cal dimension: the UK, the EU and the US. The profound recent changes in the industrial relations framework in the UK are described by John Addison and Stanley Siebert. They describe anti-union legislation enacted during the period 19801993 and relate it to the recent decline of unionism. The authors further examine the accession of ‘New Labour’ and its related reform agenda. They also discuss the prospect of new legislation seeking to regulate the employment relation from the level of the European Union and its impact on relevant British legislation.

Growing public - social spending and economic growth since the eighteenth century

Just Taxes: The Politics of Taxation in Britain 1914-1979

https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/2770724.pdf

El poder militar en la España contemporánea hasta la Guerra Civil

This PhD analyses the causes and consequences of Spain’s non adoption of the gold standard. Chapter 1 is a state of the art about the costs and benefits of the gold standard in Spain. Chapter 2 is about causes by carrying out a debt sustainability analysis. Chapter 3 is about consequences and explains how the non-adoption of the gold standard could affect Spanish economy. Chapter 4 is a counterfactual analysis and studies how the economic growth would have been under a fixed exchange rate regime. The adoption of the gold standard would have been a mistake before 1903. Moreover, the adoption of the system after that moment would have been only possible by renouncing to historical parity and adopting the system with a devaluated parity.

/pdf/the-classical-gold-standard-and-the-mediterranean-periphery-q3fe3d3lxr.pdf

The classical gold standard and the mediterranean periphery: the spanish case (1870-1913)

The thesis offers a new database of military expense in Spain from middle of the century nineteen up to the current importance, as well as three analyses of the determining ones and the economic and political consequences of the military expense in the long term. In I make concrete, the first chapter presents new estimations of the public resources destined for the military area in Spain from 1850 until 2009, as well as the economic, administrative and functional disaggregation of the above mentioned expense. The new database has been elaborated following the methodological criterion of the OTAN, which is one of the criteria most used on the part of the international institutions dedicated to the compilation of information of military expense worldwide. The above mentioned criterion allows to obtain a new database throughout the time and comparably with other countries of the European and international environment. The second chapter of the thesis analyzes the influence of the political rate in the evolution of the military expense in Spain from beginning of the Spanish Restoration up to the current importance. In contrast with the previous quantitative analyses, which generally emphasize the negative influence of the democratic rate in the evolution of the military expense, the chapter suggests that the democratic institutions can be associated with major levels of military expense in certain historical contexts. In I make concrete, the analysis of points of break of the series of military expense, as well as the analyses econometrics subsequent and the review of the military Spanish historiography, it shows that the first democratic governments established after the Pro-Franco dictatorship increased significantly the military expense in relation with the previous decades. This increase, which was due to the efforts of the above mentioned governments to re-orientate the army towards international missions and to facilitate his adjustment to the new democratic institutions, gave place to the only positive point of break of the historical series of military total expense that does not guard relation with the beginning or the end of a warlike conflict. In turn, the analysis suggests that the new orientation of the military democratic policies carried a financial effort in favor of an intensive army in the capital that could take part in new missions international. The third chapter analyzes more thoroughly the determining politicians of the military expense and his potential I affect terms of institutional stability. Since it is known well, the armies have intervened suddenly in politics coups d'etat. Diverse authors suggest that the autocratic or partially democratic governments have used eventually the military expense as strategy to satisfy to the armed forces and to avoid this way his insubordination. Nonetheless, and in spite of the solidity of the argument, the quantitative recent analyses based on wide international databases have not found a significant and conclusive relation between the evolution of the military expense and the frequency and the success of the coups d'etat. In this third chapter I suggest that the military total expense - measured commonly used on the part of the above mentioned quantitative literature - cannot be a good indicator of the financial effort realized on the part of the governments to obtain the loyalty of the army. Though the military total expense does not reflect any relation with the frequency and the success of the coups d'etat, it is possible that the changes in the composition of the expense yes that guard a significant relation with the above mentioned phenomenon. The chapter tries to open this ' black box ' of the military expense studying the impact of the evolution of the wage remuneration of the officials in Spain from middle of the century nineteen until ends of the Spanish Restoration. On line with the pointed hypothesis, the analysis suggests that the increases in the remuneration of the officials during the second half of the century nineteen and beginning of the century twenty - together with other political and military strategies - they are related to a minor frequency of coups d'etat, whereas the military total expense does not seem to show any relation in the matter. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the impact of the war and the military expense in the evolution of the fiscal systems of a sample of thirteen European and North American countries in the long term. The war and the military competition have been defined often as forces relevant motorboats of the expansion of the fiscal capacity of the conditions during the contemporary epoch. Nonetheless, the empirical evidence has not been conclusive, and still one lacks a historical narrative that explains how the changes in the nature of the war they have concerned the evolution of the fiscal contemporary systems. The fourth chapter has as aim refill this emptiness by means of the analysis of the impact of the war in the evolution of the fiscal contemporary capacity in the light of so called ' Revolutions of the Military Matters ' that took place in west from middle of the century nineteen up to the current importance. The results suggest that the relation between the war and the fiscal expansion has followed a curve of Or invested, according to which the changes in the tactics and the military technology pressed the public resources to the rise until the destructive capacity of the armies exceeded the nuclear threshold. Additional, the results suggest that the political systems have been relevant to complete this historical narrative, though they have been in occasions forgotten in this type of analysis.

/pdf/military-spending-institutional-stability-and-fiscal-yem20bv9vx.pdf

Military spending, institutional stability and fiscal capacity. Spain in comparative perspective (1850-2009)

This paper analyses the influence of political regimes on the level and economic composition of military expenditure in Spain over the long run. In contrast with the widely accepted negative relation between democracy and military spending, the paper suggests that democratic governments established in the late 1970s and early 1980s after Franco’s dictatorship had a positive influence on the military burden owing to the efforts to reorient the army towards international threats and to involve the armed forces with the newly democratic institutions. In addition, the analysis of military expenditure allows us to conclude that the international orientation of democratic military policies took place along with financial efforts to obtain a capital-intensive army to confront international military threats.

https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/5524816.pdf

Do democracies spend less on the military? Spain as a long-term case study (1876-2009)

The substantial resources devoted to warfare in modern times might explain the increasing relevance that military spending has acquired in social sciences. In this regard, the so called defence economics has extensively studied the main determinants of military spending and its main consequences in terms of economic performance and institutional transformations. However, one of the main problems for comparative analysis on the causes and effects of military spending is the lack of long-term homogeneous and comparable data in international panel datasets. This paper contributes to fill in this gap by providing new military spending data on Spain from 1850 to 2009 based on the NATO methodological criterion. It provides total military spending estimates as well as economic and administrative disaggregated figures for most of the period. The data allows reliable international comparisons while also provide new quantitative evidence to better understand the military history of Spain in modern times.

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID2538470_code1351078.pdf?abstractid=2538470&mirid=4

New Quantitative Estimates on Long-Term Military Spending in Spain (1850-2009)

Top marginal rates in income taxes increased significantly during the two World Wars in most Western countries, which points towards increases in their progressivity. We argue, however, that this war-related effect is less clear-cut than previously thought: wartime inflation could have exerted a counteracting impact by pushing citizens into higher tax brackets, including new individuals from the bottom of the income distribution into being taxpayers, and reducing the real value of allowances. We study the impact of wartime inflation by calculating tax revenue, the number of taxpayers, effective tax rates and indices of tax progressivity and redistribution under different inflation scenarios in Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States, during World War I and World War II. Our results show that inflation partially counteracted the progressive effect of increases in top marginal tax rates, particularly in Sweden during World War I and in the United Kingdom during World War II. However, the growth in income tax revenue as a result of bracket creep increased its redistributive impact. (Less)

Income tax progressivity and war inflation during the two World Wars

In 1833-1874, Spain suffered 0.7 coups per year. By contrast, the Restoration (1874-1923) saw the eradication of successful coups. This can be partially attributed to the turno pacifico, which allowed the main political parties to alternate in office without dragging the military into politics. We suggest, however, that the reduction in coup risk was also associated with a conscious budget policy. This, though, did not rely on increases in total military expenditure (which actually stagnated during most of the Restoration), but on the steady improvement of officers' remunerations and promotions. This strategy was probably detrimental to Spanish military capacity abroad, but was consistent with the objective of keeping the military out of politics. (Less)

Military Wages and Coup d’État in Spain (1850-1915): the Use of Public Spending as a Coup-Proofing Strategty : The USE of PUBLIC SPENDING AS A COUP-PROOFING STRATEGY

Armies have recurrently intervened in politics by leading (or giving support to) coups d’etat. Several authors suggest that civilian governments have used military spending to overcome armies’ grievances and avoid their insubordination. However, recent quantitative analyses do not reach conclusive results when exploring the impact of total military expenditure on the frequency and the success of coups d’etat. We argue that total military spending might not be a good indicator of governments’ effort to gain the loyalty of the army, as it may conceal relevant changes in the composition of the military budget. This paper aims to open the military spending ‘black box’. While total military spending does not seem to have any relationship with the frequency of coups, payments to officers (along with other coup-proofing strategies) appears to be associated to a lower frequency of coups in 1850-1915 Spain. (Less)

Oriol Sabaté Domingo

Papers

Do democracies spend less on the military? Spain as a long-term case study (1876-2009)

New Quantitative Estimates on Long-Term Military Spending in Spain (1850-2009)

Income tax progressivity and war inflation during the two World Wars

Military Wages and Coup d’État in Spain (1850-1915): the Use of Public Spending as a Coup-Proofing Strategty : The USE of PUBLIC SPENDING AS A COUP-PROOFING STRATEGY

Military spending as a coup-proofing strategy: opening the ‘black box’ for Spain (1850-1915)