\"? 1910 and 1911, Magnus Hirschfeld's journal, the Jahrbuch Vfür sexuelle Zwischenstufen, which was devoted to the study of homosexuality and homosexuals from every perspective, published a long article in six parts on homosexuality in England by I. L. or Leo Pavia. Titled \"Die männliche Homosexualität in England mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Londons\" (= 'Male Homosexuality in England with Special Consideration of London'), the series displayed considerable acquaintance with both the contemporaneous scene and the history of homosexuality in England. The second part contains among other things what is probably the first English gay glossary (Pavia 1910, 39-41). * That a glossary could be made attests to the reality of a considerable and highly developed homosexual underworld in London and some other big cities. It was necessarily an underworld because of the criminal status of homosexual acts, which had been frighteningly re-affirmed some fifteen years before in the trial, conviction, and imprisonment of Oscar Wilde. But it was in some respects also a demi-monde because otherwise respectable people frequented it, secretly of course, in order not to impair or lose their respectability. Something of its nature can be

Gay Slang Lexicography: A Brief History and a Commentary on the First Two Gay Glossaries

Dans le cadre d'une reflexion sur le pouvoir de la discipline au sein de la famille individuelle et de la famille definie comme institution sociale (Foucault), l'A. mesure le role du regard parental et du regard autoritaire, defini comme le principe de l'operation panoptique par J. Bentham, dans le traitement des troubles de l'identite generique chez l'enfant, du par exemple a la reproduction du modele maternel par le jeu

Disciplining the family: the case of gender identity disorder

The political usefulness of such terms as “domesticity” has changed since the 1950s. Nonetheless, some elements have remained stable over the decades. Of particular interest is the continued use of fear in public representations to create and to stabilize the domestic space. This essay considers several crime narratives of domestic intrusion, written at successive points in this period, and concludes with the Andrew Cunanan coverage, examining how different narratives of criminal intimacy exploit similar codes of failed gender. The essay argues that the crisis announced by the serial killer is less about killing than about the perceived disarray of cultural intimacies and the collapse of the public/private binary that these govern.

Gender-Deviancy and Crime: An American Fantasy

The final report of the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) Task Force on Homosexuality, commissioned in 1967 with Evelyn Hooker as its chair, was originally completed in October 1969. It was only officially published in 1972; the Nixon administration withheld the report as \"too liberal and tolerant.\"' Historians have viewed the report in the context of the legacy of Evelyn Hooker, arguably the single most important-revolutionary even-social scientist in gay history.' Their accounts have largely depicted the report as a groundbreaking, positive development-and rightly so. Its policy recommendations to end sodomy laws and discrimination against homosexuals were historic for a major government-sanctioned report. It concluded that homosexuality was a \"major problem for our society largely because of the amount of injustice and suffering entailed in it not only for the homosexual but also for those concerned with him.\"' Furthermore, as historian Henry L. Minton has observed, \"the report challenged the psychiatric orthodoxy of labeling all homosexuals as path~logical.\"~ The emphasis on the progressive aspects of the task force's report, however, has obscured the ways in which its authors shared a common ideological vision-a specifically liberal heterosexism-that structured the report's typology of sexual orientations and policy recommendations. Not only did the authors assume the superiority of heterosexuality, the liberal measures they advocated were deliberately aimed at promoting heterosexuality at the expense of homosexuality. With a stated goal of addressing homosexuality in general, the task force's report instead focused almost exclusively on males and masculinity, and was concerned as much, if not more, with male heterosexuality. The report was liberal in a number of different senses of the word, some of them more apparent than others. For one, it reflected roots in liberal political thought in its focus on what anthropologist Chris Brickell calls the \"generic liberal subject,\" which he argues is \"male, White, and hetero~exual.\"~ Its emphasis on tolerance also revealed assumptions that, according to Brickell, have their basis in a liberal distinction between \"the powerful 'we' who tolerate something with which 'we' do not agree, and a tolerable, less than agreeable 'they,' who are on the receiving end of the tolerator's bene~olence.\"~ Perhaps less irnmediately apparent, the report also revealed elements of liberal economic thought. Its authors shared a vision of a liberal economy analogous to the classical liberal belief in Ricardian and Smithian \"free markets,\" but in this case of sexual-

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Liberal Heterosexism: Masculinity, Male Heterosexuality, and the 1969 National Institute of Mental Health Task Force Report on Homosexuality

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Growing up Straight: What Every Thoughtful Parent Should Know about Homosexuality