Showing papers on "Nationalism published in 1978"

Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture: Anthropological Perspectives

Abstract: Preface to the Paperback AdditionPreface1 - Introduction: Pilgrimage as Myth and History2 - Mexican Pilgrimages: Myth and History3 - St. Patrick's Purgatory: Religion and Nationalism in an Archaic Pilgrimage4 - Iconophily and Iconoclasm in Marian Pilgrimage3 - Locality and Universality in Medieval Pilgrimages6 - Apparitions, Messages, and Miracles: Postindustrial Marian Pilgrimage7 - ConclusionsAppendix AAppendix BBibliographyIndex

The golden age of Black nationalism, 1850-1925

Abstract: In this controversial volume, Wilson Jeremiah Moses argues that by adopting European and American nationalist and separatist doctrines, black nationalism became, ironically, a vehicle for the assimilationist values among black American intellectuals. The book covers the period from the Compromise of 1850, with its Fugitive Slave Act, to the imprisonment of Marcus Garvey in 1925, and inc ludes a section on black nationalism in literature. 'This impressive study will stir controversy among black scholars and proponents of separatism. That Professor Moses, himself a black, regards the period a golden age is itself heretical in some eyes.' Publishers Weekly

Aligarh's First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India

Abstract: This text explores the nature of Muslim cultural identity in 19th-century India and the changes it underwent through colonial rule. It aims to show how one institution, The Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College, with its founders and early students, mediated these changes during the first 25 years of its existence, and evolved methods of adapting to the challenges of colonialism and nationalism.

Contemporary Political Ideologies: A Comparative Analysis

Abstract: Since its initial publication 35 years ago, CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS has been the leading text in the field. This text successfully introduces readers to current and emerging political ideologies--offering a comparative analysis of nationalism, democracy, Marxism, and Islam, as well as an effective introduction to the lesser-known ideologies surrounding environmentalism, feminism, and liberation theology. The goal is to help readers draw their own conclusions about each ideology. To this end, the author makes every effort to present a balanced presentation of the ideologies covered in the text, and to objectively discuss the way that ideology functions today.

Federalism, Nationalism, and Democracy in America

Abstract: The growth of the public sector in recent years has been accompanied by both centralization and decentralization. More important than any such shifts of power or function between levels of government, however, has been the emergence of new arenas of mutual influence among levels of government. In this way recent developments in intergovernmental relations are adding a new dimension to the national system of representation. That the federal division of powers should serve a representative function is entirely in accord with the original design. A look at this design in the light of the theory of its founders helps one perceive this distinctive purpose. Then as now American federalism was primarily an instrument of national democracy. Current American experience with this aspect of intergovernmental relations, moreover, suggests questions for comparative study of the contemporary welfare state.

The Caribbean, the genesis of a fragmented nationalism

Abstract: The Caribbean is now recognized as an authoritative history of the region. This new edition has been substantially revised in the light of comments by scholars and teachers, and now deals with parts of the region in greater detail. There are individual chapters on Haiti and the Dominican Republic, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the English Antilles, Dutch and French islands, the Virgin Islands, Belize, and the Bahamas, as wells as on migration and Caribbean economics.

Ethnic Politics in Eighteenth-Century Burma

Abstract: We commonly find in the literature on pre-colonial mainland Southeast Asia a tendency to treat the principal ethnic groups—Burmese, Mons, Siamese, Cambodians, Vietnamese—as discrete political categories This tendency is particularly marked in the historiography of the Irrawaddy valley, where the recurrent north—south conflicts of the eleventh to the eighteenth centuries have usually been interpreted as ‘national’ or ‘racial’ struggles between the Burmese people of the north and the Mon, or Talaing, people of the south In writing of the last major ‘Mon—Burmese’ war, that of 1740—57, historians have characterized the 1740 uprising at the southern city of Pegu as an expression of ‘Mon nationalism’ The ensuing conflict reportedly became a struggle between Mons and Burmese each ‘fighting for the existence of their race’; and Alaung-hpaya, said to be a champion of ‘Burmese nationalism’, allegedly made vigorous efforts to destroy the Mon culture and people once he had triumphed

The Concept of a Perpetual Union

Abstract: HE American Civil War, whatever else it may have been, was unquestionably America's most acute constitutional crisis. Viewed from this perspective, the fundamental issue of the war was the locus of sovereignty in the political structure that the Constitution of 1787 had formed. Did this document create a union of sovereign states, each of which retained the right to secede at its own discretion? Or did it create a union from which no state, once having joined, could escape except by an extra-constitutional act of revolution? In a Constitution remarkable for its ambiguity on many substantive matters, none was more fateful than its silence on this crucial question. Even the Articles of Confederation, which the nationalists despised, were unequivocal in defining the Union of the states. Their title was "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union," and Article XIII stipulated that their provisions "shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the Union shall be perpetual. . . ." Whether the incorporation of these words in the Constitution of 1787 would have been sufficient to prevent the crisis of 1861-1865 is problematic, but at the very least we would have been spared the prolix and convoluted debate over the legality of secession. In returning to the old controversy about the nature of the Union, I am not, of course, exploring one of the neglected problems of American history. The evolution of the doctrine of state sovereignty, from the protests against Alexander Hamilton's economic program to the southern movement for secession, has been thoroughly examined.' The growth of American nationalism in the nineteenth century has also been the subject of numerous studies.2 However, one aspect of nationalist

Education in South Africa: a review

Abstract: This is a masterly study, of exceptional range and quality, by a truly remarkable man. The words 'masterly' or 'magisterial' are frequently used but seldom merited. In this case they are inadequate. No man other than E. G. Malherbe could have written this profound and penetrating analysis of education in South Africa because no other man has participated more fully in its processes and for over half a century and no other man has been equipped with his extraordinary richness of talents intelligence, courage, humour, simplicity, leadership, dedication. And very few, if any, specialists in education can ever have matched either his thorough technical expertise in his subject or his flair for effective research, and the sensitive application of research findings in educational policy and practice at all levels. Afrikaner of Afrikaners though he is, and is always proud to proclaim himselfand his loyalty is constantly visible throughout this book it is very easy to see why the author was once asked to consider appointment to the most senior office in UNESCO. He would have filled the post with distinction. He is a universal man, appreciative and at ease in citing the thoughts and findings of colleagues in the Soviet Union and the United States, in South Asia and the Arab countries, as well as in Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. But despite his always responsible honesty and his whole-hearted love of South Africa, it is also very easy to see why the supporters of the Afrikaner-Nationalist government of his country, committed to apartheid, which has now been in power since I948, should view him with such implacable hostility. He sets education in South Africa firmly within its political context, and he pulls no punches over the damaging, even disastrous, effects which narrow, bigoted nationalism has had on education, especially during the past thirty years. In the first two sentences of his first chapter Language and Nationhood, he declares "The national aims and ambitions of the country are often better expressed in its educational system than in any other institution. The fact is illustrated par excellence in South Africa's educational history, especially in recent times." He also reveals, in convincing fashion, how during the three decades before their close electoral victory in I948 Afrikaner-nationalist leaders of the most intensely narrow persuasion had planned and forged the institutions and methods which enabled them to achieve and to secure their dominance. The Afrikaner Broederbond, the secret organisation which has exerted such a significant influence on all aspects

Embattled Shadows: A History of Canadian Cinema, 1895-1939

Abstract: A history of Canadian film-making in the years before the establishment of the National Film Board of Canada in 1939. It begins with an account of the travelling showmen who brought the movies to large and small communities across the country, and discusses the films produced in Canada before World War I. In the atmosphere of heightened nationalism during and after the war there was a determined attempt to establish a film industry. Peter Morris chronicles its occasional successes while, at the same time, examining the reasons behind its ultimate failure - using the colourful career of the independent producer Ernest Shipman ("Ten Percent Ernie") as a particular reference. He goes on to describe the establishment and eventual collapse of both the federal and Ontario governments' Motion Picture Bureaus. By the thirties, with the connivance of the Canadian government, Canadian feature film production had deteriorated to the point of turning out "quota" films from the Hollywood mould. Other Canadian film producers concentrated their efforts on short productions, mostly in government or commercial companies such as Associated Screen News of Montreal. The works of Gordon Spalding, Bill Oliver, and Albert Tessier are discussed in this context. Morris concludes with the founding of the National Film Board which, under the dynamic guidance of John Grierson, was to breathe new life into a moribund industry. In a postscript Morris explores some of the reasons for the unique development of Canadian film making - particularly its use of natural settings and documentary when virtually the rest of the world's industry was following the Hollywood pattern of studio location and fictional plots and examines the relationship of the early industry to later developments in Canadian film making. At a time when Canada's cultural industries are struggling to survive in the wake of the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and under the threat of Free Trade with Mexico, this text should be useful reading.

Black Nationalism and the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict, 1934-1936

Abstract: Determined to win Italy's long-coveted but elusive place in the sun along with the great imperial powers of Europe and to finally avenge her humiliating defeat suffered at Adwa in 1896, the fascist government of Benito Mussolini launched in October 1935 a brutal invasion of Ethiopia to establish a modern Roman empire in that independent African state. In open defiance of international law and world opinion, the Italian high command used indiscriminately all of its modern weaponry, including poison gas, upon a virtually defenseless peasant society. Despite the blatancy and brutality of Italian aggression, the Western powers, guided by self-interest, refused to impose more than the mildest of economic sanctions against Italy, leaving that country with virtually a free hand in the Abyssinian highlands.1 Notwithstanding the tepid response of the great powers to the fascist invasion of the African kingdom, Italian imperialism in Ethiopia provoked an outburst of international concern, sympathy, and in some instances vehement protest from the general public. Private citizens the world over denounced Italy's violation of Ethiopian sovereignty, describing the incursion as a deliberate act of war and plunder which the civilized world abhorred. It was reported from Geneva that international peace groups, labor unions, and religious bodies had soundly condemned Italian imperialism and that the colonized peoples of color in India, Africa, the Middle East and America were demanding justice for both Ethiopia and themselves.2 Although universal in scope, public condemnation of Italian aggression was particularly sharp among blacks in the United States, who had long drawn inspiration from classical and modern Ethiopia as a symbol of black power and pride. Favorable mention in classical mythologies of the Ethiopian kingdoms along the upper Nile, the tribute paid them by ancient historians as the progenitors of Egyptian civilization, and the notable success of the Abyssianians in repelling European colonialism at the close of the nineteenth century made Ethiopia a revered symbol of racial accomplishment.3 Positive references to Ethiopia in the Scriptures and in black sermons further enhanced the country's image among Afro-Americans. Informed by their ministers that the Ethiopia of the Bible was a Negro nation, black Christians tradition-

Indonesian Nationalism and the Pre-war Youth Movement: A Reexamination

Abstract: There are only a few studies on the Indonesian youth movement in the pre-World War II period. Apart from those dealing with specific organizations and hence not concerned with the more general trend, most of the authors tend to emphasize the unity of the movement after the 1928 youth congress. The usual story told is that after that year, a clear concept of an Indonesian nation emerged and the movement was no longer divided. There is hardly any discussion about the division between secular and Islamic movements. Concerning Indonesian national symbols, the impression is created by these authors that they were adopted unanimously in 1928 although evidence shows that at that time only certain groups accepted them. The general acceptance of these national symbols took place only late in the thirties.

Changing Places: Society, Culture, and Territory in the Saxon-Bohemian Borderlands, 1870-1946

Abstract: This is an intriguing study of a fluid cross-border area over several decades. "Changing Places" is a transnational history of the birth, life, and death of a modern borderland and of frontier peoples' changing relationships to nations, states, and territorial belonging. The cross-border region between Germany and Habsburg, Austria - and after 1918 between Germany and Czechoslovakia - became an international showcase for modern state building, nationalist agitation, and local pragmatism after World War I, in the 1930s, and again after 1945. Caitlin Murdock uses wide-ranging archival and published sources from Germany and the Czech Republic to tell a truly transnational story of how state, regional, and local historical actors created, and eventually destroyed, a cross-border region. "Changing Places" demonstrates the persistence of national fluidity, ambiguity, and ambivalence in Germany long after unification and even under fascism. It shows how the 1938 Nazi annexation of the Czechoslovak 'Sudetenland' became imaginable to local actors and political leaders alike. At the same time, it illustrates that the Czech-German nationalist conflict and Hitler's Anschluss are only a small part of the larger, more complex borderland story that continues to shape local identities and international politics today.