Ethnic Groups in Conflict

Why Men Rebel was first published in 1970 on the heels of a decade of political violence and protest not only in remote corners of Africa and Southeast Asia, but also at home in the United States. Forty years later, the world is riveted on uprisings in the Middle East, and the United States has been overtaken by a focus on international terrorism and a fascination with citizen movements at home and abroad. Do the arguments of 1970 apply today? Why Men Rebel lends new insight into contemporary challenges of transnational recruitment and organization, multimedia mobilization, and terrorism.

Why Men Rebel

3. Do I use effective communication strategies? Is there always “time just to talk”? Do I seek family observations/information in assessment? In monitoring? Do family members have opportunities to ask questions or seek clarification? Do I present information at a time and in a format preferred by the family members? Do I keep my work with family members respectful, yet informal, and free of professionally precious jargon?

The adult learner.

Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970. By Doug McAdam. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982. viii + 304 pp. Map, charts, tables, appendixes, notes, bibliography, and index. $25.00.)

The increasingly multicultural fabric of modern societies has given rise to many new issues and conflicts, as ethnic and national minorities demand recognition and support for their cultural identity. This book presents a new conception of the rights and status of minority cultures. It argues that certain sorts of 'collective rights' for minority cultures are consistent with liberal democratic principles, and that standard liberal objections to recognizing such rights on grounds of individual freedom, social justice, and national unity, can be answered. However, Professor Kymlicka emphasises that no single formula can be applied to all groups and that the needs and aspirations of immigrants are very different from those of indigenous peoples and national minorities. The book discusses issues such as language rights, group representation, religious education, federalism, and secession - issues which are central to understanding multicultural politics, but which have been surprisingly neglected in contemporary liberal theory.

Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights

Social cohesion is a key concept in development studies. Weak social cohesion is often related to slow economic growth and (violent) conflict. So far few attempts have been made to measure this complex concept in a systematic manner. This paper introduces an innovative method to measure national-level social cohesion based on survey data from 19 African countries. We distinguish three dimensions of social cohesion; i.e. the extent of perceived inequalities, the level of societal trust, and the strength of people’s adherence to their national identity. Importantly, our Social Cohesion Index (SCI) is based on individuals’ perceptions vis-a-vis these three different dimensions of social cohesion rather than certain macro-level ‘objective’ indicators such as GDP/capita or Gini-coefficients. We develop two social cohesion indices: a national average SCI and a Social Cohesion Index Variance-Adjusted (SCIVA); the latter one takes into account the level of variation across different ethnic groups within countries. The SCI and SCIVA are computed for and compared across nineteen African countries for the period 2005–2012 on the basis of Afrobarometer survey rounds 3, 4 and 5. We also investigate quantitatively the relationship between countries’ levels of social cohesion and the occurrence of a range of conflict events. As expected, we find that countries with low levels of social cohesion in a particular year according to our SCI are more likely to experience a range of different violent conflict events in the subsequent year.

/pdf/conceptualising-and-measuring-social-cohesion-in-africa-4rss80wme1.pdf

Conceptualising and Measuring Social Cohesion in Africa: Towards a Perceptions-Based Index

Recent spikes in international food prices and the occurrence of food riots in the period 2007–2008 have led many researchers to investigate more closely the links between rising food prices and conflict or political instability. However, this emerging literature suffers from a number of shortcomings. The objective of this article is to analyze these shortcomings further, highlight their theoretical and empirical implications, and offer ways of addressing them. I focus on three main issues. First, I look at the recurring lack of precision in the use of concepts such as political instability and conflict, and in particular the food riot concept itself. Second, I examine the often uncritical data gathering based on framing by media sources without a closer analysis of the events that took place on the ground. And third, I focus on the issue of presupposed and understudied economic as well as political causal mechanisms.

/pdf/food-price-rises-and-political-instability-problematizing-a-jhel4qbazl.pdf

Food Price Rises and Political Instability: Problematizing a Complex Relationship

Since attaining independence, Nigeria has experienced recurrent tensions due to the severe horizontal inequalities that exist between different regions and ethnic groups. After the end of the Biafran civil war, consecutive regimes embarked on a reform process intended to address the sensitive issues of inequality and ethnic domination. Key reforms included the adoption of the federal character principle to ensure the equitable representation of different groups in all tiers of government, and the formation of the Federal Character Commission (FCC) to monitor and enforce its implementation. While the FCC has raised hopes on redressing historical imbalances in Nigeria’s civil service, this paper finds that little progress has been made over time. The workings of the FCC remain plagued by legal and administrative constraints, chronic underfunding, and political dependence. These issues will need to be addressed if the FCC wants to gain the legitimacy and power needed to fulfil its mandate.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13600818.2020.1727427

Nigeria’s Federal Character Commission (FCC): a critical appraisal

This paper advances a resource mobilization perspective on the 2011–12 electoral protests in Senegal based on social movement theory. Motivational explanations, in the form of grievance accounts, have already been used to explain successful protest mobilization in this case. Here the emphasis is placed on organizational efforts and the financial and human resources behind social movements. Using this approach to analyze the rise and fall of the social movement created to protest against President Abdoulaye Wade reveals its strategic role for opposition parties and their leaders. These findings add nuance to the perception of a democratic revolution in Senegal.

/pdf/staging-a-revolution-the-2011-12-electoral-protests-in-3zrk9q6pfr.pdf

Leila Demarest

Papers

Conceptualising and Measuring Social Cohesion in Africa: Towards a Perceptions-Based Index

Food Price Rises and Political Instability: Problematizing a Complex Relationship

Nigeria’s Federal Character Commission (FCC): a critical appraisal

Staging a “Revolution”: The 2011–12 Electoral Protests in Senegal

The study of violence and social unrest in Africa: A comparative analysis of three conflict event datasets