Experience and Educationis the best concise statement on education ever published by John Dewey, the man acknowledged to be the pre-eminent educational theorist of the twentieth century. Written more than two decades after Democracy and Education(Dewey's most comprehensive statement of his position in educational philosophy), this book demonstrates how Dewey reformulated his ideas as a result of his intervening experience with the progressive schools and in the light of the criticisms his theories had received. Analysing both "traditional" and "progressive" education, Dr. Dewey here insists that neither the old nor the new education is adequate and that each is miseducative because neither of them applies the principles of a carefully developed philosophy of experience. Many pages of this volume illustrate Dr. Dewey's ideas for a philosophy of experience and its relation to education. He particularly urges that all teachers and educators looking for a new movement in education should think in terms of the deeped and larger issues of education rather than in terms of some divisive "ism" about education, even such an "ism" as "progressivism." His philosophy, here expressed in its most essential, most readable form, predicates an American educational system that respects all sources of experience, on that offers a true learning situation that is both historical and social, both orderly and dynamic.

经验与教育 = Experience and education

Preparing the books to read every day is enjoyable for many people. However, there are still many people who also don't like reading. This is a problem. But, when you can support others to start reading, it will be better. One of the books that can be recommended for new readers is experience and education. This book is not kind of difficult book to read. It can be read and understand by the new readers.

Experience and Education.

Course Description In this course, we will explore the question of the actual and potential connections between democracy and education. Our focus of attention will be placed on a critical examination of democratic theory and its implications for the civic education roles and contributions of teachers, adult educators, community development practitioners, and community organizers. We will survey and deal critically with a range of competing conceptions of democracy, variously described as classical, republican, liberal, radical, marxist, neomarxist, pragmatist, feminist, populist, pluralist, postmodern, and/or participatory. Using narrative inquiry as a means for illuminating and interpreting contemporary practice, we will analyze the implications of different conceptions of democracy for the practical work of civic education.

Democracy and education.

The End of History and the Last Man

From a world history perspective, the most noticeable trend in the history of the late 19th century was the domination of Europeans over Non­Europeans. This domination took many forms ranging from economic penetration to outright annexation. No area of the globe, however remote from Europe, was free of European merchants, adventurers, explorers or western missionaries. Was colonialism good for either the imperialist or the peoples of the globe who found themselves subjects of one empire or another? A few decades ago, the answer would have been a resounding no. Now, in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the more or less widespread discrediting of Marxist and Leninist analysis, and the end of the Cold War, political scientists and historians seem willing to take a more positive look at Nineteenth Century Imperialism. One noted current historian, Niall Ferguson has argued that the British Empire probably accomplished more positive good for the world than the last generation of historians, poisoned by Marxism, could or would concede. Ferguson has argued that the British Empire was a \" liberal \" empire that upheld international law, kept the seas open and free, and ultimately benefited everyone by ensuring the free flow of trade. In other words, Ferguson would find little reason to contradict the young Winston Churchill's assertion that the aim of British imperialism was to: give peace to warring tribes, to administer justice where all was violence, to strike the chains off the slave, to draw the richness from the soil, to place the earliest seeds of commerce and learning, to increase in whole peoples their capacities for pleasure and diminish their chances of pain. It should come as no surprise that Ferguson regards the United States current position in the world as the natural successor to the British Empire and that the greatest danger the U.S. represents is that the world will not get enough American Imperialism because U.S. leaders often have short attention spans and tend to pull back troops when intervention becomes unpopular. It will be very interesting to check back into the debate on Imperialism about ten years from now and see how Niall Ferguson's point of view has fared! The other great school of thought about Imperialism is, of course, Marxist. For example, Marxist historians like E.J. Hobsbawm argue that if we look at the l9th century as a great competition for the world's wealth and …

The New Imperialism

Disciplinary Conquest: US Scholars in South America, 1900-1945 - by Salvatore, Ricardo D.: Book Reviews

It is not entirely clear from the report whether the teaching of social science needs to be strengthened (the paper suggests it is relatively strong across a range of unequally funded and represented universities), or the public perception of the teaching of, or the value of, social science is at issue. Both comments – ‘we want to contribute to the articulation and demonstration of its value’ and ‘how can we preserve and strengthen the value of undergraduate social science education’ – seem to suggest the latter (p. 1).

https://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/5818/1/Pedagogic_Quality_and_Inequality_in_Undergraduate_Social_Science_-_Roundtable_contribution.pdf

Strengthening the teaching of university social science

Sarah Amsler considers all the claims made about the New College and concludes that its greatest flaw is legitimising social inequalities in the pursuit of intellectual rigour.

Inequality, power and privilege in the struggle for the humanities

This article presents a report on the international conference ‘Beyond University: Critical, Emancipatory and Solidarist Endeavors’, organised by the Kocaeli Dayanışma Akademisi (Kocaeli Academy for Solidarity) in Kocaeli, Turkey on 30-31 March 2018. At the time of writing, its organisers and many of their colleagues and students remain dismissed from their university positions and under threat of state violence and repression. They are also, however, active in organising autonomous higher education courses and research in the interest of advancing intellectual, social and ecological emancipation in Turkey and beyond. This work is important not only within Turkey, but also for ongoing transnational debates about the geography and nature of struggles for a liberatory higher education, as well as the radical imagination of what else the university is and can be.

/pdf/organising-an-alternative-university-a-reflection-on-the-3uajx5tsdk.pdf

Organising an Alternative University: A Reflection on the Conference ‘Critical, Emancipatory and Solidarist Endeavors’

This chapter explores how a small project in popular higher education presents both opportunities and challenges for learning new democratic subjectivities and social relationships that challenge neoliberal forms. It draws on my experiences as a member of an autonomous co-operative for free, co-operative, higher education in a small city in England called the Social Science Centre. The chapter is organized around a question raised by a fellow member of the Centre: ‘what do we mean when we say “democracy”?’ I will explain both the importance and impossibility of answering this question, and consider how it opens up new understandings of the political and pedagogical conditions of radical informal learning spaces. I then consider what, if anything, is radical about this particular space, and how abandoning ‘the radical’ may heighten our receptivity to it. Finally, the chapter considers the role that non-community-based spaces of popular higher education can play in the proliferation of critical thinking, capacities for ‘commoning’ and the creation of democratic publics in contexts where individualism and class division presently prevail.

Sarah Amsler

Papers

Disciplinary Conquest: US Scholars in South America, 1900-1945 - by Salvatore, Ricardo D.: Book Reviews

Strengthening the teaching of university social science

Inequality, power and privilege in the struggle for the humanities

Organising an Alternative University: A Reflection on the Conference ‘Critical, Emancipatory and Solidarist Endeavors’

What do we mean when we say “democracy”’?: learning towards a common future through popular higher education