Western readers may hopefully assume that this book will afford them easy access to the intricacies of Chinese medicine in general, and acupuncture in particular. This, however, is by no means the case, as the book, true to its title, stresses predominantly the theoretical foundations of Chinese medicine, ie, structure and function of the human body as seen from the traditional Chinese point of view. Acupuncture is, of course, also included, as it does belong to Chinese medicine from its very beginning, but it is treated almost coincidentally, without any detailed explanation of technique and purpose. Acupuncture points are listed under the organs that they serve. They are named by their Latin anatomical designations, by their Chinese names in transliteration, as well as by their Chinese ideographs, which clearly denote their original meaning. On the whole, the book assumes a great deal of prior knowledge of Chinese natural philosophy on

The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine: Systems of Correspondence

This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of
relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy;
namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical
framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third
generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural
factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more
nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis.
The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the
rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and
continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the
only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight
dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy
decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored
through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business
interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to
appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The
business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a
minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed.
The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades,
though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in
context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in
addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC.
This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not
only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international
relations can ignore.

Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process

This article is an attempt to provide a corrective to a marked Sinocentrism in contemporary debates on regional integration in Asia. In order to do so, firstly, as a heuristic device, a crucial distinction is made between ‘regionalization’, as involving multifaceted integrative socio-economic processes, and ‘regionalism’, defined as a form of identity construction akin to nationalism. Secondly, a degree of historical depth is proposed to better explain recent developments. Finally, throughout the article, an interdisciplinary approach is taken involving employing realist, historical/sociological institutionalist and constructivist perspectives in the area of international relations. The first two East Asian summits are contextualized in relation to various conceptualizations of an Asian Community over the last century or so. Particular attention is given to the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung as a watershed in this evolution. Varying conceptions of East Asia as part of a larger, transpac...

Asia … whose Asia? A ‘return to the future’ of a Sino-Indic Asian Community

This study investigates the emergence of Malaysia-India Maritime Security Cooperation (MIMSC) in response to traditional threats and non-traditional security threats at the Eastern Indian Ocean Region (EIOR). This thesis argues that although both Malaysia and India have identified the maritime significance of the EIOR to them, the common threat faced by them in that region, and have recognised the need for cooperation in maritime security, it appears at present that MIMSC in EIOR projects a lack of robustness in its engagement. This is despite both an appreciation of the relations between the two countries, and a substantial ability to address the challenges of the EIOR. The positive relations that are challenged by these maritime threats show that there is a pressing need for both countries to draw up effective maritime policies. But it is as yet unclear why these countries have failed to do so. The paucity of scientific investigation into the question of why the two states have failed to draw up an effective maritime policy cooperation despite their potential to do so, and the lack of availability of substantive arguments, turn this question into a significant field of academic inquiry. In order to address this issue, this thesis will ask three sub-questions, relating to: a) the drivers of MIMSC in EIOR, b) the emerging areas of maritime cooperation in mitigating traditional and non-traditional threats in EIOR, and c) the critical factors that would contribute towards a successful MIMSC in EIOR. It will cover the dynamics of MIMSC from the post-Cold War era in EIOR, and draw more substantial answers to how MIMSC in post-Cold War period is a ‘missed opportunity’ but projects a ‘promising opportunity’ to address issues of maritime security threats in the EIOR. Qualitative research design is employed in this research inquiry. This research has used two primary data collection method: a) in-depth personal interviews and b) focus group interviews. Informants were selected through purposeful sampling, focusing on high-ranked retired and serving officials from the Navy, Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, maritime security agencies, and think tanks. This research used the NVIVO 10 software program to conduct a Thematic Content Analysis (TCA) to analyse data obtained through interviews. Several emerging areas of maritime collaboration are shaping MIMSC in the EIOR such as: a) partnership in search and rescue operation, b) humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, b) increasing interoperability of constabulary role, c) partnership in defence industry, and d) partnership in maritime resources and competence. These areas of maritime collaboration are highly dependent on major critical success factors such as: a) shaping both formal and informal bilateral and multilateral maritime cooperation, b) overcoming bureaucracy and statutory bottlenecks, c) shared cost-benefit and d) change in maritime strategic thinking.

Emerging security paradigm in the Eastern Indian Ocean Region : a blue ocean of Malaysia-India Maritime Security Cooperation

India and China, rising almost simultaneously as major powers, share a disputed border. In the 1950s, India aspired to a joint leadership for Asia’s revival but Nehru’s idealism and Mao’s realism t...

India–China Stand-off in Doklam: Aligning Realism with National Characteristics

The construction of Asia in India

enormous population and one which is, moreover, being ruled by a tightly organized and determined regime. The assumption is that science and technology is what generates economic, military and political power. In the case of China, the size of the country and hence its natural resources, and its population, i.e. the human resources, enable it to mount a large, ambitious science and technology and research and development programme. This, it is reasoned, has a tremendous impact on its economic, military and political role in international relations. Hence the need to know as much as possible about the science and technology effort of that potential-and, for some, the real adversary. The governments which sponsor such research want

Science and Technology in China

Relations between the two Asian giants, India and China were at their best, at least on the surface, during the Nehru years. They came to be at their worst also during the Nehru years. How did this come about? Indian historians and analysts generally attribute the best of motives to Nehru and they are convinced that China had the worst of motives vis-A-vis India. When elaborated through examples, it almost becomes a genetic theory of behaviour. If Nehru is criticised, it is for his innocence and gullibility and, of course, for listening to wrong advice. If the Chinese are ’praised’, it is in the same per-erse way as some Arabs may praise the Israelis, for their cunning, ruthlessness and perfidy. In contrast to the almost uniform Indian view, the view from the Chinese side is not so clear-cut. Nehru is seen as a bourgeois leader, no doubt, to be dealt with wary circumspection. But his motives are not central to Chinese legacy, they are one factor among many. The British imperial legacy, the US designs against China, Soviet machinations in the later period and the internal power struggle in China itself become equally important factors.t

India-China Relations: The Nehru Years

This article is meant to be only an exploratory comparison between strategic thinking in India and China in ancient times. For one thing, the problems of dating individuals, events and texts in Indian history is a formidable one. In China, on the other hand, it is much less of a problem, although the dates for Sun Zi were in dispute for a long time. Interpolations in texts are common in both traditions but the oral tradition in India as opposed to the tradition of writing in China presents greater difficulties in reconstructing Indian texts. But the more serious difficulty in comparing the Indian and Chinese streams of strategic thinking stems from the strong ’religious’ base of Indian thought. In contrast, Chinese thinking has an unmistakable ’secular’ base. An offshoot of the ’religious’ element in India was the social organisation it produced. Warfare in India was almost exclusively the preserve and even the duty of the kshatriya

Strategic Thinking of Kautilya and Sun Zi

Visva Bbarati’s Cheena Bhavan at Santiniketan celebrated its Golden Jubilee last year. The China programme in Jawaharlal Nehru University (a continuation of the earlier Indian School of International Studies) is more than three decades old. Chinese Studies at the University of Delhi will be twenty-five years old next year. So would be China Report which was published as a bimonthly for many years and has recently become a quarterly. All these events make this year an appropriate occasion to take stock of Chinese Studies in India and to launch new initiatives. A review of Chinese Studies is further warranted by the fact that recent intellectual discourses on India and China have raised several significant questions of civilisational dimensions. Moreover, the development experiences of both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India have opened new areas of enquiry in theory and policy, as well as practice. The world views of these two countries and the roles they play in international affairs have raised issues relating to the economic, cultural and political transf.ormation of the world. Thus the three broad dimensions of

Giri Deshingkar

Papers

The construction of Asia in India

Science and Technology in China

India-China Relations: The Nehru Years

Strategic Thinking of Kautilya and Sun Zi

Chinese Studies in India: Perspective and Programmes