Race and Racism w “Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?” featuring Dr. Beverly Tatum’s book. w “Recovering from Racism: Redefining What it Means to be White.” w “50th Anniversary of Brown vs. Board of Education.” w “The Mis-Education of the Negro” featuring Dr. Carter Woodson’s book. w “Moving Past the Margins: Creating successful strategies for Black males on campus,” presenting the Black Male Development Initiative (BMDI). w “He had a Dream... What is Yours?” Addressing Dr. King’s “I Have a Dream” speech and its current relevance in our society. w “Demystifying Malcolm X.” w “Racial Stereotyping and Responses to Terrorism.” w “Racial Stereotyping – Responding to Fear.” w “Free, White and (over) 21: Being White in a Multicultural World.” w “Constructing Race and Ethnicity in the 21st Century.” w “How did I Learn about Culture and Race?” Sharing your personal experiences and memories of moments where you become aware of similarities and differences among people. w “ABC: American-Born... and Confused?” w “The Invisible Asian: Where are the Asians in Diversity?” w “100 Years of Race Talk: Is It Enough?”

Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria

Complex trauma events, or chronic interpersonal traumas that begin early in life, are thought to result in profound disruptions, well beyond the symptoms of PTSD. Complex trauma events may be especially toxic for children and adolescents, whose regulatory systems are more vulnerable. This study provides empirical support for the previously unexamined hypothesis that complex trauma events result in broad systemic difficulties, not simply higher levels of PTSD symptoms. This study also offers evidence for a dimensional conceptualization of traumatic events, with acute noninterpersonal trauma residing on one end of the spectrum and complex trauma on the other. 346 treatmentseeking children and adolescents who had experienced a traumatic event were included in this study. Results indicated that children exposed to a complex trauma event had significantly higher levels of trauma-related and generalized difficulties as compared to those exposed to other, less severe traumatic events. Children exposed to successively more severe traumatic events were also reported to have increasingly higher levels of difficulties. The evidence of including an impaired caregiving system, operationalized as the child being removed from the home following the onset of the traumatic event, into the definition of complex trauma was examined, but not supported. The results demonstrate the validity of the concept of complex trauma and point to the need for a diagnostic construct related to complex trauma for children and adolescents. Wamser, Rachel, UMSL, 2012 8 Complex Trauma in Children and Adolescents A substantial number of children and adolescents experience traumatic events such as sexual, physical, or emotional abuse, neglect, domestic violence, natural disasters, school or community violence and serious car accidents and other accidents. It is the unfortunate reality that some of these youth receive more than their fair share, experiencing severe, multiple, prolonged traumas. In fact, one nationally representative sample of over two thousand children found that 22% of surveyed children had experienced four or more different kinds of victimization within a single year (Finkelhor, Ormrod, & Turner, 2007). This suggests that the experience of extensive and repeated trauma is not all uncommon, yet this subset of survivors have not received little attention to their unique needs. Decades of research, however, have been devoted to examining the impact of single types of maltreatment (i.e., sexual or physical abuse) and consistently demonstrate the toxicity of various traumatic events. Childhood traumatic experiences have been linked to a variety of physical and mental health problems, risky and selfinjurious behaviors, negative parenting outcomes, revictimization, and perpetration of interpersonal violence (Abram, Teplin, Longworth, McClelland, & Dulcan, 2004; Anda, 2006; Banyard, Williams, & Siegel, 2003; Felitti et al., 1997; Walsh, Blaustein, Knight, Spinazzola, & van der Kolk, 2007; Whitfield, Dube, Anda, & Felitti, 2003). Clearly, these well-documented symptoms extend far beyond the confines of the diagnostic construct Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) even for acute traumatic events. When considering the impact of poly-victimization, then PTSD may be insignificant. A diagnosis of PTSD requires the direct or indirect exposure to a traumatic event that involves an actual or perceived threat to the physical integrity of an individual or others (criterion A1; APA, 2000). Traumatic events commonly observed in childhood Wamser, Rachel, UMSL, 2012 9 include, but are not limited to: child sexual or physical abuse, neglect, domestic violence, life-threatening illness, school or community violence, unexpected death of a family member or close friend, natural disaster, motor vehicle accident or other serious accident. Thus, a wide range of events are captured under the heading of a traumatic event. But would the experience of learning of a friend's non-fatal car accident be expected to result in an identical symptom presentation as chronic sexual abuse perpetrated by one's biological father? According to the PTSD framework, yes. Despite qualitative differences in terms of the degree of involvement, severity, and chronicity of the traumatic event, with the diagnostic construct of PTSD, all traumatic events are assumed to potentially result in the same sequelae. Yet, common sense and clinical lore suggests that survivors of severe traumatic events will have a more complicated symptom presentation. This is affirmed by research. Researchers consistently find that characteristics of the traumatic event are related to a more complicated symptom presentationtypically with non-PTSD symptoms. For example, interpersonal traumas, such as abuse and domestic violence, appear to be particularly harmful, resulting in long-lasting, severe, and more generalized symptoms than non-interpersonal traumas such as motor vehicle accidenets (Briere & Jordan, 2004; Briere, Kaltman, & Green, 2008; Ford, Stockton, Kaltman, & Green, 2006; van der Kolk, 2005). Interpersonal traumas are partly so toxic as they are intentionally perpetrated by another person, thus, the victim’s views regarding safety, intimacy, and trustworthiness are vulnerable to unhelpful or inaccurate alterations (Janoff-Bullman, 1992). The duration and the number of instances of the traumatic event are also related to outcome. Duration and number of incidents are linked together as traumatic events that are chronic, by their nature, have occurred more than once and conversely, multiple incidents of a Wamser, Rachel, UMSL, 2012 10 traumatic event often occur over an extended period of time. Unsurprisingly, the longer and more frequently the trauma occurs, the more severe and varied the post-traumatic sequelae (Blaauw, Winkel, Arensman, Sheridan, & Freeve, 2002; Mechanic, Uhlmansiek, Weaver, & Resick, 2000). Both of these characteristics may contribute to the survivor feeling overwhelmed, helpless, or that the trauma is inescapable. The age of the victim when the trauma begins is important. Traumatic events that begin in childhood result in a more severe symptom presentation compared to those which begin in adulthood (Cloitre, Scarvalone, & Difede, 1997; Roth, Newman, Pelcovitz, van der Kolk, & Mandel, 1997). In sum, all traumatic events are not created equal. Taken together, research would suggest that traumatic events which are interpersonal in nature, chronic or multiple, or begin at an early age are related to a more complex symptom presentation (Herman, 1992; Terr, 1991). Within the current PTSD construct, these differences are not acknowledged and instead are subsumed under a single diagnostic category. PTSD also takes a one-size-fits-all approach to trauma-related symptoms, which is tragic as PTSD is fails to capture the full span of trauma-related sequelae. PTSD is classified as an anxiety disorder and consequently, PTSD describes symptoms of anxiety. Trauma survivors unfortunately have problems beyond that of anxiety. Survivors of childhood sexual abuse, for example, have difficulties in a broad range of domains including serious impairments in affect regulation, self-concept, and interpersonal problems, sexualized behavior, and somatic complaints (Cloitre, Stovall-McClough, Zorbas, & Charuvastra, 2003; Spinazzola, 2005; Stovall-McClough & Cloitre, 2006; Zucker, Spinazzola, Blaustein, & van der Kolk, 2006). These symptoms are notably absent from the list of acceptable symptoms of PTSD. As an anxiety disorder, the construct PTSD is unable to capture these difficulties without violating the organization Wamser, Rachel, UMSL, 2012 11 of the DSM. The non-anxiety symptoms which do not fit are relegated to a variety of “comorbid” conditions, which ostensibly are thought to be unrelated to the trauma. This would be acceptable if few traumatized individuals presented with non-PTSD diagnoses. Unfortunately, non-PTSD symptoms are ubiquitous, with more than 80% of individuals diagnosed with PTSD also receiving a comorbid diagnosis (Foa, Freidman & Keane, 2000). PTSD has one of the highest rates of comorbidity of any DSM diagnostic category (Kessler, Chiu, Demier, Merikangas, & Walters, 2005). This may be problematic, it is implied that some, but not all, of the patient's symptoms may be ascribed to the traumatic experience. Conceptualizing other potential effects of trauma as merely “co-morbid,” as opposed to the “real” trauma disorder may also limit the validity of trauma research; as such co-morbid conditions are often excluded from traumafocused research. In fact, a review of the treatment outcome studies demonstrated that the typical presenting client would be screened out of PTSD studies because of comorbid conditions (Spinazzola, Blaustein, & van der Kolk, 2005). Thus, much of PTSD research may not be even applicable to the typical client. PTSD is, instead, more useful in capturing the effects of single-episode, acute traumas occurring in adulthood (Cloitre, Scarvalone, & Difede, 1997; van der Kolk, 2005). In fact, PTSD is diagnosed more frequently following single instances of trauma than after multiple or chronic traumatic events (Green et al., 2000). Clearly, this does not indicate that individuals who have experienced repeated and severe traumatic events do not present with trauma-related difficulties, but rather, that the PTSD criteria may be insufficient in describing reactions to more severe traumatic events. Since its inception into the DSM in 1980, leaders in the field of traumatic stress have argued that PTSD does not accurately capture the presentation of victims of child abuse, concentration camps, Wamser, Rachel, UMSL, 2012 12 refugee camps, domestic violence, or those that have experienced other repeated and extensive trauma (Herman, 1992; Cook et al., 2005; Courtois, 2004). The shortcomings of PTSD are too great for the most serious of traumas. Diagnostic issues tend to be magnifie

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Complex Trauma in Children and Adolescents

Abstract Background: Transgender healthcare is a rapidly evolving interdisciplinary field. In the last decade, there has been an unprecedented increase in the number and visibility of transgender and gender diverse (TGD) people seeking support and gender-affirming medical treatment in parallel with a significant rise in the scientific literature in this area. The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) is an international, multidisciplinary, professional association whose mission is to promote evidence-based care, education, research, public policy, and respect in transgender health. One of the main functions of WPATH is to promote the highest standards of health care for TGD people through the Standards of Care (SOC). The SOC was initially developed in 1979 and the last version (SOC-7) was published in 2012. In view of the increasing scientific evidence, WPATH commissioned a new version of the Standards of Care, the SOC-8. Aim: The overall goal of SOC-8 is to provide health care professionals (HCPs) with clinical guidance to assist TGD people in accessing safe and effective pathways to achieving lasting personal comfort with their gendered selves with the aim of optimizing their overall physical health, psychological well-being, and self-fulfillment. Methods: The SOC-8 is based on the best available science and expert professional consensus in transgender health. International professionals and stakeholders were selected to serve on the SOC-8 committee. Recommendation statements were developed based on data derived from independent systematic literature reviews, where available, background reviews and expert opinions. Grading of recommendations was based on the available evidence supporting interventions, a discussion of risks and harms, as well as the feasibility and acceptability within different contexts and country settings. Results: A total of 18 chapters were developed as part of the SOC-8. They contain recommendations for health care professionals who provide care and treatment for TGD people. Each of the recommendations is followed by explanatory text with relevant references. General areas related to transgender health are covered in the chapters Terminology, Global Applicability, Population Estimates, and Education. The chapters developed for the diverse population of TGD people include Assessment of Adults, Adolescents, Children, Nonbinary, Eunuchs, and Intersex Individuals, and people living in Institutional Environments. Finally, the chapters related to gender-affirming treatment are Hormone Therapy, Surgery and Postoperative Care, Voice and Communication, Primary Care, Reproductive Health, Sexual Health, and Mental Health. Conclusions: The SOC-8 guidelines are intended to be flexible to meet the diverse health care needs of TGD people globally. While adaptable, they offer standards for promoting optimal health care and guidance for the treatment of people experiencing gender incongruence. As in all previous versions of the SOC, the criteria set forth in this document for gender-affirming medical interventions are clinical guidelines; individual health care professionals and programs may modify these in consultation with the TGD person.

Standards of Care for the Health of Transgender and Gender Diverse People, Version 8

Racial trauma, a form of race-based stress, refers to People of Color and Indigenous individuals' (POCI) reactions to dangerous events and real or perceived experiences of racial discrimination. Such experiences may include threats of harm and injury, humiliating and shaming events, and witnessing racial discrimination toward other POCI. Although similar to posttraumatic stress disorder, racial trauma is unique in that it involves ongoing individual and collective injuries due to exposure and reexposure to race-based stress. The articles in this special issue introduce new conceptual approaches, research, and healing models to challenge racial trauma. The authors encourage psychologists to develop culturally informed healing modalities and methodologically sophisticated research and urge the inclusion of public policy interventions in the area of racial trauma. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Racial trauma: Theory, research, and healing: Introduction to the special issue.

1. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second report of Kyrgyzstan, in response to the list of issues prior to reporting (CAT/C/KGZ/Q/2). However, the Committee regrets that it was submitted 10 years late, which prevented the Committee from conducting an analysis of the implementation of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in the State party following the consideration of its initial report in 1999.

Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Given the immense harm inflicted on individuals and groups of color via prejudice and discrimination, it becomes imperative for our nation to begin the process of disrupting, dismantling, and disarming the constant onslaught of micro- and macroaggressions. For too long, acceptance, silence, passivity, and inaction have been the predominant, albeit ineffective, strategies for coping with microaggressions. Inaction does nothing but support and proliferate biased perpetrator behaviors which occur at individual, institutional and societal levels. This article introduces a new strategic framework developed for addressing microaggressions that moves beyond coping and survival to concrete action steps and dialogues that targets, allies, and bystanders can perform (microinterventions). A review of responses to racist acts, suggest that microaggression reactions/interventions may be primarily to (a) remain passive, retreat, or give up; (b) strike back or hurt the aggressor; (c) stop, diminish, deflect, or put an end to the harmful act; (d) educate the perpetrator; (e) validate and support the targets; (f) act as an ally; (g) seek social support; (h) enlist outside authority or institutional intervention; or (h) achieve any combination of these objectives. We organize these responses into four major strategic goals of microinterventions: (a) make the invisible visible, (b) disarm the microaggression, (c) educate the perpetrator, and (d) seek external reinforcement or support. The objectives and rationale for each goal are discussed, along with specific microintervention tactics to employ and examples of how they are executed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Disarming racial microaggressions: Microintervention strategies for targets, White allies, and bystanders.

Asylum seekers are a unique population, particularly those who have endured persecution for their sexual orientation or gender identity. Little data exist about the specific experiences and needs of asylum seekers persecuted due to lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) identity. Quantitative data were gathered regarding demographics, persecution histories, and mental health of 61 clients from a torture survivors program in New York City who reported persecution due to LGBT identity. Thirty-five clients persecuted due to their LGBT identity were matched by country of origin and sex with clients persecuted for other reasons to explore how persecution and symptoms may differ for LGBT clients. LGBT asylum seekers have a higher incidence of sexual violence, persecution occurring during childhood, persecution by family members, and suicidal ideation. Understanding the type of persecution experiences and how these influence mental health outcomes is an essential step toward designing and delivering effective treatments.

Persecution Experiences and Mental Health of LGBT Asylum Seekers.

Adonis on the apps: Online objectification, self-esteem, and sexual minority men

Building resilience in transgender and gender expansive children, families, and communities: A multidimensional family approach.

Research on transgender and gender expansive (TGE) youth has highlighted the disproportionate and challenging mental health and developmental outcomes faced by these young people. Research also lar...

Elizabeth Glaeser

Papers

Disarming racial microaggressions: Microintervention strategies for targets, White allies, and bystanders.

Persecution Experiences and Mental Health of LGBT Asylum Seekers.

Adonis on the apps: Online objectification, self-esteem, and sexual minority men

Building resilience in transgender and gender expansive children, families, and communities: A multidimensional family approach.

Family-Based Interventions with Transgender and Gender Expansive Youth: Systematic Review and Best Practice Recommendations