a place in the moral order is assured. At least three types of recognition are essential. Prestige, power and income markets provide locations where claims are made by professions for recognition (Goode, 1969: 268-269)1. Concerning prestige, Goode observes that outsiders to an occupation generally accord it less prestige than participants, and states that "An occupation can command more prestige only if the society, applying its evaluative criteria, perceives the performances of the occupation to be better than before or higher than those of similar occupations." "Occupations that seek recognition, as professions," he concludes, "engage in transactions within all three markets?prestige, power, and income?with varying success." This study concentrates on only one of these, prestige, as being cen tral to the self-concepts of those in professionalizing occupational roles. Prestige claimed by and assigned to professionalizing occupations is thus a variable, dependent on social definition. From the viewpoint of a particular set of professionals, their claimed prestige may match the amounts of deference offered by others or generally fall below that level. Claimed prestige represents the beliefs by those in a profession about their worth to society, and reflects their ideas concerning how much deference they should receive because of the competence and skills they

Toward a Democratic Theory of Property and the Modern Corporation

Abstract: Implicit in most democratic theories is the notion of property as a twotermed relation between person and thing. In this essay it is argued that, while this notion is still persistent, only a three-termed theory of property, herein called the construct theory, can provide coherence to modern forms of property. Additionally, the argument pursued is that the modern corporation is a special case of the construct theory of property. The construct theory of the corporation provides a more elaborate alternative to the "fiction" theory of the corporation.' The construct theory also is to be distinguished from concession and inherence theories of corporate property.2 The concession theory sees corporations as purely subject to the commands of the sovereign. In contrast, the construct theory outlines the logical components of the corporation in far more detail than the Hobbesian concession theory. The inherence theories generally see corporations as products of the rights of private individuals independently of the state. Here, in contrast, the construct theory argues that the legitimacy of the corporate order is intimately tied up with the logic of a democratic political system. Finally, the thrust of this thesis is that corporate forms of property are unique products of the "intentionality" of "modern" societies. For the proper direction of corporate forms of property, one must not settle for "good" intentions but the "right" intentions. To do that, democratic the-

A pleading for revolution: a rejoinder to Z. Bauman

Abstract: Bauman's Schumpeter-like forecast concerning the prospects of revolution in socialist societies calls for a reply which takes issue not only with the details of his analysis of the tensions within these societies, but also with some semantic aspects of his conceptual framework: the very concept of revolution and of political legitimacy as applied to these systems.

Political Participation in Czechoslovakia

Abstract: The Stalinist variant of the socialist experiment faces the dilemma of either maintaining its unresponsive posture and thus generating alienation and inefficiency throughout society (especially in the economic system), or legitimizing participation and broadening access to influence, thus forfeiting its totalitarian quality. From the beginning the Prague leadership tried to enjoy the best of both worlds, but after two decades the project finally collapsedin January 1968. Those who advocated the reform and rehabilitation of the political system urged that three aspects of the political process again be granted legitimacy: (1) participation, (2) dissent, and (3) the possibility of a choice among political alternatives. Foreign force intervened, however, and crushed the plan altogether.

Notes on Educational Reform.

Abstract: Keeping in touch with efforts at educational reform in American universities has become increasingly difficult. Several years ago only a few pacesetter institutions were experimenting with interdisciplinary courses, field study programs, student-initiated courses, and independent study in their undergraduate pro grams. But today these innovations have spread throughout academia in response to changed faculty attitudes and the newer youth subcultures.1 Exceptional places like St. Johns Colleges at Annapolis and Santa Fe fight a continuing engagement in defense of traditional curricula resting on a program of Great Books which must be accepted in its entirety. Elsewhere, how ever, students as well as faculty, who have been in constant communication with each other, have helped to spread experi ments begun in one locale all over the academic map?generally with the consequence of minimizing the traditional curricular requirements or eliminating them altogether. Understandably, educational reform also reflects the attack on science as stultifying, "irrelevant," or dangerous to mankind. It reflects the aim of doing something about white racism or ghetto poverty, perhaps by giving a high priority to black stud ies or urban studies on a campus. Furthermore, student and faculty proponents of participatoiy educational democracy, who bring to voluntary associations both on and off the campus the principle of "one man, one vote," contend that participation per se is a more important reform than any substantive changes in styles of teaching and learning. The consequence has been dras tically to reduce the legitimacy of authority, whether this be the authority of scholars and professionals, of curricular pro

Social and Moral Tolerance

Abstract: 1 SHALL ARGUE THAT TOLERANCE IS CENTRALLY A MORAL CONCEPT (although it is also used in a variety of non-moral ways). My differences with the two papers, with which I in many ways agree, derive from this observation. I shall argue that the definition they use must be extended to allow for claims to legitimacy characteristic of cases of tolerance, and I shall further argue (against Dr King) that tolerance characterizes social groups in a less formal sense than he allows, and (against Professor Crick) that tolerance is primarily a social rather than a political phenomenon.

Madame de Stael: Culture as Social Control

Abstract: W HAT gives consistency to Madame de Stael's thought from 1795 to 1800, and makes it interesting today, is her sense that a new era has begun, in which art, philosophy and politics alike will become vehicles of integration. Beyond the creation of republican constitutions, institutions or authorities, she wanted to create new habits of respect and obedience. She saw that social and political control in the democratic era meant the control of the minds and feelings of the population. This insight gives coherence to her diverse and unsystematic works: an essay and a book on politics, Riflexions sur la Paix Interieure (1795) and Des Circonstances Actuelles qui Peuvent Terminer la Rdvolution ... (1799); a treatise on happiness, De l'Influence des Passions sur le Bonheur ... (1796); and an essay and major study on literature, Essai sur les Fictions (1795) and De la Litterature Considdrie dans ses Rapports avec les Institutions Sociales (2 volumes, 1800). The unifying element of all these works is her focus on social control. "Elections are free and revolutions impossible." De Stael treated the social problem in Thermidorian France as unique. The society itself was revolutionary. Created by the popular revolution of 17891794, it was preserved by continued struggle against counterrevolutionaries. How, she asked, could social stability be achieved in a revolutionary society? How could authority-that is, the legitimacy of authority-be restored, without restoring the nobility? The problem was unique and the solution would, therefore, be unique: "elections are free and revolutions impossible."' In this phrase de Stahl summed up her political program for the Thermidorian and Directorial Republics. As a wealthy landowner and leading Constitutional Monarchist in the Revolution, she had feared democracy. Allow the propertyless majority to participate in politics, she wrote, and they will naturally attack property. Political equality led to social and economic equality.2