This 1966 paperback edition of a publication which first appeared in 1963 has by now been widely reviewed as a worthy contribution to the sociological study of deviant behavior. Its current appearance as a paperback is a testimonial both to the quality of the work and to the prominence of deviant behavior in this generation. In general the author places deviance in perspective, identifies types of deviant behavior, considers the role of rule makers and enforcers, and some of the problems in studying deviance. In addition, he develops a sequential model of deviance relying on the concept of career, a concept originally developed in studies of occupations. In his study of a particular kind of deviance, the use of marihuana, the author posits and tests systematically an hypothesis about the genesis of marihuana use for pleasure. The hypothesis traces the sequence of changes in individual attitude

Outsiders Studies in the Sociology of Deviance.

BRUNO LATOUR, The pasteurization of France, trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law, Cambridge, Mass., and London, Harvard University Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. 273, £23.95. GEORGES CANGUILHEM, Ideology and rationality in the history of the life sciences, trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., and London, The MIT Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. xi, 160, £17.95. Bruno Latour has written a wonderfully funny book about himself. It is difficult, however, to summarize a text committed to the view that \"Nothing is, by itself, either reducible or irreducible to anything else\", (p. 158). In Latour's opinion, the common view that sociologists of knowledge and scientists are opposed is incorrect. Both groups, according to Latour, are the authors of identical mistakes: reductionism and, relatedly, attempting to conjoin (in the instance of the sociologist) science and society, or (in the instance of the scientist) keeping them apart. For Latour, there are only forces or resistances which different groups encounter and attempt to conquer by forming alliances. These groups, however, are not simply the actors of conventional sociology. They include, for example, microbes, the discovery of the Pasteurians, with which they have populated our world and which we must now take notice of in any encounter or war in which we engage. War is a fundamental metaphor for Latour, since in a war or a battle clashes of armies are later called the \"victory\" of a Napoleon or a Kutuzov. Likewise, he argues, the Pasteurization of France can be viewed as a battle, with its field and its myriad contestants, in which opposing sides attempted to mould and coerce various forces of resistance. Strangely, he points out, the outcome of this huge battle, the labour and struggle of these masses, we attribute to the scientific genius of Pasteur. Pasteur's genius, however, says Latour, lay not in science (for this could be yet another way of making science and society distinct) but as strategist. Pasteur was able to cross disciplinary lines, recruiting allies to laboratory science by persuading them that they were recruiting him. This was possible because, like the armies in battle, they had already done the work of the general. Thus Pasteur's microbiology, which might conventionally be seen as a whole new science, can also be construed as a brilliant reformulation of all that preceded it and made it possible. Hygienists seized on the work of the Pasteurians and the two rapidly became powerful allies because \"The time that they [the hygienists] had made was now working for them\" (p. 52). French physicians, on the other hand, resisted recruitment, since for them it meant enslavement. Finally, however, they recruited the Pasteurians to their enterprise. Pasteurian public health was turned into a triumph of medicine. It is impossible to read this book and not substitute Latour for Pasteur. At the head of his own army, increasingly enlarged by the recruitment of allies, Latour now presents us, in his own language, with something we have made, or at least made possible. The cynic might say, using the old jibe against sociologists, that Latour has explained to us in his own language everything we knew anyway. Retorting thus, however, would be to unselfconsciously make an ally of Latour and miss the point by a narrow margin that might as well be a million miles. Latour says all this much more clearly (and certainly more wittily) than any review. Read it, but beware; in spite of Latour's strictures about irreducibility, the text is not what it seems. This is a recruitment brochure: Bruno needs you. Among the many historians whom Latour convicts by quotation of mistaking the general for the army, Pasteur for all the forces at work in French society, is Georges Canguilhem. Latour uses two quotes from Canguilhem, both taken from the original French version of Ideology and rationality in the life sciences, first published in 1977. Reading Canguilhem after Latour induces a feeling akin to culture shock. Astonishingly, Canguilhem seems almost Anglo-American. Anyone familiar with Canguilhem's epistemological universe would hardly be surprised to discover that Latour finds in it perspectives different from his own. After all, Canguilhem remains committed to the epistemologically distinct entity science or, better still, sciences. Likewise he employs distinctions between science and ideology, as in Spencerian ideology and Darwinian science, which will seem familiar, possibly jaded to English-reading eyes. His text is liberally seeded with unLatourian expressions, including injunctions to distinguish \"between ideology and science\" (p. 39), lamentations that eighteenth-century medicine \"squandered its energy in the erection of systems\" (p. 53), rejoicing that physiology \"liberated itself' from classical anatomy (p. 54), and regret that \"Stahl's influence ... seriously impeded experimental

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Bruno Latour, The pasteurization of France , trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law, Cambridge, Mass., and London, Harvard University Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. 273, £23.95. - Georges Canguilhem, Ideology and rationality in the history of the life sciences , trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., and London, The MIT Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. xi, 160, £17.95.

Historians and social scientists analyzing the contemporary world unfortunately have too little contact and hence miss some of the ways that their interests overlap and the research of one field might benefit another. I am, therefore, extremely grateful that the Journal of Consumer Research has invited me to share with its readers an overview of my recent research on the political and social impact of the flourishing of mass consumption on twentieth-century America. What follows is a summary of my major arguments, enough to entice you, I hope, to read A Consumers' Republic (Cohen 2003), in which I elaborate on these themes. Although this essay is by necessity schematic, the book itself is filled with extensive historical evidence and is heavily illustrated with period images. In tracing the growing importance of mass consumption to the American economy, polity, culture, and social landscape from the 1920s to the present, I in many ways establish the historical context for your research into contemporary consumer behavior and markets. I hope you will …

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A Consumers' Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America

Part 1 1 Introducing Alternative Food Networks, Fair Trade Circuits and The Politics Of Food 2 Coming Home To Eat? Reflexive Localism and Just Food 3 Bridging Production and Consumption: Alternative Food Networks as Shared Knowledge Practice Part 2: Alternative Food Provisioning In Britain And Western Europe: Introduction And Antecedents 4 Rural Europe Redux? The New Territoriality and Rural Development 5 Into the Mainstream: The Politics Of Quality 6 Changing Paradigms? Food Security Debates and Grassroots Food Re-Localization Movements in Britain and Western Europe Part 3: Alternative Food Movements In The US: Formative Years, Mainstreaming, Civic Governance And Knowing Sustainability 7 Broken Promises? US Alternative Food Movements, Origins and Debates 8 Resisting Mainstreaming, Maintaining Alterity 9 Sustainable Agriculture as Knowing and Growing Part 4: Globalizing Alternative Food Movements: The Cultural Material Politics of Fair Trade 10 The Shifting Cultural Politics of Fair Trade: From Transparent to Virtual Livelihoods 11 The Price and Practices of Quality: The Shifting Materialities of Fair Trade Networks 12 The Practices and Politics of a Globalized AFN: Whither the Possibilities and Problematics of Fair Trade? 13 Concluding Thoughts

Alternative Food Networks: Knowledge, Practice, and Politics

H and social scientists analyzing the contemporary world unfortunately have too little contact and hence miss some of the ways that their interests overlap and the research of one field might benefit another. I am, therefore, extremely grateful that the Journal of Consumer Research has invited me to share with its readers an overview of my recent research on the political and social impact of the flourishing of mass consumption on twentieth-century America. What follows is a summary of my major arguments, enough to entice you, I hope, to read A Consumers’ Republic (Cohen 2003), in which I elaborate on these themes. Although this essay is by necessity schematic, the book itself is filled with extensive historical evidence and is heavily illustrated with period images. In tracing the growing importance of mass consumption to the American economy, polity, culture, and social landscape from the 1920s to the present, I in many ways establish the historical context for your research into contemporary consumer behavior and markets. I hope you will discover illuminating and fruitful connections between your work and my own. The United States came out of World War II deeply determined to prolong and enhance the economic recovery brought on by the war, lest the crippling depression of the 1930s return. Ensuring a prosperous peacetime would require making new kinds of products and selling them to different kinds of markets. Although military production would persist, and expand greatly with the cold war, its critical partner in delivering prosperity was the mass con-

Qu'est-ce que les promoteurs du commerce equitable visent a travers le paiement d'un prix equitable et comment s'y prennent-ils pour en determiner le montant ? Pour repondre a ces questions, l'article s'appuie sur une enquete de terrain menee aupres des deux principaux mouvements francais de commerce equitable, Artisans du Monde et Max Havelaar et sur une etude de documents internes a Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International (FLO). L'idee qui y est poursuivie est que la definition du prix equitable est intimement liee a la facon dont les militants percoivent les vices mais aussi les vertus du prix de marche. Etablir un prix equitable c'est d'abord repondre aux dysfonctionnements attribues au « commerce conventionnel ». Autant le prix de marche est suppose resulter des comportements calculateurs et des forces aveugles du marche, autant le prix equitable ambitionne de faire abstraction de ces forces pour garantir le respect d'exigences morales et tenir compte de la situation de chaque groupement de producteurs. Pour autant, un prix equitable n'est pas uniquement un prix oppose au prix de marche. En s'appuyant sur plusieurs exemples concernant les importations d'artisanat et le calcul d'un prix minimum equitable pour les produits agricoles, l'article signale que les situations de concurrence rendent impossible d'ignorer les prix pratiques dans les circuits du commerce conventionnel. Il montre en outre que ce constat n'est pas forcement mal vecu. Faire en sorte que le prix equitable ne soit pas totalement deconnecte du prix de marche est alors percu comme la condition du developpement et de l'autonomisation des producteurs et comme la preuve d'une relation d'egale dignite entre ces derniers et les consommateurs.

https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00533324/document

La détermination du prix équitable : Vices et vertus du prix de marché

Cet article decrit la conception et la mise en œuvre d'un dispositif experimental visant a approvisionner en fruits et legumes frais regionaux les Restos du Cœur de l'Herault. Il relate le processus qui a conduit differents acteurs, y compris la co-auteure de l'article, a s'engager dans ce projet et montre que le dispositif de mise en marche retenu est un resultat de leurs attentes et contraintes respectives. Les auteurs montrent ensuite que le circuit court etabli est caracterise par des modifications partielles du travail des Restos du Cœur et par une importante activite de regulation des intermediaires commerciaux. L'experimentation donne au final a voir une hybridation entre des regulations innovantes, visant a relocaliser les flux de denrees alimentaires, et des regulations preexistantes, marquees par l'intermediation commerciale, l'homogeneite des produits et la recherche de prix bas.

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Des circuits courts pour l'aide alimentaire ? Hybridation de régulations dans un marché expérimental en Languedoc-Roussillon

Ce travail s’inscrit dans un projet de recherche visant a proposer aux viticulteurs un outil d’evaluation de la qualite de leurs sols, afin qu’ils puissent adopter des itineraires culturaux plus respectueux de l’environnement. Dans le but d'accroitre la trasnferabilite de cet outil, il est necessaire de mieux connaitre quelle(s) definition(s) les viticulteurs donnent de la qualite des sols et quels moyens ils utilisent pour l’evaluer. Pour repondre a ces questions, une enquete par entretien comprehensif a ete realisee aupres de 29 viticulteurs de 4 zones differentes du Languedoc-Roussillon (sud de la France). L’enquete a montre que les registres de la qualite des sols evoques par les viticulteurs rappellent en de nombreux points les definitions proposees par les scientifiques, mais qu’ils ne s’y superposent pas. L’etude des indicateurs utilises par les viticulteurs a egalement revele le besoin d’outils diversifies, performants et operationnels pour evaluer la qualite des sols.

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La qualité des sols : associer perceptions et analyses des scientifiques et des viticulteurs

Que visent les promoteurs du commerce equitable a travers le paiement d’un prix equitable et comment s’y prennent-ils pour en determiner le montant? Pour repondre a ces questions, l’article s’appuie sur une enquete de terrain menee aupres des deux principaux mouvements francais de commerce equitable, Artisans du Monde et Max Havelaar, et sur une etude de documents internes de Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International. L’idee est que la definition du prix equitable est liee a la facon dont les militants percoivent les vices mais aussi les vertus du prix du marche. Etablir un prix equitable, c’est d’abord repondre aux dysfonctionnements attribues au «commerce conventionnel». Autant le prix du marche est cense resulter des forces aveugles du marche, autant le prix equitable ambitionne de faire abstraction de ces forces pour garantir le respect d’exigences morales et tenir compte de la situation de chaque groupement de producteurs. Cependant, un prix equitable n’est pas uniquement un prix oppose au prix du marche. L’article demontre que les situations de concurrence font qu’il est impossible d’ignorer les prix pratiques dans le commerce conventionnel et que ce constat n’est pas mal vecu. Faire en sorte que le prix equitable ne soit pas totalement deconnecte du prix du marche est alors percu comme la condition du developpement et de l’autonomisation des producteurs et comme la preuve d’une relation d’egale dignite entre ces derniers et les consommateurs.

La détermination du prix équitable

Les auteurs se proposent d'appliquer aux relations marchandes la Theorie de la Regulation Sociale de Jean-Daniel Reynaud. A travers cette grille d'analyse, ils restituent les resultats d'une enquete de terrain menee aupres d'initiatives visant a developper un approvisionnement de la restauration collective publique en produits de l'agriculture biologique et locale. Ils montrent que l'organisation de l'approvisionnement de la restauration collective recouvre des activites de regulation multiples et ils expliquent en quoi la recherche de produits locaux est rendue difficile par la nature des regulations existantes. Par la presentation de deux cas tres contrastes, ils soulignent ensuite la capacite des acteurs de contourner certains elements des regulations existantes, mais aussi de s'appuyer sur certaines d'entre elles pour construire des regulations nouvelles. Enfin, les auteurs qualifient les regulations innovantes mises en œuvre de " conjointes ", en ce qu'elles sont issues d'une ambition des acteurs de la restauration collective et du monde agricole de s'entendre sur l'organisation de leurs echanges, la ou prevalait jusqu'alors la mediation des intermediaires du marche. Il convient dans ce cas de ne plus raisonner sur la base d'offres et de demandes preexistantes, mais de saisir que c'est par l'elaboration de ces regulations que se constituent graduellement ces deux ensembles.

Ronan Le Velly

Papers

La détermination du prix équitable : Vices et vertus du prix de marché

Des circuits courts pour l'aide alimentaire ? Hybridation de régulations dans un marché expérimental en Languedoc-Roussillon

La qualité des sols : associer perceptions et analyses des scientifiques et des viticulteurs

La détermination du prix équitable

Le marché comme rencontre d'activités de régulation. Initiatives et innovations dans l'approvisionnement bio et local de la restauration collective