It comes as something ofa surprise to reflect that the New York Review ofBooks is now over twenty years old. Even people of my generation (that is, old enough to remember the revolutionary 196os but not young enough to have taken a very exciting part in them) think of the paper as eternally youthful. In fact, it has gone through years of relatively quiet life, yet, as always in a competitive journalistic market, it is the controversies that attract the interest of the reader and to which the history (especially an admittedly impressionistic survey that tries to include something of the intellectual context in which a journal has operated) must give some attention. Not all the attacks which the New York Review has attracted, both early in its career and more recently, are worth more than a brief summary. What do we now make, for example, of Richard Kostelanetz's forthright accusation that 'The New York Review was from its origins destined to publicize Random House's (and especially [Jason] Epstein's) books and writers'?1 Well, simply that, even if the statistics bear out the charge (and Kostelanetz provides some suggestive evidence to support it, at least with respect to some early issues), there is nothing surprising in a market economy about a publisher trying to push his books through the pages of a journal edited by his friends. True, the New York Review has not had room to review more than around fifteen books in each issue and there could be a bias in the selection of

http://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/3507774.pdf

The New York Review of Books

Culture and Imperialism

Even when political rule is territorial, territoriality does not necessarily entail the practices of total mutual exclusion which dominant understandings of the modern territorial state attribute to it. However, when the territoriality of the state is debated by international relations theorists the discussion is overwhelmingly in terms of the persistence or obsolescence of the territorial state as an unchanging entity rather than in terms of its significance and meaning in different historical‐geographical circumstances. Contemporary events call this approach into question. The end of the Cold War, the increased velocity and volatility of the world economy, and the emergence of political movements outside the framework of territorial states, suggest the need to consider the territoriality of states in historical context. Conventional thinking relies on three geographical assumptions ‐ states as fixed units of sovereign space, the domestic/foreign polarity, and states as ‘containers’ of societies...

The territorial trap: The geographical assumptions of international relations theory

Part I. Introduction: Developing a Regional Approach to Global Security: 1. Theories and histories about the structure of contemporary international security 2. Levels: distinguishing the regional from the global 3. Security complexes: a theory of regional security Part II. Asia: 4. South Asia: inching towards internal and external transformation 5. Northeast and southeast Asian security complexes during the Cold War 6. The 1990s and beyond: an emergent east Asian complex Conclusion Part III. The Middle East and Africa: Introduction 7. The Middle East: a perennial conflict formation 8. Sub-saharan Africa: security dynamics in a setting of weak and failed states Conclusions Part IV. The Americas: 9. North America: the sole superpower and its surroundings 10. South America: an under-conflictual anomaly? Conclusion: scenarios for the RSCs of the Americas Part V. The Europes: Introduction: 11. EU-Europe: the European Union and its 'near abroad' 12. The Balkans and Turkey 13. The post-Soviet space: a regional security complex around Russia Conclusion: scenarios for the European supercomplex Part VI. Conclusions: 14. Regions and powers: summing up and looking ahead 15. Reflections on conceptualising international security.

http://ndl.ethernet.edu.et/bitstream/123456789/3437/1/75.pdf

Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security

© 2005 Edward Arnold (Publishers) Ltd 10.1191/0309132505ph531pr I Parameters, definitions and themes This is the first of three reports I will write covering an emergent area of research in cultural geography and its cognate fields. During recent years, ‘non-representational theory’ has become as an umbrella term for diverse work that seeks better to cope with our self-evidently more-than-human, more-than-textual, multisensual worlds. In as much as nonrepresentational work allows it, these reports will sketch out common themes of interest, and assess impacts, critics and potentials, variously conceptual, methodological and empirical. Of late, non-representational theorists have asked difficult and provocative questions of cultural geographers, and many others in the discipline, about what is intended by the conduct of research (Thrift and Dewsbury, 2000). What has been identified as deadening effect – the tendency for cultural analyses to cleave towards a conservative, categorical politics of identity and textual meaning – can, it is contended, be overcome by allowing in much more of the excessive and transient aspects of living. Given the scope and force of the original non-representational arguments, it is unsurprising that this theory has been subject to fulsome response. In fact, non-representational theory has become a particularly effective lightning-rod for disciplinary self-critique. Commentaries have emerged from within cultural, feminist and Marxian traditions and the more recent coalition of critical geography. Notably, and anecdotally, some of the most colourful observations have been saved for bi-partisan conversation in the conference or common room. It is important (not to say appropriate) that the nature of the dialogue – variously confrontational, tribal, dogmatic, peevish and full-bodied – goes on record early. Published versions have been concerned predominantly with the theoretical conditions for disciplinary succession or progression that the term ‘non-representational’ would seem to imply and how, in relation, the concept of performance should be understood by geographers. These articles are variously structured as manifesto, critical review, restated challenge, revanchist programme and proposed reconciliation (Thrift, 1996; 1997; 2000; Nelson, 1999; Thrift and Dewsbury, 2000; Nash, 2000; Harrison, 2000; Gregson and Rose, 2000; Crouch, 2001; Dewsbury et al., 2002; Whatmore, 2002; Cresswell, 2002; Smith, 2003; Jacobs and Nash, 2003; Latham, 2003a; Castree and MacMillan, 2004).1 In this report, I would like to treat the flourishing theoretical debate as a significant Cultural geography: the busyness of being ‘more-than-representational’

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Cultural geography: the busyness of being 'more-than-representational'

The Bosnian war was driven by fantasies of geopolitical and demographic engineering which led to ethnic cleansing and the separation of Bosnia's ethnic qua national communities from each other. The post-war peace opened up the possibility of returns, most especially the politically sensitive cross-boundary return of Bosniaks to their old homes in Republika Srpska and Serbs to the residences in Bosnian Federation. This article considers one response of Bosnian Serb nationalist forces to returns, namely the strategy of distributing land plots to displaced Serbs to preserve the demographic consequences of ethnic cleansing. This study draws upon semi-structured fieldwork interviews with international and local officials in Republika Srpska to contextualize the policy within former Yugoslav norms, post-war Bosnian Serb politics and international community governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

The ‘West Bank of the Drina’: land allocation and ethnic engineering in Republika Srpska

Three noted political geographers examine the geopolitical entanglements of the republic of North Ossetia in Russia's North Caucasus, where the country's first violent post-Soviet conflict occurred. The dynamic history of administrative border changes in the region is reviewed against the backdrop of population movements (most dramatically Stalin's 1944 deportation of the Ingush people) and shifting federal-local alliances. The primary focus is on the unresolved territorial dispute in Prigorodnyy Rayon, affected strongly by population displacement from Georgia in the early 1990s. After reviewing the causes of this dispute, which flared into open warfare in late October 1992, the paper examines two of its outcomes: the localized geopolitics of displacement and return on the ground in Prigorodnyy, and the impact of North Ossetia's geopolitical entanglements in general on ethnic attitudes. Results of a public opinion survey (N = 2000) in the North Caucasus conducted by the authors revealed high levels of eth...

The Localized Geopolitics of Displacement and Return in Eastern Prigorodnyy Rayon, North Ossetia

This article analyses how the strategic Bosnian locality of Brcko emerged as a distinctive geopolitical space during the post-war period. This resulted from the struggle between separatist nationalisms and the international community over the status of displaced persons in Bosnia, but this struggle played out differently in the municipality of Brcko as its status was unresolved at Dayton and for years afterward. Post-war nationalist rivalry to determine Brcko's status through the manipulation of displaced persons provoked the creation of the Brcko District as a territorial condominium nominally shared by Bosnia's two entities but under direct international supervision. Drawing upon fieldwork in Bosnia, we develop a critical geopolitical account of Brcko from wartime through the post-war period to the present. The article concludes by considering whether Brcko as a third geopolitical space holds potential to offer Bosnia a third space, overcoming the oppositional binaries of the war.

Bosnia's Third Space? Nationalist Separatism and International Supervision in Bosnia's Brčko District

Geopolitical Discourses: Paddy Ashdown and the Tenth Anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords

Of the 202 mosques in the Banja Luka region of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992, only one has escaped not being dynamited, bulldozed or shelled out of existence. According to the vice president of the Banja Luka municipality, the systematic physical erasure of mosques from the landscape some of which dated from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries is the only way to teach minorities to respect Serbian law (Pomfret, 1994). In 1994 this region was the site of a resurgent campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Bosnian Muslims and Croats who had lived there for centuries and survived the first waves of ethnic cleansing in 1992 and 1993. Once again, rape was used as a weapon of terror by the Bosnian Serbs against Muslim and Croat women just as it had been in the previous two years (Amnesty International, 1993). Women’s bodies were brutalized to realize male fantasies of identity and purity. This systematic erasure of history, organized sexual terrorism and relentless drive to

Gearóid Ó Tuathail

Papers

The ‘West Bank of the Drina’: land allocation and ethnic engineering in Republika Srpska

The Localized Geopolitics of Displacement and Return in Eastern Prigorodnyy Rayon, North Ossetia

Bosnia's Third Space? Nationalist Separatism and International Supervision in Bosnia's Brčko District

Geopolitical Discourses: Paddy Ashdown and the Tenth Anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords

Political geography I: theorizing history, gender and world order amidst crises of global governance