世界経済・社会統計 = World development indicators

In Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson, henceforth AJR, (2001), we advanced the hypothesis that the mortality rates faced by Europeans in different parts of the world after 1500 affected their willingness to establish settlements and choice of colonization strategy. Places that were relatively healthy (for Europeans) were—when they fell under European control—more likely to receive better economic and political institutions. In contrast, places where European settlers were less likely to go were more likely to have “extractive” institutions imposed. We also posited that this early pattern of institutions has persisted over time and influences the extent and nature of institutions in the modern world. On this basis, we proposed using estimates of potential European settler mortality as an instrument for institutional variation in former European colonies today. Data on settlers themselves are unfortunately patchy—particularly because not many went to places they believed, with good reason, to be most unhealthy. We therefore followed the lead of Curtin (1989 and 1998) who compiled data on the death rates faced by European soldiers in various overseas postings. 1 Curtin’s data were based on pathbreaking data collection and statistical work initiated by the British military in the mid-nineteenth century. These data became part of the foundation of both contemporary thinking about public health (for soldiers and for civilians) and the life insurance industry (as actuaries and executives considered the

/pdf/the-colonial-origins-of-comparative-development-an-empirical-4a7vtfps9i.pdf

The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation

The explanations offered for the contrasting records of long-run growth and development among the societies of North and South America most often focus on institutions. The traditional explanations for the sources of these differences in institutions, typically highlight the significance of national heritage or religion. We, in contrast, argue that a hemispheric perspective across the wide range of colonies established in the New World by the Europeans suggests that although there were many influences, factor endowments or initial conditions had profound and enduring effects on the long-run paths of institutional and economic development followed by the respective economies.

https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/jep.14.3.217

History Lessons Institutions, Factor Endowments, and Paths of Development in the New World

After World War II a select number of countries outside Japan and the West-those that Alice Amsden calls "the rest"-gained market share in modern industries and altered global competition. By 2000, a great divide had developed within "the rest", the lines drawn according to prewar manufacturing experience and equality in income distribution. China, India, Korea and Taiwan had built their own national manufacturing enterprises that were investing heavily in R&D. Their developmental states had transformed themselves into champions of science and technology. By contrast, Argentina, Brazil and Mexico had experienced a wave of acquisitions and mergers that left even more of their leading enterprises controlled by multinational firms. The developmental states of Mexico and Turkey had become hand-tied by membership in NAFTA and the European Union. Which model of late industrialization will prevail, the "independent" or the "integrationist," is a question that challenges the twenty-first century.

http://disciplinas.stoa.usp.br/pluginfile.php/347405/mod_resource/content/1/Amsden%20Rise%20of%20the%20Rest%20caps%2067.pdf

The Rise of "The Rest": Challenges to the West from Late-Industrializing Economies

We construct a model of simultaneous change and persistence in institutions. The model consists of landowning elites and workers, and the key economic decision concerns the form of economic institutions regulating the transaction of labor (e.g., competitive markets versus labor repression). The main idea is that equilibrium economic institutions are a result of the exercise of de jure and de facto political power. A change in political institutions, for example a move from nondemocracy to democracy, alters the distribution of de jure political power, but the elite can intensify their investments in de facto political power, such as lobbying or the use of paramilitary forces, to partially or fully offset their loss of de jure power. In the baseline model, equilibrium changes in political institutions have no effect on the (stochastic) equilibrium distribution of economic institutions, leading to a particular form of persistence in equilibrium institutions, which we refer to as invariance. When the model is enriched to allow for limits on the exercise of de facto power by the elite in democracy or for costs of changing economic institutions, the equilibrium takes the form of a Markov regime-switching process with state dependence. Finally, when we allow for the possibility that changing political institutions is more difficult than altering economic institutions, the model leads to a pattern of captured democracy, whereby a democratic regime may survive, but choose economic institutions favoring the elite. The main ideas featuring in the model are illustrated using historical examples from the U.S. South, Latin America and Liberia.

/pdf/persistence-of-power-elites-and-institutions-42yeyfi4e0.pdf

Persistence of Power, Elites and Institutions

The article presents an aggregate and regional analysis of the evolution of agricultura in the Peruvian space between 1681 and 1800, using deflated tithe series. It concludes that after an initial collapse, agricultural production expanded in the xviii century, an expansion that accelerated in the second half of the century. This increase in production was not homogeneous across regions.

/pdf/crecimiento-economico-en-el-espacio-peruano-1681-1800-una-53163x5w2x.pdf

Crecimiento económico en el espacio peruano, 1681-1800: una visión a partir de la agricultura'

Central America and the United States

Introduction to Volume 2 Part VI. 1500-1700: The Early Modern World: 1. New empires in Asia and the Middle East 2. Russia, Central Eurasia, China, Japan: centralization and commercialization 3. The Americas and Africa in the era of conquest and enslavement 4. Crossroads on the edges of Eurasia: Europe and Southeast Asia, 1500-1800 Part VII. 1700-1850: Revolution and Reform: 5. Expansion, reform, and communication in the agrarian empires of Asia 6. The first industrial revolution and the origins of international inequality 7. The age of revolution Part VIII. 1850-1914: Energy and Empire: 8. The second industrial revolution 9. States and social movements 10. Nationalism and anti-colonialism Part IX. 1914-50: Wars and Revolution: 11. The Great War and world revolutions, 1914-21 12. Twentieth-century social revolutions, 1922-39 13. World War II and the collapse of empires, 1931-50 Part X. 1950-2000: Global Threats and Promises: 14. Cold wars and hot wars: economic boom and slowdown, 1950-85 15. Decolonization 16. Global connections and disturbances, 1980 onwards Conclusion.

John H. Coatsworth

Papers

Crecimiento económico en el espacio peruano, 1681-1800: una visión a partir de la agricultura'

Central America and the United States

Global Connections: Politics, Exchange, and Social Life in World History

Central America and the United States: The Clients and the Colossus.

En torno de la historia del bienestar