Part I. Experimental Studies: 2. Experiment in psychology 3. Experiments on perceiving III Experiments on imaging 4-8. Experiments on remembering: (a) The method of description (b) The method of repeated reproduction (c) The method of picture writing (d) The method of serial reproduction (e) The method of serial reproduction picture material 9. Perceiving, recognizing, remembering 10. A theory of remembering 11. Images and their functions 12. Meaning Part II. Remembering as a Study in Social Psychology: 13. Social psychology 14. Social psychology and the matter of recall 15. Social psychology and the manner of recall 16. Conventionalism 17. The notion of a collective unconscious 18. The basis of social recall 19. A summary and some conclusions.

Remembering. A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology, Cambridge (University Press) 1964.

As GDP is a measure of market capacity and not economic well-being, this report has been commissioned to more accurately understand the social progress indicators of any given state. Gross domestic product (GDP) is the most widely used measure of economic activity. There are international standards for its calculation, and much thought has gone into its statistical and conceptual bases. But GDP mainly measures market production, though it has often been treated as if it were a measure of economic well-being. Conflating the two can lead to misleading indications about how well-off people are and entail the wrong policy decisions. One reason why money measures of economic performance and living standards have come to play such an important role in our societies is that the monetary valuation of goods and services makes it easy to add up quantities of a very different nature. When we know the prices of apple juice and DVD players, we can add up their values and make statements about production and consumption in a single figure. But market prices are more than an accounting device. Economic theory tells us that when markets are functioning properly, the ratio of one market price to another is reflective of the relative appreciation of the two products by those who purchase them. Moreover, GDP captures all final goods in the economy, whether they are consumed by households, firms or government. Valuing them with their prices would thus seem to be a good way of capturing, in a single number, how well-off society is at a particular moment. Furthermore, keeping prices unchanged while observing how quantities of goods and services that enter GDP move over time would seem like a reasonable way of making a statement about how society’s living standards are evolving in real terms. As it turns out, things are more complicated. First, prices may not exist for some goods and services (if for instance government provides free health insurance or if households are engaged in child care), raising the question of how these services should be valued. Second, even where there are market prices, they may deviate from society’s underlying valuation. In particular, when the consumption or production of particular products affects society as a whole, the price that individuals pay for those products will differ from their value to society at large. Environmental damage caused by production or consumption activities that is not reflected in market prices is a well-known example.

https://andrewoswald.com/docs/stiglitz20report_commission20final20200920sept.pdf

Report by the commission on the measurement of economic performance and social progress

Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity

https://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/polisci/faculty/treisman/Papers/causes.pdf

The causes of corruption: a cross-national study

Over the past few years, there has been a steadily increasing interest on the part of economists in happiness research. We argue that reported subjective well-being is a satisfactory empirical approximation to individual utility and that happiness research is able to contribute important insights for economics. We report how the economic variables income, unemployment and inflation affect happiness as well as how institutional factors, in particular the type of democracy and the extent of government decentralization, systematically influence how satisfied individuals are with their life. We discuss some of the consequences for economic policy and for economic theory.

What Can Economists Learn from Happiness Research

Modern macroeconomics textbooks rest upon the assumption of a social welfare function defined on inflation, p, and unemployment, U. However, no formal evidence for the existence of such a function has been presented in the literature. Although an optimal policy rule cannot be chosen unless the parameters of the presumed W(p, U) function are known, that has not prevented its use in a large theoretical literature in macroeconomics. This paper has two aims. The first is to show that citizens care about these two variables. We present evidence that inflation and unemployment belong in a well-being function. The second is to calculate the costs of inflation in terms of unemployment. We measure the relative size of the weights attached to these variables in social well-being. Policy implications emerge. Economists have often puzzled over the costs of inflation. Survey evidence presented in Robert J. Shiller (1997) shows that, when asked how they feel about inflation, individuals report a number of unconventional costs, like exploitation, national prestige, and loss of morale. Skeptics wonder. One textbook concludes: “we shall see that standard characterizations of the policy maker’s objective function put more weight on the costs of inflation than is suggested by our understanding of the effects of inflation; in doing so, they probably reflect political realities and the heavy political costs of high inflation” (Blanchard and Fischer, 1989 pp. 567–68). Since reducing inflation is often costly, in terms of extra unemployment, some observers have argued that the industrial democracies’ concern with nominal price stability is excessive—and have urged different monetary policies. This paper proposes a new approach. It examines how survey respondents’ reports of their well-being vary as levels of unemployment and inflation vary. Because the survey responses are available across time and countries, we are able to quantify how self-reported well-being alters with unemployment and inflation rates. Only a few economists have looked at patterns in subjective happiness and life satisfaction. Richard Easterlin (1974) helped to begin the literature. Later contributions include David Morawetz et al. (1977), Robert H. Frank (1985), Ronald Inglehart (1990), Yew-Kwang Ng (1996), Andrew J. Oswald (1997), and Liliana Winkelmann and Rainer Winkelmann (1998). More recently Ng (1997) discusses the measurability of happiness, and Daniel Kahneman et al. (1997) provide an axiomatic defense of experienced utility, and propose applications to economics. Our paper also borders on work in the psychology literature; see, for example, Edward Diener (1984), William Pavot et al. (1991), and David Myers (1993). Section I describes the main data source and the estimation strategy. This relies on a regressionadjusted measure of well-being in a particular year and country—the level not explained by individual personal characteristics. This residual macroeconomic well-being measure is the paper’s focus. * Di Tella: Harvard Business School, Morgan Hall, Soldiers Field, Boston, MA 02163; MacCulloch: STICERD, London School of Economics, London WC2A 2AE, England; Oswald: Department of Economics, University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, England. For helpful discussions, we thank George Akerlof, Danny Blanchflower, Andrew Clark, Ben Friedman, Duncan Gallie, Sebastian Galiani, Ed Glaeser, Berndt Hayo, Daniel Kahneman, Guillermo Mondino, Steve Nickell, Julio Rotemberg, Hyun Shin, John Whalley, three referees, and seminar participants at Oxford University, Harvard Business School, and the NBER Behavioral Macro Conference in 1998. The third author is grateful to the Leverhulme Trust and the Economic and Social Research Council for research support. 1 See, for example, Olivier Blanchard and Stanley Fischer (1989), Michael Burda and Charles Wyplosz (1993), and Robert E. Hall and John Taylor (1997). Early influential papers include Robert J. Barro and David Gordon (1983). 2 N. Gregory Mankiw (1997) describes the question “How costly is inflation?” as one of the four major unsolved problems of macroeconomics. 3 A recent contribution to this debate in the United States is Paul Krugman’s piece, “Stable Prices and Fast Growth: Just Say No,” The Economist, August 31, 1996.

https://andrewoswald.com/docs/aerfeb2000.pdf

Preferences over Inflation and Unemployment: Evidence from Surveys of Happiness

Theoretically the effect of competition on corruption is ambiguous. Less competition means firms enjoy higher rents, so that bureaucrats with control rights over them, such as tax inspectors or regulators, have higher incentives to engage in malfeasant behavior. Examples of a positive connection between rents and corruption abound, however. The hypothesis that natural rents, as in the case of oil, and rents induced by lack of product market competition foster corruption, is examined. A model is set up connecting rents to corruption.

/pdf/rents-competition-and-corruption-ef7kjqwu2g.pdf

Rents, Competition, and Corruption

We show that macroeconomic movements have strong effects on the happiness of nations. First, we find that there are clear microeconomic patterns in the psychological well-being levels of a quarter of a million randomly sampled Europeans and Americans from the 1970s to the 1990s. Happiness equations are monotonically increasing in income, and have similar structure in different countries. Second, movements in reported well-being are correlated with changes in macroeconomic variables such as gross domestic product. This holds true after controlling for the personal characteristics of respondents, country fixed effects, year dummies, and country-specific time trends. Third, the paper establishes that recessions create psychic losses that extend beyond the fall in GDP and rise in the number of people unemployed. These losses are large. Fourth, the welfare state appears to be a compensating force: higher unemployment benefits are associated with higher national well-being.

https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/39619/1/269376186.pdf

The macroeconomics of happiness

https://dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/handle/1/4553007/alesinassrn_inequalityhappiness_PDFA.20150908.pdf?sequence=4

Inequality and Happiness: Are Europeans and Americans Different?

The answer to the question posed in the title is 'yes.' Using a total of 128,106 answers to a survey question about happiness,' we find that there is a large, negative and significant effect of inequality on happiness in Europe but not in the US. There are two potential explanations. First, Europeans prefer more equal societies (inequality belongs in the utility function for Europeans but not for Americans). Second, social mobility is (or is perceived to be) higher in the US so being poor is not seen as affecting future income. We test these hypotheses by partitioning the sample across income and ideological lines. There is evidence of inequality generated' unhappiness in the US only for a sub-group of rich leftists. In Europe inequality makes the poor unhappy, as well as the leftists. This favors the hypothesis that inequality affects European happiness because of their lower social mobility (since no preference for equality exists amongst the rich or the right). The results help explain the greater popular demand for government to fight inequality in Europe relative to the US.

/pdf/inequality-and-happiness-are-europeans-and-americans-5e439xd2v8.pdf

Rafael Di Tella

Papers

Preferences over Inflation and Unemployment: Evidence from Surveys of Happiness

Rents, Competition, and Corruption

The macroeconomics of happiness

Inequality and Happiness: Are Europeans and Americans Different?

Inequality and Happiness: Are Europeans and Americans Different?