Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1992"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the political economy of regional petroleum wealth has served to inhibit democratization in many Arab countries, and argue that petrodollar foreign aid and workers' remittances long served as a critical aspect of political stability, supporting regime neo-patrimonialism and blunting pressures for greater participation.
Abstract: The article argues that in many Arab countries the political economy of regional petroleum wealth has served to inhibit democratization. In the particular case of Jordan, petrodollar foreign aid and workers' remittances long served as a critical aspect of political stability, supporting regime neo-patrimonialism and blunting pressures for greater participation. Equally, the decline of those revenues in the late 1980s spurred the eventual collapse of the foundations upon which the old economic and political order had been built. With this came the need to negotiate a new social contract, resulting in a far-reaching process of political liberalization and partial democratization after April 1989.
140 citations
TL;DR: Wilsford's professed aim is to explain occurrences in the field of health policy, but lurking in the background is another goal, and that is to argue that government-run health programmes constitute the most sensible way to provide health care.
78 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the roots of amateurism and critically examine the argument that a frustrating career structure in the House of Commons encourages voluntary vacancies, and find support for both a "frustration" and an "exhaustion" model of career choice.
Abstract: It has been argued that rapid membership turnover in the Canadian House of Commons robs the institution of a dedicated and experienced group of MPs and produces a Parliament stocked with political amateurs. Both electoral defeat and voluntary retirement have been seen to play a role in the amateurism phenomenon. The authors explore the roots of amateurism and critically examine the argument that a frustrating career structure in the House of Commons encourages voluntary vacancies. Using a random sample of former MPs, the authors find support for both a “frustration” and an “exhaustion” model of career choice. The article concludes that while amateurism—in the sense of short political careers—may be problematic, not all MPs are amateurs and the problem of amateurism cannot be addressed simply by satisfying frustrated ambition.
58 citations
TL;DR: This paper argued that negative reactions to the two highly salient economic issues, free trade and the GST, are, in part at least, products of public disapproval of the government's economic performance.
Abstract: Since their victory in the dramatic 1988 Canadian federal election, the governing Progressive Conservatives have suffered a rapid and precipitous decline in public support. Observers have attributed the massive erosion in popularity to the failure of the Meech Lake Accord, the government's insistence on implementing the highly unpopular value-added Goods and Services Tax (GST) and increasing public reservations about the wisdom of the free trade agreement. This article contends that, while these arguments have merit, a more important factor is that many Canadians blame the federal government for the poor state of the national economy and adverse personal economic circumstances. Moreover, negative reactions to the two highly salient economic issues, free trade and the GST, are, in part at least, products of public disapproval of the government's economic performance. The analyses are based on data gathered in national cross-sectional and panel surveys conducted over the 1983–1990 period.
50 citations
TL;DR: This article found that immigrants socialized in countries lacking continuous democratic traditions have greater political trust, but also display more authoritarian values, and support the view that the resource and social learning theories are complementary rather than exclusive explanations for political participation.
Abstract: Political participation is central to liberal democracy, yet there are substantial variations in the levels of participation observable among different social groups. Empirical theories explain these variations by the different socio-economic resources individuals possess and by their resulting levels of trust and efficacy in the political system. By contrast, social learning theories see these differences in participation as stemming from the values that individuals absorb from the political culture. This article uses Australia—an established liberal democracy with a large immigrant population—as a case study to evaluate these two theories. The results show that immigrants socialized in countries lacking continuous democratic traditions have greater political trust, but also display more authoritarian values. Differences emerge not only in the type of participation being analyzed, but among ethnic groups. The findings support the view that the resource and social learning theories are complementary rather than exclusive explanations for political participation.
47 citations
TL;DR: A review essay examines the contribution of the Canadian National Election Studies to understand vote choice in Canada as mentioned in this paper, using both the sociological approach and the social-psychological approach are discussed.
Abstract: This review essay examines the contribution of the Canadian National Election Studies to understanding vote choice in Canada. Analyses using both the sociological approach and the social-psychological approach are discussed. The essay starts with a review of the debates about the role of class, region and religion in Canadian voting and then goes on to discuss the applicability of the concept of party identification to Canada. An evaluation of both recursive and non-recursive models of vote choice follows. The review calls for social psychological approaches to take the social context of political choice more seriously and points to the need for sociological approaches to conceptualize social categories as live social forces.
31 citations
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TL;DR: A reinterpretation of Kant's critique of international politics is important not only for the position which Kant has come to occupy in contemporary debates, but also raises anew fundamental questions about the theoretical and practical adequacy of the Realist theory of international relations which continues to dominate the discipline as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Immanuel Kant remains a figure of enduring interest to students of international politics both for the content of his writings and for the place which those writings have come to occupy within contemporary debates in International Relations theory. But most of the secondary literature does not have a sufficient appreciation of Kant's wider philosophy and hence misunderstands or distorts his theory of international relations. Once this background is more fully appreciated, Kant's analysis becomes largely immune from many of the standard criticisms levelled against it. A reinterpretation of Kant's critique of international politics is important not only for the position which Kant has come to occupy in contemporary debates. It also raises anew fundamental questions about the theoretical and practical adequacy of the Realist theory of international relations which continues to dominate the discipline.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the question of impunity and those embedded structures in the transition from military to civilian rule in Latin America and expose the tensions between democratization and persisting military prerogatives and power.
Abstract: The transition from military to civilian rule in Latin America has thrown a searchlight upon the legacy of military repression from the era of the national security states, and the problem of still-powerful and unrepentant armed forces. These intertwined problems have profound implications for the possibility of fundamental change in a region long characterized by extreme social inequality and political instability. As Rouquie notes, civilianization of the military state does not necessarily mean the democratization or demilitarization of power. How to deal with the perpetrators of state terror is a burning and controversial issue throughout the region. During the process of transition, the major demand of the military in virtually all states was for guarantees against accountability for human rights crimes—widely called impunity in the region—a demand that implicitly places the military above the law. This issue strikes at the very heart of the transformation of national security states and the democratization of power. Additionally, despite the transition from military rule, structures of the national security apparatus remain embedded within the civilian regimes. An examination of the question of impunity and those embedded structures exposes the tensions between democratization and persisting military prerogatives and power.
TL;DR: The authors distinguish and explicate four concepts of solidarity which are found in the writings of Hannah Arendt and show how their respect for facts and suspicion of sentiment publicly displayed are justified.
Abstract: This article has two objectives: one is to distinguish and explicate four concepts of solidarity which are found in the writings of Hannah Arendt; the other is to show how Arendt's respect for facts and suspicion of sentiment publicly displayed are justified. The first concept of solidarity is exclusive solidarity. It is limited to those who are suffering from exploitation or oppression. The second conception of solidarity is inclusive: it includes those who suffer but can also accommodate those who make common cause with them. This is the only kind of solidarity that Arendt specifically analyzes. A third concept of solidarity is universal: its proximate constituent parts are the different “peoples” who collectively make up humankind. Finally, there is natural solidarity. This variety of solidarity, the author argues, is conceptually inadequate and confused. In the development and articulation of each of these four concepts, some attention is given to the relative contributions of emotion and cognition in determining one's understanding of solidarity.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a "political discourse" analysis of the 1985-1988 debate over Canada's Bill C-82, "An Act Respecting the Registration of Lobbyists" that brought together some of Canada's most factually informed and instrumentally motivated policy actors.
Abstract: Recently, students of public policy making in North America have added the analysis of "political discourse" to the tools of their trade. According to the "politicaldiscourse" school, the extent to which policy ideas gain acceptability cannot always be explained rationally in terms of their logical or empirical validity, nor instrumentally in terms of the interests they serve. Often, their careers must be accounted for, at least in part, by a detailed exploration of their ideological assumptions and appeal, and their rhetorical structure and persuasiveness. Despite its many plausible and promising features, this type of analysis has, to date, rarely been performed in specific instances of policy discourse. The author presents a "political-discourse" analysis of the 1985-1988 debate over Canada's Bill C-82, "An Act Respecting the Registration of Lobbyists." That debate brought together some of Canada's most factually informed and instrumentally motivated policy actors. Nevertheless, the participants uniformly based their arguments on broad assumptions unsubstantiated by empirical analysis, and advanced those arguments in the rhetoric of the public good and democratic theory. The author concludes that underlying the two basic positions taken in debate over C-82-support for a regime of substantial disclosure of lobbying activity on the one hand, and opposition to disclosure on the other-were two competing sets of assumptions concerning the nature and workings of the faculties of reason and perception in politics. Resume. R6cemment, les observateurs de la formation des politiques publiques en Amerique du nord ont ajout6e leurs m6thodes d'investigation celle de l'analyse du discours politique. Selon l'6cole du discours politique, le degr6 d'appui que les id6es politiques parviennent a obtenir ne peut toujours etre expliqu6 ni rationnellement, sur la seule base de leur validit6 logique ou empirique, ni fonctionnellement, sur la seule base des int&erts qu'elles servent. Souvent, les causes de leur fortune doivent etre recherch6es au moins en partie dans un examen d6taille des attraits de leurs postulats id6ologiques, de leur structure rh6torique et de leur force de persuasion. Jusqu'a aujourd'hui, ce type d'analyse du discours n'a ete que rarement applique a l'6tude d'une politique, en depit de son caractere plausible et prometteur. Dans cette etude, 1'auteur offre une analyse du discours politique lors du debat de 1985-1988 sur le projet de loi federal C-82, . Ce d6bat a mis en scene certains des acteurs politiques canadiens les mieux inform6s, interesses et motives. Pourtant, les participants au d6bat ont invariablement fonde leurs arguments sur de vastes postulats non fondes empiriquement, et les ont defendu a partir d'une rh6torique du bien public et de la th6orie democratique. L'auteur conclut en montrant combien les deux positions fondamentales prises lors du debat sur C-82-soit d'une part un regime de divulgation substantielle des activit6s de lobbying, d'autre part un opposition h cette divulgation obligatoire-, 6taient, en fait, des ideologies en concurrence sur la nature et le fonctionnement des facult6s de la raison et de la perception en politique. do not easily admit of empirical verification or refutation, but that these arguments and assumptions can themselves be studied empirically. Strangely, though-despite the recent attention paid to it-this type of analysis has rarely been performed in specific instances. What follows is a political-discourse analysis of one particular policy controversy: the 1985-1988 debate over the passage of Canada's lobbying registration legislation (Bill C-82). That debate brought together some of Canada's most factually informed and instrumentally motivated policy actors. Nevertheless, the participants-lobbyists along with their public and governmental interlocutors-uniformly based their arguments on broad assumptions unsubstantiated by empirical analysis, and advanced those arguments in the rhetoric of the public good and democratic theory.9 The strategic 9 As William Stanbury has pointed out, lobbyists making presentations on behalf of the This content downloaded from 157.55.39.159 on Sun, 18 Sep 2016 06:08:49 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TL;DR: This paper examined whether women more often than men are candidates in constituencies where defeat is expected and found that women were not more likely than men to run in constituency where there was no hope that they would win.
Abstract: We can read in the literature that women more often than men are candidates in constituencies where defeat is expected. This study examines whether this belief is accurate. The population examined includes male and female candidates for the Quebec Liberal party and the Parti Quebecois during the 1976, 1981, 1985 and 1989 elections. Three different formulas were applied to the 958 electoral situations, from which one global difficulty index was devised. Using a log-linear model, the relation between the variables “sex of candidate” and “constituency's level of difficulty” (high, average or low) was compared. Results have shown that between 1976 and 1989, women were not more likely than men to run in constituencies where there was no hope that they would win. It must be noted though, that in 1981, fewer women than men ran for the Parti Quebecois in constituencies where victory seemed highly probable. However, when only new candidacies are considered, party affiliation becomes the most significant variable. In conclusion, it is noted that political parties will have to collaborate if more women are to become members of the National Assembly.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors used international-level and domestic-level modes of analysis to compare Australia and Canada in the case of agricultural trade and found that Canada's style in the agricultural trade issue has become increasingly nuanced.
Abstract: The pairing of Australia and Canada has become a rich source of comparative studies with respect to foreign economic policy. This matching has been largely inspired by the like-mindedness of the two countries. Yet, if Australia and Canada may be said to have similar objectives in terms of the international system, the methods through which they have attempted to pursue these objectives have differed sharply. Using international-level and domestic-level modes of analysis, this article explains the reasons for the contrasting style in the case of agricultural trade. It is demonstrated that a number of mutually reinforcing factors combine to give a tough-minded quality to Australia's approach. In contrast, because of both a greater complexity in the domestic policy-making process and the range of foreign policy options, Canada's style in the agricultural trade issue has become increasingly nuanced.
TL;DR: Manitoba has a reputation of being a villain of Confederation and Canadian constitutionalism, especially in episodes involving language issues as discussed by the authors, which has been the case in both the distant and the more recent past.
Abstract: Manitoba has a reputation of being a villain of Confederation and Canadian constitutionalism, especially in episodes involving language issues. This has been the case in both the distant and the more recent past. The evidence appears straightforward. In 1890 its legislature violated the constitutional guarantees of the province's francophones by denying the use of French in the records and journals of the legislature and in the province's courts. This was done notwithstanding the explicit and unambiguous provisions of Section 23 of the Manitoba Act, an act passed by the federal Parliament in 1870, retroactively confirmed by Britain's Parliament in 1871, and listed immediately after the British North America Act as part of the "Constitution of Canada" in Schedule 1 of the Constitution Act, 1982. Similarly and almost simultaneously in the Public Schools Act of 1890, the provincial legislature terminated public support for denominational schools as provided somewhat ambiguously in Section 22 of the same Manitoba Act. Consistent with such exceptional constitutional behaviour, almost a century later in the early 1980s, the Manitoba Conservatives led by Sterling Lyon assaulted the popular principle of an entrenched Charter of Rights. They also scuttled a constitutional amendment in 1983-1984, unanimously endorsed twice by a House of Commons which had implored Manitoba to entrench further and extend the status of the French language. Once again in 1985 Manitoba's constitutional failings were highlighted when the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that all the province's unilingual statutes were unconstitutional. Although the Court provided a remedy to this conundrum of a province without constitutionally valid laws, and the provincial government's effort to validate its unilingual laws has been heroic, it has failed to meet the * The author is grateful to Peter Russell and two anonymous reviewers for this JOURNAL
TL;DR: The authors argue that anti-gay norms have long been embedded in working-class and middle-class cultures, more than in continental European and North American societies, and are still reinforced by the police, the courts and especially the tabloid press.
Abstract: Institutionalized homophobia in England has been intensified over the last decade, linked to concerns about “permissiveness” so prominent within the lower middle classes so courted by the modern Conservative party. However, anti-gay norms have long been embedded in working-class and middle-class cultures, more than in continental European and North American societies. Moralistic crusades against homosexuality have been common in England, and are still reinforced by the police, the courts and especially the tabloid press. Opposition has been roused within Labour party and Liberal/Liberal Democratic circles, but often reluctantly, and framed by a limited form of tolerance.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors test the internal coherence of Nozick's perspective with reference to the demands set by this principle, arguing that his laissez-faire proposals cannot satisfy these demands.
Abstract: Robert Nozick argues that inviolable capitalist property rights are a necessary corollary of the free society. This view is grounded in his commitment to the classical liberal principle of equal liberty. This article tests the internal coherence of Nozick's perspective with reference to the demands set by this principle. It is argued that his laissez-faire proposals cannot satisfy these demands. This prompts a consideration of the type of socio-economic arrangements that could respond to the dilemmas posed by the equal liberty principle, the suggestion being that a participatory democratic framework would promote a response superior to Nozick's.
TL;DR: This paper explored the constituency dimension of campaign financing in the 1984 and 1988 federal elections in Canada and found that considerable variability in the capacity of constituency parties to attract campaign donations was related to the past local and regional strengths of parties, to the expected closeness of the current contest, and to whether incumbents are running for re-election.
Abstract: This article explores the constituency dimension of campaign financing in the 1984 and 1988 federal elections in Canada. The analysis uncovers considerable variability in the capacity of constituency parties to attract campaign donations. These variations appear to be related to the past local and regional strengths of parties, to the expected closeness of the current contest, and to whether incumbents are running for re-election. Multivariate analyses suggest that these political variables have a broadly consistent impact on fund-raising after other features of the socio-economic diversity of constituencies have been controlled.
TL;DR: In the 1930s, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was criticized for allegedly perverting the meaning of the British North America Act and the intentions of its framers.
Abstract: In the 1930s, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council was criticized for allegedly perverting the meaning of the British North America Act and the intentions of its framers. This notion persists, partly because its historiographical basis—the idea that the Fathers of Confederation envisaged a dominant federal government—remains substantially intact. To the Ontario Reformers, however, the Confederation agreement had not established federal dominance. On the contrary, it had implemented the broad claims to local autonomy which Reformers had been advancing ever since the 1820s. And while those claims rested on a legally heterodox conception of colonial constitutional status, the BNA Act gave legal effect to that conception as applied to federal-provincial relations. This allowed Oliver Mowat to do what earlier Reform leaders could not have done: enforce the local claims in court.
TL;DR: Banting et al. as mentioned in this paper examined the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the objective of explaining the inclusion of agriculture in the FTA, the negotiation process surrounding the FTA and the outcomes with respect to agricultural commodities.
Abstract: This article examines the Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the objective of explaining the inclusion of agriculture in the FTA, the negotiation process surrounding the FTA and the outcomes with respect to agricultural commodities. It departs from both the systemic and state-centred models which have dominated Canadian foreign economic policy to argue that, while developments in the international trading system are important factors in explaining Canada's decision to pursue the FTA, the negotiation process and outcomes of the FTA are importantly accounted for in terms of domestic institutions: specifically, state-societal linkages in combination with federal structures. Evidence that the autonomy and capacity of national trade officials was constrained throughout the negotiation process and in terms of the FTA provisions regarding agricultural commodities requires a re-formulation of foreign economic policymaking that links it to the domestic institutional context. Within the latter, the sub-national governments, in combination with durable state-group policy networks, are important factors. Resume. Cet article passe en revue l'accord de libre-echange (ALE) entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis, avec pour objectif d'expliquer la fagon dont l'agriculture a ete traitee dans ' ALE, le processus de negociation concernant 1'ALE et ses resultats touchant le domaine agricole. L'approche retenue est differente des modeles systemiques et centres sur l'Etat qui ont domine l'explication des politiques economiques exterieures canadiennes. II est soutenu que les changements dans le systeme de commerce exterieur sont des facteurs importants qui ont pes6 dans la decision du Canada de s'engager dans un accord de libre echange. De meme, le processus de negociation et les resultats de I'ALE sont fortement relies aux institutions nationales-en particulier aux liens gouvernements-societes ainsi qu'aux structures federales. I1 est demontre que l'autonomie et la capacit6 d'action des negociateurs nationaux ont ete limitees tout au long du processus de negociation. Pour comprendre le traitement re9u par le domaine agricole dans I'ALE, il faut prendre en compte les liens entre le processus de decision en matiere de politique economique exterieure et le contexte institutionnel national. Dans ce contexte, les gouvernements sub-nationaux ainsi que les reseaux bien etablis entre les gouvernements et les groupes sont des facteurs importants. state strength, despite the concentration of executive authority which the parliamentary system ensures, the national state in Canada may face a similar problem of diffused authority to that created by the US congressional system because of the reality of political federalism. Although societal interests have been described as more fragmented in the US than in Canada, there is reason to believe that state and societal actors are as "embedded" in Canada8 as they are in the US. Thus, this examination of Canadian agricultural trade policy in the late 1980s enables a crossnational comparison of the effects of decision-making institutions that are analogous in some respects but divergent in others. Scant attention has been paid to Canadian foreign economic and trade policy, and such literature as exists has reflected diverse approaches. Most popular has been a systemic model that stresses the constraints of the international system on Canada's foreign economic policy. Canada's small and open economy, its heavy dependence upon export trade as a price-taker more often than a price-setter and its extensive economic relations with the United States have led analysts to 8 Alan C. Cairns, "The Embedded State: State-Society Relations in Canada," in Keith Banting, ed., State and Society: Canada in Comparative Perspective (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), 53-86. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.217 on Mon, 05 Sep 2016 04:50:33 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
TL;DR: This paper examined how Quebec politicians' sex and political party influence the orientation of their opinions through three themes: the evolution of women's social status, actions of the feminist movement in this sense and the idea of female legislators representing women.
Abstract: This article examines how Quebec politicians' sex and political party influence the orientation of their opinions through three themes: the evolution of women's social status, actions of the feminist movement in this sense and the idea of female legislators representing women A questionnaire was sent to the 305 candidates of the New Democratic party of Quebec, the Quebec Liberal party and the Parti quebecois in the provincial election of September 25, 1989 The results show that if women and men manifest no differences in their support of the evolution of women's social status and of the feminist movement, women are more inclined than men to support the idea that women politicians should represent the specific interests of women Of all the above-mentioned parties, the Liberal party resists this idea the most as well as the feminist movement in general
TL;DR: Many political scientists are adding the role of expert to their role as university professors, and they express themselves through the media or they participate in meetings or conferences oriented toward problem-solving as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Many political scientists are adding the role of expert to their role as university professors. They are consultants for various organizations, committees or commissions, and they express themselves through the media or they participate in meetings or conferences oriented toward problem-solving. There are some disconnected experts and some naive technocrats among them. There are also alleged experts who are openly partisan. Fortunately some political scientists while acting as experts remain true scholars. They limit themselves to highlight the choices to be made rather than trying to impose one of them. Their experiences as experts enrich their teaching, research and writing activities as well as the training of young researchers. Somewhat like the presidents of the Canadian Political Science Association they are not in place for too long. And it is a good thing, too.
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TL;DR: The defence of positive human rights of the type now found in international treaties would be served by distinguishing it from justifications of the contention that human beings have rights as discussed by the authors, which is a defence that has been criticised by those with no concept of innate rights.
Abstract: The expression “human rights” is used currently to denote two distinct items: one is a guarantee given in positive law; the other is a moral claim purportedly innate to human beings. These two items commonly are conflated, implying that they have a necessary connection. Historically they do not; positive human rights have been defended by those with no concept of innate rights, while believers in extensive innate rights have argued for limited positive rights. The defence of positive rights of the type now found in international treaties would be served by distinguishing it from justifications of the contention that human beings have rights.