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Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1985"





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined organizational affiliations of 19th-century women reform leaders in New York State as a case study of relations among social movements, showing the primacy of suffrage and women's rights to reform activity during the period under study.
Abstract: This article examines organizational affiliations of 19th-century women reform leaders in New York State as a case study of relations among social movements. Network analysis techniques are used for the construction of matrices that (1) map the interconnections between organizations, (2) measure the intensity and directionality of those interconnections, (3) illuminate clusters of proximate organizations, and (4) identify groups central to the clusters. The matrices show the primacy of suffrage and women's rights to reform activity during the period under study (1840-1914). Peak analysis finds important clusters of relations organized around the Women's Trade Union League,Garrisonian abolitionism, and Sorosis. Finally, directional analysis shows that women's organizing efforts can be divided into three distinct periods of activity between 1840 and 1914, with significant changes in the relations among organizations from period to period. The conclusion discusses the theoretical implications of these findings.

201 citations


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The south and the north: from corporation to neo-syndicalism - the state, organized labour, and the changing industrial relations systems of Southern Europe, Howard J. Wiarda as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Introduction - focus on Western Europe, Richard F. Tomasson. Part 1 The south and the north: from corporation to neo-syndicalism - the state, organized labour, and the changing industrial relations systems of Southern Europe, Howard J. Wiarda. Part 2 Status and power: working class power and the political economy of western capitalist societies, J. Rogers Hollingsworth and Robert A. Hanneman problems and prospects in comparative status attainment research in Great Britain and the United States, Alan C. Kerckhoff. Part 3 The economies: the European Monetary System and national policy constraints, Hugo M. Kaufmann economic policy and election cycles - constraints in nine OECD countries, John D. Robertson the tax revolt in Britain, Canada and the United States, Kenneth Woodside transaction trends in Western Europe and the Nordic area, Peter R. Manoogian and Bengt Sundelius. Part 4 Welfare and education: the sequential development of social programmes in 18 welfare states, Saundra K. Schneider equality of educational opportunities in Western Europe, Maurice A. Garnier American and English student values, H. Wesley Perkins and James L. Spates. Part 5 Cities: British and French new towns programmes, Luther A. Allen class, politics, mass transit and the city - Frankfurt/Main and Chicago, Glenn Yago. Part 6 Social movements: the modern women's movement in Italy, France and Great Britain - differences in life cycles, Jane Jenson.

125 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors proposed the establishment of a multilateral forum to discuss trade, money, finance and macroeconomic policies, and the inter-relationships between them, based on the Second Amendment of the United Nations Treaty.
Abstract: strengthened, IMF conditionality reformed, and World Bank, IDA and other official development assistance expanded. These are all well-known remedies, but it is important that they have been endorsed by a representative North-South group. The group also favours the establishment of a multilateral forum to discuss trade, money, finance and macroeconomic policies, and the inter-relationships between them. 'The IMF, World Bank, GATT and UNCTAD should jointly service a body functioning somewhat like the IMF's advisory Interim Committee, eventually evolving into the analogue of the decision-making Council authorised in the IMF's Second Amendment' (paragraph 7.36). This, says the report with somewhat less realism than usual, 'must not be or be seen to be an extension of the jurisdiction of the IMF into trade policy issues' (ibid). The report leaves it to be understood that the Bretton Woods system of weighted voting would apply, and it is this that would determine the character of the new mechanism, regardless of whether or not IMF jurisdiction were expanded. While there is a case for saying that any international institution possessing such extensive powers would have to be subject to weighted voting, the Bretton Woods weighting is so one-sided as to limit the incentive for the major powers to take the views of the Third World fully into account. Thus, a concentration of authority of the magnitude envisaged in the report could conceivably represent a step backwards for world trade and development. On the other hand, the group is to be commended for raising this problem, and there is probably no solution to it that would satisfy everybody.

84 citations


Book ChapterDOI
01 May 1985
TL;DR: The resurgence of a sympathetic interest in Social Democracy is a response to the urgent need to draw lessons from the history of the socialist movement as discussed by the authors, which has been the prevalent manner of organization of workers under capitalism.
Abstract: Not to repeat past mistakes: the sudden resurgence of a sympathetic interest in Social Democracy is a response to the urgent need to draw lessons from the history of the socialist movement. After several decades of analyses worthy of an ostrich, some rudimentary facts are finally being admitted. Social Democracy has been the prevalent manner of organization of workers under capitalism. Reformist parties have enjoyed the support of workers. Perhaps even more: for better or worse, Social Democracy is the only political force of the Left that can demonstrate an extensive record of reforms in favour of the workers. Any movement that seeks to transform historical conditions operates under these very conditions. The movement for socialism develops within capitalism and faces definite choices that arise from this very organization of society. These choices have been threefold: (1) whether to seek the advancement of socialism through the political institutions of the capitalist society or to confront the bourgeoisie directly, without any mediation; (2) whether to seek the agent of socialist transformation exclusively in the working class or to rely on multiSocial Democracy as a Historical Phenomenon

81 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that economic change in the cities and social migration motivated by national economic forces provided the objective conditions within which movements arose, specifically political factors were determinative, and they concluded that urban movements must be understood within the context of both routine urban politics and national political events.
Abstract: The rise of social movements in postwar American cities has been associated with economic reorganization and urban redevelopment. But we argue that although economic change in the cities and social migration motivated by national economic forces provided the objective conditions within which movements arose, specifically political factors were determinative. The first part of this article explores in theory the linkages between economic change and social mobilization. It concludes that urban movements must be under-stood within the context of both routine urban politics and national political events. Using New York City as a case, we go on to show that before and after the national black movement of the 1960s, popular urban protest was commonplace, yet was channeled and contained by the political system. Thus, in recent years, despite enormous economic reorganization and decline in the situation of the lower classes in New York, urban movements have not arisen. Rather, communal protest is isolated, instit...

73 citations


Book
30 Jan 1985
TL;DR: Lofland as discussed by the authors addresses three major issues: What are the circumstances in which people elect to protest; what are the forms of such action; and how do people organize to do so?
Abstract: This volume addresses three major issues: What are the circumstances in which people elect to protest; what are the forms of such action; and how do people organize to do so? Phrased differently, what are the contexts of protest (collective behavior), personal readiness for protest (conversion), and finally joining together for protest in movement organizations and movement strategies. The key to the book's value is its theoretical sophistication. These studies address in a systematic way fundamental alternatives to organizing protests and outline in detail options for structuring units of social movement. The author deals especially with movement organization locals, including "corps" and "cells." Such units are examined in terms of how they coexist and how they exist sequentially through time. Several case studies of movement organization are included, such as the Unification Church and Mankind United. The work places a heavy emphasis on protest action or strategy. In the final section four chapters examine the entire gamut of strategic possibilities, ranging from polite politics to violent action. Protest is a distinctive and complex strategy. The work carefully evaluates varieties of protest that have become significant in the 1980s. In each section of the book Lofland draws out underlying themes and issues that interrelate the studies and places protest in the larger context of political and social change and theories to date.

70 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The "action theory" of Alain Touraine and Manuel Castells' theory of urban movements together constitute a social movement paradigm which differs significantly from both the traditional collective... as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The “action theory” of Alain Touraine and Manuel Castells' theory of urban movements together constitute a social movement paradigm which differs significantly from both the traditional collective ...



Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this article, Lidtke studied the social and cultural aspects of the German Social Democratic labour movement in the era between the 1860s and the outbreak of World War I, arguing that the style and form of a social movement are as integral to its nature as its official doctrines.
Abstract: This book is a study of the social and cultural aspects of the German Social Democratic labour movement in the era between the 1860s and the outbreak of World War I. Asserting that the style and form of a social movement are as integral to its nature as its official doctrines, Lidtke discusses phenomena such as the way in which popular political songs raised the consciousness of the masses who would otherwise have remained uninvolved with the movement. Students of European history.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this article, the authors address some puzzles in the historical geography of British politics, focusing on the rhythms of the rise and fall of political practices which are spatially concentrated within the nation-state.
Abstract: This paper addresses some puzzles in the historical geography of British politics. It is concerned with the rhythms of the rise and fall of political practices which are spatially concentrated within the nation-state. What makes for the formation of ‘Red’ Clydeside, or the ‘Socialist Republic’ of South Yorkshire? How can we account for the resurgence of Celtic nationalism, whose explanation has defeated political scientist in recent years? What are we to make of analyses which identify the growth of urban and local social movements as a key political development of the last fifteen years? An adequate explanation of these developments would appear to require theoretical reference simultaneously to space, time and social mechanisms with causal powers. However, as Sack has pointed out,1 explanations which successfully embrace all three elements are extremely rare. He maintains, reasonably, that this is because explanation in social science is generally weak: despite recent endeavours,2 no theory satisfactorily encompasses the interrelationship between spatial, temporal and substantive social processes. In the meantime, for want of adequate theory, social scientists have tended to resort to the use of metaphor. This paper teases out one metaphor of change in the spatial patterning of social and economic relations, that conceptualised by Doreen Massey.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between the supporters of new social movements (peace, ecology, and anti-nuclear power) and the Green Party in contemporary Germany has been investigated in this paper, where the authors focused on the historical and electoral ties as well as the value system and the ideological orientation of the Green voters.
Abstract: This article is concerned with the relationship between the supporters of new social movements (peace, ecology, and anti-nuclear power) and the Green Party in contemporary Germany. In theoretical terms the research interest lies in the question of the extent to which the new social movements in Germany are responsible for a change in the nature of the party system. Particular attention is given to the historical and electoral ties as well as the value system and the ideological orientation of the Green voters and the followers of new social movements. Their over-all impact on future party system is still controversial: on the one hand, the Greens could prepare the way for a dealignment, and on the other hand they could determine the process of realignment within the German party system.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore possible interpretations of Mass-Observation as an organization in a specific historical and sociological context, as well as its history and its history as a social movement with quasi-political objectives.
Abstract: details about people's lives, thoughts and feelings, but more tidily sorted and thoroughly catalogued, such as government social surveys, opinion polls and newspapers. Using the Mass-Observation archive presents its own set of problems,3 but at least some of them cannot be resolved without an understanding of Mass-Observation itself. This paper is an attempt to explore possible interpretations of Mass-Observation as an organization in a specific historical and sociological context. Mass-Observation could be understood, as most contemporary accounts of the development of sociology saw it, as an organization pioneering a particular type of social research which some, e.g. Bronislaw Malinowski, saw as a vital new departure in scientific research, and others, e.g. Mark Abrams, wrote off as misguided.4 But it might be more appropriate to regard it as recent historians, like Tom Jeffery, have tended to see it, as a social movement with quasi-political objectives and an active and diverse following. Further to this, Mass-Observation as originally founded, came to an end in 1949. Its demise could be interpreted as the result of the research methods adopted, or of the stresses common to social movements, or as the peculiar product of trying to combine two different objectives: academically respectable research and the creation of social change. The idea of the social research originated with two men, Tom Harrisson and Charles Madge. Tom Harrisson was a somewhat larger-than-life ornithologist-cum-anthropologist, who left his public school to go on an Arctic expedition and left Cambridge, before gaining a degree, to go on a tropical expedition. He spent the years 1931-36 in Central Borneo and the New Hebrides islands of the Western Pacific, in particular Malekula, and published his anthropological findings on the cannibals

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A critical examination of the current uses of civil-religious discourse must lead to a critical reanalysis of the society at large as well as the concept itself as discussed by the authors, which is an increasingly differentiated society with the rise of group politics and subcultures.
Abstract: Civil religion denotes a religion of the nation, a nonsectarian faith that has as its sacred symbols those of the polity and national history. Recent scholars have portrayed it as a cohesive force, a common canopy of values that helps foster social and cultural integration, but this perspective may now be at odds with a complex reality. Ours is an increasingly differentiated society with the rise of group politics and subcultures. The forms of civil religion remain, but the cultural cohesion it purportedly reflects is dissolving. Civil-religious discourse has become a tool for legitimating social movements and interest-group politics. A critical examination of the current uses of civil religion must lead to a critical reanalysis of the society at large as well as the concept itself.

Journal ArticleDOI
Angela Aidala1
TL;DR: The relationship between gender role ambiguities and new religious movements is explored by an analysis of religious and non-religious communes utilizing both survey and ethnographic data as discussed by the authors, which emphasizes the significance of lifestage and gender roles for understanding the interrelationships among structural change, cultural fragmentation and social movement participation.
Abstract: The relationship between gender role ambiguities and new religious movements is explored by an analysis of religious and nonreligious communes utilizing both survey and ethnographic data. The existence of a single, morally absolute set of definitions and specific rules concerning sexuality and gender roles distinguishes religious from secular communal movements. Participants in religious groups are characterized by uncertainty about rather than outright rejection of traditional gender roles, and low tolerance for ambiguity. Findings are discussed within a broader explanatory framework which emphasizes the significance of lifestage and gender roles for understanding the interrelationships among structural change, cultural fragmentation and social movement participation. A recurrent phenomenon on the historical landscape is the periodic upsurge of movements sweeping in their condemnation of the society that surrounds them and offering alternative communities of moral regeneration and social fellowship. Such times of countercultural protest are characterized by relatively sudden economic, social, and demographic changes that have eroded the taken-for-granted legitimacy of prevailing institutions (Yinger, 1982). Where and when traditional understandings and values no longer fit emerging realities, large cracks appear in the consensus underlying existing social arrangements and prophets and visionaries can command the attention of more than a few passersby. Religious movements flourish as competing visions of a New Moral Order receive enthusiastic support. In periods of major social and cultural disjuncture, religious as well as many secular movements have a communitarian focus-oriented to the establishment of actual communities of co-enthusiasts. Within small, well-bounded communities of likeminded others, "new" values, goals, and role behaviors can be socially defined and consensually affirmed (cf. Bennett, 1975; Bestor, 1950; Cohn, 1970; Darin-Drabkin, 1962; Zablocki, 1980).

Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The Contribution of Sociology: The Key to Understanding the Social World as discussed by the authors is the contribution of sociology to understand the social world, and the individual in society is the individual's role in society.
Abstract: Part I: The Contribution Of Sociology. 1. Sociology: The Key to Understanding the Social World. 2. Doing Research in Sociology. Part II: The Individual In Society. 3. Culture. 4. Groups and Social Interaction. 5. Socialization. 6. Deviance. Part III: Inequities In Modern Society. 7. Social Stratification. 8. Racial and Ethnic Groups. 9. Gender Stratification. 10. Emerging Minorities. Part IV: The Institutions Of American Society. 11. Family and Alternative Lifestyles. 12. Religion and Education. 13. The Political and Economic Institutions. 14. Science, Medicine, and Health Care. Part V: The Rapidly Changing World. 15. Urbanization, Population Growth, and Environmental Issues. 16. Collective Behavior, Social Movements, and Social Change. Part VI: Research In Sociology. Study Guide/ Glossary / References/ Credits/ Name Index.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Black Social Movement challenged a myriad of social institutions, beliefs, and values that had systematically limited African-Americans' access to legitimate opportunity structures as mentioned in this paper, and the impact of the Black Movement has been examined extensively.
Abstract: Beginning in the sixties and reaching its peak in the midseventies, the Black Social Movement challenged a myriad of social institutions, beliefs, and values that had systematically limited African-Americans' access to legitimate opportunity structures. From its onset, academicians and nonacademicians have advanced many theories regarding the impact of the Black Movement. Needless to say, studies have examined the


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe the audience of the cinema as a "class of those who live without books", defined as "those with a vocabulary of sixty words" and "those never reached by a literary author, perhaps by a newspaper, possibly by a flyer, perhaps during a five-minute speech during an electoral campaign".
Abstract: Social movements of the 20th century, from the Russian Revolution through the proletarian mass movements of the 1920s up to the student movement and new women's movement have declared a particular interest in the cinema, motivated by the appearance of film as a mass phenomenon. Carlo Mierendorff, a German expressionist writer who became a leading social democrat in cultural politics and the resistance against Hitler, gives the following description of the cinema's audience in a programmatic essay of 1920: "They are the class of those who live without books. Those with a vocabulary of sixty words. (...) Those never reached by a literary author, perhaps by a newspaper, perhaps by a flyer, perhaps by a five-minute speech during an electoral campaign before they re-emerge into anonymity. They belong to the cinema: where they feel free to come and go, as a matter of course; where they do not have to mistrust but may experience enthusiasm, pain, pleasure, enrapture (absorption?). An audience of millions which comes and lives and goes, which has no name and yet exists, which moving as an enormous mass is the shaping force of everything and which therefore we must get hold of. There is no other means but the cinema. (...) Whoever has the cinema has a lever for subverting the world."' The politically motivated interest in the cinema as mass phenomenon, however, is inseparable from insights into the quality of cinematic fascination, insights that go beyond the mere statistical juggling with capacity figures of movie theaters. For anyone seriously involved with cinematic fascination, an investigation into the aesthetics of cinema became inevitable. Thus B6la Balizs writes in 1924: "I feel like the


01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this paper, three additions are suggested to the study of interest groups and their role in a democracy, and the benefits attributed to interest groups in general come Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Vol. 8, pages 171-195.
Abstract: Three additions are suggested to the study of interest groups and their role in a democracy. First, different types of interest groups are recognized; in particular, special interest groups, which have a narrow social base, concentrate on limited issues, and benefit mainly their own members, are distinguished from constituencyrepresenting organizations. which have a broad social base, address a wide range of issues, and balance members' interests with a strong commitment to the commonweal. While the public views interest groups as threatening pluralistic democracy, the "conventional wisdom" of political science has seen them as beneficial. In fact, we shall see, the benefits attributed to interest groups in general come Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Vol. 8, pages 171-195. Copyright @ 1985 by JAI Press Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved. ISBN: 0-89232-571-2

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Latin American Catholicism, expectations of innovation and change have largely replaced the norms of continuity which once governed both scholarly and popular outlooks on the Catholic Church in the region.
Abstract: Lately we have become accustomed to look for change in Latin American Catholicism. Indeed, expectations of innovation and change have largely replaced the norms of continuity which once governed both scholarly and popular outlooks on the Catholic Church in the region. Constant change is now commonly anticipated in the ideas and structures of the churches, in their relation to social movements, and in the form and content of the churches' projections into society and politics as a whole.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this way, women began to play a public role, motivated by a desire for a better life for their children, the release of imprisoned relatives, and higher wages.
Abstract: To understand the present situation of Brazilian women, this article sets out to examine the way it has evolved in the past 20 years. The change of regime in 1964 led to an exacerbation of the economic crisis for the ordinary people of Brazil. This was accompanied by a restriction of civil liberties. Thus deprived of formal channels of negotiation, women formed a new movement. They began to play a public role, motivated by a desire for a better life for their children, the release of imprisoned relatives, and higher wages. In this way, they began to penetrate the public realm.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe an emerging alliance of these very opponents, including developments of rapprochement between the outspoken Moral Majority founder Reverend Jerry Falwell and the right-wing (largely Mormon) Freemen Institute.
Abstract: Among the various interreligious hostilities prevalent in America history, probably none has been so violent or prolonged as that between members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints and various Fundamentalist/ Baptist (Independent and Southern) groups. Yet in this report we describe an emerging alliance of these very opponents, including developments of rapprochement between the outspoken Moral Majority founder Reverend Jerry Falwell and the right-wing (largely Mormon) Freemen Institute. We trace the ties of both camps to the John Birch Society and analyze why such a coalition between "Old Christian Right" and "New Christian Right" makes strategic sense from a social movements perspective, examining the benefits and drawbacks to each party.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A major accounting of the economic structure of the Unificationist movement can be found in this paper, where the primary resource generating and disbursing structures are described and the relationships among them analyzed.
Abstract: There has been very little social science research on the financing of social movements despite the obviously critical role economic resources play in movement survival and impact. This paper offers a major accounting of the economic structure of the Unificationist Movement. The primary resource generating and disbursing structures are described and the relationships among them analyzed. This analysis suggests that 1) the movement is a minor factor in the religious economy although relatively highly diversified; 2) the economic structure is consistent with the characteristics of a world transforming movement; and 3) the Unificationist Movement is most unusual in its creation of a corporate conglomerate to underwrite its theological agenda.