‘The Production of Space’, in: Frans Jacobi, Imagine, Space Poetry, Copenhagen, 1996, unpaginated.

The Production of Space

All these premises having, as I think, been clearly made out, it is impossible that the rulers now on earth should make any benefit, or derive any the least shadow of authority from that, which is held to be the fountain of all power, Adam's private dominion and paternal jurisdiction; so that he that will not give just occasion to think that all government in the world is the product only of force and violence, and that men live together by no other rules but that of beasts, where the strongest carries it, and so lay a foundation for perpetual disorder and mischief, tumult, sedition and rebellion, (things that the followers of that hypothesis so loudly cry out against) must of necessity find out another rise of government, another original of political power, and another way of designing and knowing the persons that have it, than what Sir Robert Filmer hath taught us.

Two Treatises of Government.

One dimensional man

The Rise of the Creative Class

From a world history perspective, the most noticeable trend in the history of the late 19th century was the domination of Europeans over Non­Europeans. This domination took many forms ranging from economic penetration to outright annexation. No area of the globe, however remote from Europe, was free of European merchants, adventurers, explorers or western missionaries. Was colonialism good for either the imperialist or the peoples of the globe who found themselves subjects of one empire or another? A few decades ago, the answer would have been a resounding no. Now, in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the more or less widespread discrediting of Marxist and Leninist analysis, and the end of the Cold War, political scientists and historians seem willing to take a more positive look at Nineteenth Century Imperialism. One noted current historian, Niall Ferguson has argued that the British Empire probably accomplished more positive good for the world than the last generation of historians, poisoned by Marxism, could or would concede. Ferguson has argued that the British Empire was a \" liberal \" empire that upheld international law, kept the seas open and free, and ultimately benefited everyone by ensuring the free flow of trade. In other words, Ferguson would find little reason to contradict the young Winston Churchill's assertion that the aim of British imperialism was to: give peace to warring tribes, to administer justice where all was violence, to strike the chains off the slave, to draw the richness from the soil, to place the earliest seeds of commerce and learning, to increase in whole peoples their capacities for pleasure and diminish their chances of pain. It should come as no surprise that Ferguson regards the United States current position in the world as the natural successor to the British Empire and that the greatest danger the U.S. represents is that the world will not get enough American Imperialism because U.S. leaders often have short attention spans and tend to pull back troops when intervention becomes unpopular. It will be very interesting to check back into the debate on Imperialism about ten years from now and see how Niall Ferguson's point of view has fared! The other great school of thought about Imperialism is, of course, Marxist. For example, Marxist historians like E.J. Hobsbawm argue that if we look at the l9th century as a great competition for the world's wealth and …

The New Imperialism

The right to the city is becoming, in theory and in practice, a widespread, effective formulation of a set of demands to be actively thought through and pursued. But whose right, what right and to what city? Each question is examined in turn, first in the historical context of 1968 in which Henri Lefebvre first popularized the phrase, then in its meaning for the guidance of action. The conclusion suggests that exposing, proposing and politicizing the key issues can move us closer to implementing this right.

From critical urban theory to the right to the city

/pdf/gentrification-abandonment-and-displacement-connections-3fgriacdrc.pdf

Gentrification, Abandonment, and Displacement: Connections, Causes, and Policy Responses in New York City

The author defines classic ghetto as the result of the involuntary spatial segregation of a group that stands in a subordinate political and social relationship to its surrounding society, the enclave as a voluntarily developed spatial concentration of a group for purposes of promoting the welfare of its members, and the citadel as created by a dominant group to protect or enhance its superior position. The author describes a new phenomenon, connected to global economic changes: the outcast ghetto, inhabited by those excluded from the mainstream economy by the forces of macroeconomic developments. The distinction among these differing forms of spatial separation is crucial for a number of public policies.

The Enclave, the Citadel, and the Ghetto What has Changed in the Post-Fordist U.S. City

List of Figures. List of Maps. List of Tables. List of Contributors. Preface. Acknowledgements. 1. Introduction: Peter Marcuse and Ronald van Kempen. 2. The Unavoidable Continuities of the City: Robert A. Beauregard and Anne Haila. 3. From the Metropolis to Globalization: The Dialectics of Race and Urban Form: William W. Goldsmith. 4. From Colonial City to Globalizing City?: The Far-From-Complete Spatial Transformation of Calcutta: Sanjoy Chakravorty. 5. Rio de Janeiro: Emerging Dualization in a Historically Unequal City: Luiz Cesar Queiroz de Ribeiro and Edward Telles. 6. Singapore: The Changing Residential Landscape in a Winner City: Leo van Grunsven. 7. Tokyo: Patterns of Familiarity and Partitions of Difference: Paul Waley. 8. Still a Global City: The Racial and Ethnic Segmentation of New York: John Logan. 9. Brussels: Post-Fordist Polarization in a Fordist Spatial Canvass: Christian Kesteloot. 10. The Imprint of the Post-Fordist Transition on Australian Cities: Blair Badcock. 11. The Globalization of Frankfurt am Main: Core, Periphery and Social Conflict: Roger Keil and Klaus Ronneberger. 12. Conclusion: The New Spatial Order: Peter Marcuse and Ronald van Kempen. List of References. Index.

Globalizing cities : a new spatial order?

1. Cities for people, not for profit: an introduction Neil Brenner, Peter Marcuse and Margit Mayer 2. What is critical urban theory? Neil Brenner 3. Whose right(s) to what city? Peter Marcuse 4. Henri Lefebvre, the right to the city and the new metropolitan mainstream Christian Schmid 5. The 'right to the city' in urban social movements Margit Mayer 6. Space and revolution in theory and practice: eight theses Kanishka Goonewardena 7. Critical development studies and the praxis of planning Katharine N. Rankin 8. Assemblages, actor networks and the challenges of critical urban theory Neil Brenner, David J. Madden and David Wachsmuth 9. 'Creative cities' and the rise of the dealer class Stefan Kratke 10. Critical theory and 'gray space': mobilization of the colonized Oren Yiftachel 11. Missing Marcuse: on gentrification and displacement Tom Slater 12. An actually existing just city? The fight for the right to the city in Amsterdam Justus Uitermark 13. A critical approach to solving the housing problem Peter Marcuse 14. Socialist cities, for people or for power? Bruno Flierl in conversation with Peter Marcuse 15. Right to the city - from theory to alliance Jon Liss 16. What is to be done, and who the hell is going to do it? David Harvey with David Wachsmuth Afterward by Peter Marcuse: "Light Verse"

Peter Marcuse

Papers

From critical urban theory to the right to the city

Gentrification, Abandonment, and Displacement: Connections, Causes, and Policy Responses in New York City

The Enclave, the Citadel, and the Ghetto What has Changed in the Post-Fordist U.S. City

Globalizing cities : a new spatial order?

Cities for people, not for profit : critical urban theory and the right to the city