Showing papers by "Kathleen Daly published in 2015"

Rare A2ML1 variants confer susceptibility to otitis media

Abstract: Regie Lyn Santos-Cortez and colleagues identify a duplication variant within A2ML1 that cosegregates with otitis media in an indigenous Filipino pedigree. They also identify seven additional A2ML1 variants in otitis-prone children.

Gender and adolescent-to-parent violence: A systematic analysis of typical and atypical cases

Abstract: The gender composition of adolescent-to-parent violence is so often presumed that researchers may use de-gendered terms such as youth, child and parent when they are referring to a son assaulting his mother. Indeed, the growing body of research on adolescent-to-parent violence shows that the most frequent dyad is males (sons) assaulting females (their mothers or stepmothers). By comparison, male parents (fathers or stepfathers)1 are less likely to be targets of abuse: in part, this is because their children may view them as more intimidating and, in part, because adolescent-to-parent violence is more frequent in single-parent households, where adult females are more likely to be sole heads of families (Cottrell and Monk, 2004). Although girls may assault their parents for different reasons than boys, the target of their violence is more often mothers than fathers.

Sexual Violence and Justice

Abstract: Sexual violence is ubiquitous. It occurs everywhere: in all the places we live, work, sleep, travel, play and pray. Victims range from infants to the elderly.1 Victim-offender relations are highly varied: among and by family members, peers and associates, and those unknown to each other; by those in positions of occupational and organisational authority; and by war combatants against civilians and each other. Sexual violence is committed by those in professional and working capacities as doctors, dentists, nurses, priests, nuns, teachers, government officials, managers, counsellors, lawyers, police officers, prison guards, soldiers, bus drivers, agricultural workers — indeed, no occupation is likely to be exempt. It can be ‘ordinary’ and ‘extraordinary’, referring respectively to everyday forms of sexual violence, and genocidal and mass atrocity violence. Sexual violence occurs everywhere imaginable, but depending on context and interpretation, it may not be considered a ‘crime’. Sexual activity can be transactional: an exchange for money, protection, affection and gratification, although the parties may have unequal status and their circumstances range along a continuum from consenting to coercive. Thus, it may not be clear when sexual activity as transaction shades into sexual violence, or when ‘agency’ or ‘choice’ stops and coercion begins.

Ten. Donor Dollars and Ministerial Mindsets: Constraints on NGO Responses to Rape in Cambodia

Abstract: In March 2013, the organization UN Women declared “an historic global agreement [had been] reached …to prevent and end violence against women and girls” (UN Women, 2013). Its “global blueprint” is said to provide a “roadmap” for redress by framing violence against women as a human rights violation that requires a rule of law response. In much of the western world, these ideas dominate the international community’s response to sexual violence in fragile and post-conflict countries: funds should be directed to “rule of law” and “best practice” reforms. Although framing violence against women as a human rights violation has gathered momentum, rule of law responses to violence have also been challenged. In the last decade, we see a shift in thinking by the scholarly community and donor bodies—away from conventional criminal justice responses towards customary dispute resolution mechanisms—at least for some offences (Chirayath, Sage, & Woolcock, 2005; Samuels, 2006; World Bank, 2012). This shift does not include responses to rape, which is considered too serious for informal justice (Harper, 2011; Wojkowska, 2006). We examine how this dynamic is unfolding in Cambodia in the responses by international and local nongovernment organisations (NGOs) to everyday rape. (By everyday rape, we mean rape not occurring as part of war or conflict, although many recognize a continuum between everyday and extraordinary violence against women [Arthur, 2010, p. 10]). The criminal justice system in Cambodia is dysfunctional and beyond the reach of most citizens, but it is promoted as the optimal response by international and local NGO staff. Why do NGOs hold steadfastly to this position when most Cambodians prefer customary justice practices, even for rape? What constraints, limitations, and opportunities are operating on NGOs in the local environment that emphasize criminal justice and discourage informal justice? Drawing on interviews with NGO staff, we address these questions and their implications for rape survivors’ access to justice. Our analysis draws from Weinstein, Fletcher, Vinck, and Pham (2009, p. 28), who consider dilemmas in responding to “atrocity crime” in Iraq, Cambodia, and Uganda. It is well-known that trials in transitional justice contexts are limited, both as a deterrent and in building peace, although they are preferred by the international community. In Uganda, for example, Weinstein et al. (2009) suggest that both the government and many people wanted to see peace negotiations and amnesties, rather than trials. The authors ask, “do we abandon victims if we argue for a response that addresses the greater good of a community?” (p. 32). They raise questions about the “beneficiaries [and] priorities [of international criminal law], and the reactionary, if not parochial nature of the human rights field” (p. 28). Although our focus is on everyday violence, similar questions are raised about the role and priorities of the international community and the impact of human rights on framing response to violence against women. Added to this mix, is government and NGO dependence on international donors.