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Showing papers on "Modernization theory published in 1972"


Book
01 Jan 1972

332 citations






Journal Article
01 Jan 1972-Daedalus
TL;DR: The term "post-traditional" has been coined to facilitate new ways of look ing at certain central problems of modernization and development as mentioned in this paper, which responds to a widespread dissatisfaction with many of the assumptions of the initial studies of modernization?especially with the dichotomy posited between "traditional" and modern societies that emerged during the classical period of modern sociology and dominated the many studies of development and modernization made in the 1950's and 1960's.
Abstract: The term "post-traditional" has been coined to facilitate new ways of look ing at certain central problems of modernization and development. Its appearance responds to a widespread dissatisfaction with many of the assumptions of the initial studies of modernization?especially with the dichotomy posited between "traditional" and modern societies that emerged during the classical period of modern sociology and dominated the many studies of development and modernization made in the 1950's and 1960's. The modern and traditional societies that confronted each other in these

62 citations


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between modernization and industrialization in the Industrial Revolution in England has been examined in this article, where the authors argue that the connection between the two is contingent rather than necessary.
Abstract: Industrial Revolution in England Modernization and industrialization are terms widely used in descriptions of the changes which have occurred in Western societies over the last two or three centuries. Whether they represent concepts able to sustain adequately the explanatory and descriptive loads borne by them is disputable. Yet they enjoy very wide currency and form the most convenient point of departure for a general discussion of the Industrial Revolution in England. In this essay I shall describe a view of the relationship between modernization and industrialization which seems to me to be both widespread and unfortunate when applied to the Industrial Revolution in England. In particular, I shall argue that the connection between the two is contingent rather than necessary. I shall begin by offering brief definitions of modernization and industrialization as a preliminary to a discussion of the way in which the assumptions which underlie the use of the terms have clouded our appreciation of the Industrial Revolution. The definitions will serve to introduce both a discussion of the views of percipient contemporaries, especially Adam Smith and Karl Marx, and an examination of some features of the Industrial Revolution itself. I have tried to present the definitions in the form in which they are most widely held-what might be called highest common factor definitions. This means a loss of rigor, but it conforms to the requirements of the essay. At times, it will be evident that the definitions of modernization and industrialization offered are used as stalking horses as much as chargers, underlining the point that they are at once convenient and yet inadequate.

55 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Pakistan, as in other developing countries, the role of indigenous capitalists has been an extremely complex economic, social, and political question as discussed by the authors, therefore, it should be useful to examine some of the aspects of the growth and development of the new capitalists of Pakistan in the context of the development of Pakistan as a separate state since 1947.
Abstract: In Pakistan, as in other developing countries, the role of indigenous capitalists has been an extremely complex economic, social, and political question. In the past few years, the very large business-industrial combines -the "Big Houses" or the "Twenty-two Families"-have been the focus of a great deal of political controversy. At this particular juncture, therefore, it should be useful to examine some of the aspects of the growth and development of the new capitalists of Pakistan in the context of the development of Pakistan as a separate state since 1947. By going back to the pre-Partition years, it may be possible to see some of the connections between the Pakistan movement and some of the big businessmen; similarly, a brief look at the first post-Partition decade should indicate some of the roots of the elite of the business-industrial class.

52 citations



Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: Kiernan argues persuasively that communism is a logical stage in the development of many Asian, African, and Latin American countries that see strong government and a planned economy as the key to modernization as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This learned and hard-hitting book challenges the basic assumptions underlying American policy toward communism in the Third, or emergent, world. Kiernan argues persuasively that communism is a logical stage in the development of many Asian, African, and Latin American countries that see strong government and a planned economy as the key to modernization. He suggests that our national interest would be better served by supporting rather than suppressing revolutionary changes in the emergent world, thereby avoiding destructive international tensions. 256 pages $7.95

44 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the Spatial Organization of Residential Areas in Accra, Ghana, with Particular Reference to Aspects of Modernization is described. But this work is limited to Accra.
Abstract: (1972). The Spatial Organization of Residential Areas in Accra, Ghana, with Particular Reference to Aspects of Modernization. Economic Geography: Vol. 48, Spatial Structure and Process in Tropical West Africa, pp. 284-298.





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Italian peninsula can be divided into three distinct areas with markedly different social structures, each undergoing in very contrasting ways the twin transformations of the rise of industry and of intensive commercialized farming.
Abstract: Before turning directly to fascism, we should recall certain facts that form the background to all that follows. In 1919, Italy, a country of about 35 million people, should be characterized neither as industrialized nor as underdeveloped, but as slowly and very unevenly industrializing. Still predominantly agricultural, the Italian peninsula can be divided into three distinct areas with markedly different social structures, each undergoing in very contrasting ways the twin transformations of the rise of industry and of intensive commercialized farming. The North was the most developed of the three areas, with the peninsula's most modern industrial enterprises heavily concentrated in the Milan-Genoa-Turin triangle, while commercial farming was centered in the fertile valley of the Po River. It is important to note, however, that even the North was still in a state of transition and that in the northern countryside more traditional systems of land tenure and cultivation still existed alongside some of the most mechanized farms in Europe. The other two areas of Italy—Center and South—were alike in being traditional societies less affected by modernization, though the Center of the peninsula and the South were very different social systems (1).


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine some African viewpoints in order to suggest elements that might be used in formulating a philosophy of guidance and a mode of practice suitable for Africa, and suggest that guidance practice must be based on philosophies that reflect true African thinking.
Abstract: Modern Africa has achieved great progress in education, urbanization, and economic development. Modernization, however, brings the traditional into frequent confrontation with the modern and tends to create conflicts in the lives of individuals. Modern Africa's youth need guidance. But to be effective, guidance practice must be based on philosophies that reflect true African thinking. Foreign models will be inadequate. This article examines some African viewpoints in order to suggest elements that might be used in formulating a philosophy of guidance and a mode of practice suitable for Africa.

Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: It has been argued that if the farmers are not sure that the fruits of their additional labour and care are shared by them, they will be reluctant to undergo the extra trouble in modernization as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: It has often been argued that agricultural development becomes very difficult if the farmers do not have their own land and therefore do not have sufficient incentive to adopt modern practices. It can be argued that if the farmers are not sure that the fruits of their additional labour and care are shared by them, they will be reluctant to undergo the extra trouble in modernization. Most economists agree that owner-farmers have the best incentive to modernize because they have more freedom in their production plans than tenants ; and because they do not have to share their output with others.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Class analysis stands as one of the ancient and classic theoretical approaches to the study of politics and society and has been traditionally utilized by scholars and statesmen to explain patterns of political conflict and processes of social change as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Class analysis stands as one of the ancient and classic theoretical approaches to the study of politics and society. Stratification by class has been traditionally utilized by scholars and statesmen to explain patterns of political conflict and processes of social change. In modern American political science, however, this approach has yet to receive the attention and application that have marked tradi- tional formal-legal and contemporary structural-functional analysis. The sharp reaction that developed against the former took the immediate shape of the group and elite approaches which to a large degree continue to displace or dis- guise class analysis. With the deep attention that contemporary social scientists are devoting to the problems of modernization and political development and the increasingly evi- dent limitations of both elite and group analysis, there has been a recent and promising return to class as the central theoretical concept. This trend has in- cluded conceptual and theoretical reassessment and research,' general historical and multinational comparative studies,2 and empirical analyses of particular Asian, African, Middle Eastern, and Latin American societies.3

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the effects of distance from Manila, sex, and social class on attitudes, values and behavior associated with the modernizing influences of increased education, communication, and industrialization were studied.
Abstract: : The research was concerned with changes in attitudes, values and behavior associated with the modernizing influences of increased education, communication, and industrialization. A traditional style of life which has developed over many generations is being modified by urban, industrial influences. There have been changes in aspirations, family structure, and social control. Four similar communities which were located 50, 100, 200 and 400 kilometers from the capital and major city, Manila, were studied. Within each community 18 men and 18 women from each of three social levels were interviewed, yielding a total of 432 respondents. This design made it possible to determine the relative effects of distance from Manila, sex, and social class on modernity of attitudes. Exposure to modernizing influences was manipulated by selecting near and remote communities.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: According to Brown as discussed by the authors, "Men who manifest these characteristics (5) like people to be on time and show an interest in carefully planning their affairs in advance." They are also part of this syndrome to (6) show strong interest and take an active part in civic and community affairs and local politics; and (7) to strive energetically to keep up with the news, and within this effort to prefer news of national and international import over items dealing with sports, religion, or purely local affairs.
Abstract: universals-life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. A nationalism bathed in empathy, in which the liberty-loving of every nation might become American citizens, was a distinctly modern aspect of the new national consciousness. The modernity of this nationalism was apparent in other ways as well. America was seen as a doubly-chosen land, chosen by God for his blessings, but also deliberately chosen by its inhabitants, rationally and purposefully, to advance their legitimate interests as well as the cause of liberty. America was perceived in a dynamic way as a society which was physically expanding at the same time that it was developing its economy and perfecting its social order. American nationalism, therefore, was not merely a unifier in the common political science sense; it also defined an open, essentially voluntary citizenship in a dynamic novus ordo seclorum.33 What came to prominence in the generation following the Revolution was a society of people who were, according to the definitions of both Inkeles and Lerner, not only strikingly modern, but also living in a society which nurtured and stimulated their modern characteristics. As Inkeles puts it: There is a set of personal qualities which reliably cohere as a syndrome and which identify a type of man who may be validly described as fitting a reasonable theoretical conception of the modern man. Central 33 There is no systematic study of the formation and early development of American nationalism, and so the generalizations here have been based primarily on my own analysis of discussion surrounding the design of the great seal of the United States, contemporary newspaper rhetoric, Fourth ofJuly Orations, and the emergence of national symbols in the decorative arts. Hartz has some significant observations on the functions of nationalism in early America in his Founding of New Societies. For the period 18 r5-i860, Fred Somkin, The Unquiet Eagle: Memory and Desire in the Idea of American Freedom, 181 1860 (Ithaca, I967), provides important insights. This content downloaded from 207.46.13.148 on Sun, 11 Sep 2016 04:37:10 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 216 I RICHARD D. BROWN to this syndrome are: (I) Openness to new experience, both with people and with new ways of doing things ...; (2) the assertion of increasing independence from the authority of traditional figures like parents and priests and a shift of allegiance to leaders of government, public affairs, trade unions, cooperatives, and the like; (3) belief in the efficacy of science and medicine, and a general abandonment of passivity and fatalism in the face of life's difficulties; and (4) ambition for oneself and one's children to achieve high occupational and educational goals. Men who manifest these characteristics (5) like people to be on time and show an interest in carefully planning their affairs in advance. It is also part of this syndrome to (6) show strong interest and take an active part in civic and community affairs and local politics; and (7) to strive energetically to keep up with the news, and within this effort to prefer news of national and international import over items dealing with sports, religion, or purely local affairs.34 Lerner stresses the empathic capacity and the use of "transpersonal common doctrine formed in terms of shared secondary symbols," that enable "persons unknown to each other to engage in political controversy or achieve 'consensus."' Coupled with this, Lerner says, is the expectation that citizens should hold opinions on public matters, and that such opinions matter. It is, in Lerner's words, "this subtly complicated structure of reciprocal expectation which sustains widespread empathy."35 The modernity of American personal attributes, in part cause and in part consequence of the Revolution, was visible in nearly every aspect of social life. In a revealing analysis of Crevecoeur's American, Handlin depicts a central theme in this modern personality-the willingness to plan calculated risks as a matter of course, as part of the ordinary pursuit of one's livelihood. "The speculative temperament," Handlin maintains, asserted itself "at every level of society."36 The 34 Alex Inkeles, "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries," American Journal of Sociology, LXXV (1969),



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The second volume of the Oxford History of South Africa as mentioned in this paper contains fifteen broadly interpretative essays addressing themselves to contemporary South Africa, with a useful bibliography appended of writings on the country during the I960s.
Abstract: 'It is not social change as such that is in question in South Africa,' writes Heribert Adam, 'but its degree, source, and direction' (Adam, 97). One turns to the works under review, which include contributions by many distinguished names in South African studies, for a guide on current assessments of 'degree, source, and direction'. In a sense, the works are complementary. That edited by Adam contains fifteen broadly interpretative essays addressing themselves to contemporary South Africa, with a useful bibliography appended of writings on the country during the I960s. The long-awaited second volume of the Oxford History of South Africa is a more ambitious project, concerned as it is with trajectories of social change during South Africa's last and crucial century. Initially conceived in I963, the Oxford History was intended by its editors to break fresh ground, both in drawing on the expertise of social scientists other than historians, and-by focusing attention on the 'interaction' of South Africa's diverse peoples-in according to non-whites a role larger than usual in the country's historiography. Yet, for all that these aims have been met with some success, one concludes the Oxford History with a certain sense of disappointment. The roughly equal division of the work into broadly 'socioeconomic' and 'political' chapters has meant that, instead of a new overall approach, the usual 'white' history is supplemented by, but not integrated with, the accounts of changes in the social patterns of town and countryside, and of non-white protest. Thus, even at their best, the political chapters dwell on the chronological interplay of political elites, with the influence of social changes remaining tangential, while the economic chapters tend to refer to the policy-making which helped to shape social patterns only in the abstract, and sometimes ahistorically. Moreover, both Rene de Villiers and Jack Spence, who deal respectively with the crucial issues of post-Union white politics and South Africa's international relations, fall short of that clear summarizing of the best of existing scholarship which marks Leonard Thompson's chapters. For de Villiers, 'Afrikanerdom' becomes an explicitly personified metaphysical force, because 'that is how Afrikaners regard it' (History, 365), swooping over the scene, controlling rather than being controlled by the author, explaining everything and therefore nothing.' Perhaps the editors are responsible for entitling this chapter

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The present study describes the development and testing of such an instrument among the Papago Indians of southern Arizona, a tribe representing the entire spectrum of modernization phenomena from subsistence villages to urban enclaves.
Abstract: Recent research in epidemiology has focused upon the relationship between rapid culture change and the health status of the participants. Many studies disclose that these transitional individuals suffer deleterious effects which can be attributed to the stresses generated by modification of their environment.Inquiry into the health consequences of culture change requires an instrument which will permit us to discern the level of modernization achieved by a particular community within a transitional social system. The present study describes the development and testing of such an instrument among the Papago Indians of southern Arizona, a tribe representing the entire spectrum of modernization phenomena from subsistence villages to urban enclaves.With the assistance of eight judges, 51 Papago Indian communities were scaled according to degree of modernization. The ratings obtained were subjected to several reliability tests and validated against conventional criteria of modernization: occupational structure...


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present three theoretical models of military regimes that may help to illuminate the relationship between military rule and modernisasi in Indonesia and discuss the need for leadership committed to modern goals.
Abstract: IF SOEKARNO spoke the language of revolusi, Soeharto's themes are modernisasi and "development;" despite Soekarno's inspiring speeches, very little in the way of revolution actually took place while he was in power and similarly there are those who doubt whether there has been much modernisation and development under Soeharto.* Soeharto's original aim of stabilisasi has clearly been achieved. The rapid economic deterioration of Soekarno's last years was halted and the political tensions associated with his overthrow were handled successfully; but the question remains whether the new military regime can successfully promote modernisasi.1 Discussion in Indonesia of the problem of modernisasi has centred to a large degree on the issue of reforming the political structure in such a way as to remove obstacles to modernisation. Perhaps understandably there has been less public discussion of the need for leadership committed to modern goals. This article presents three theoretical models of military regimes that may help to illuminate the relationship between military rule and modernisasi in Indonesia. It has been argued that of the various political forces in the developing countries, it is often the army that is most modern in outlook. According to Lucian Pye, "the fact that these new armies in pre-industrial societies are modeled after industrial-based organisations has many implications for their political roles."2 For example, a more modern society can provide recruits who are familiar with modern equipment, techniques and organisation with the result that they can more easily fit into the modern army. Furthermore, the army has an obvious interest in promoting modernisation because its strength depends greatly on the strength of the national economy. It can be argued that in the developing countries most other political

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used occupational types as indices of personal modernization and a community scale developed by Patrick (Patrick and Tyroler 1972) as an index of village modernization, in combination with 1969-70 data on accidental injuries, to determine whether stress associated with rapid culture change falls more heavily upon modern individuals in modern villages or traditional individuals in traditional villages.
Abstract: Few attempts have been made to construct and apply measures of modernization and of consequent stress which will differentiate members of tribal populations under the impact of developmental change. This study utilizes occupational types as indices of personal modernization and a community scale developed by Patrick (Patrick and Tyroler 1972) as an index of village modernization, in combination with 1969-70 data on accidental injuries as an index of stress sustained by the Papago Indians. These measures are related in an effort to determine whether stress associated with rapid culture change falls more heavily upon (1) modern individuals in modern villages; (2) traditional individuals in modern villages; (3) modern individuals in traditional villages; (4) traditional individuals in traditional villages.By combining these possibilities into a 2 x 2 matrix, and comparing the frequencies of accidental injury in each cell, it was expected that either of the following two inferences would be supported: (1) if ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The conditions most often put forward for political democracy fall into two general and by no means unrelated categories: cultural institutions, or values, and economic development as discussed by the authors, and the implicit assumption is that it is the inevitable end product of this process.
Abstract: Anxiety about the conditions that promote stable, democratic political relations in the developing countries has been a major preoccupation of both politicians and academics for over a generation now. One manifestation of this concern is the emergence of a new field of inquiry — the study of development — in the social sciences. The conditions most often put forward for political democracy fall into two general and by no means unrelated categories — cultural institutions, or values, and economic development. Political sociologists generally focus on one category or the other. Some, like Harry Eckstein and S. M. Lipset, concentrate mainly on cultural variables, the ‘patterns of integration’ supposedly conducive to the development and maintenance of democratic or authoritarian polities. Those who focus upon economic growth seem to fall into two groups. One school of thought, well represented by Daniel Lerner, emphasizes that democracy, as we understand it, is the end product of the modernization process; and the implicit assumption is that it is the inevitable end product of this process. The other trend in modernization thought, represented most notably by Professor Barrington Moore, argues that political democracy is the result of only a certain type of modernization — namely, the Anglo-American bourgeois variety.