Showing papers in "Canadian Psychology in 2002"

Media Violence and its Effect on Aggression: Assessing the Scientific Evidence

Abstract: The scientific evidence does not support the notion that TV and film violence cause aggression in children or in anyone else. So argues Jonathan Freedman, based on his findings that far fewer than half of the scientific studies have found a causal connection between exposure to media violence and aggression or crime. In fact, Freedman believes that, taken to a more controversial extreme, the research could be interpreted as showing that there is no causal effect of media violence at all. Media Violence and its Effect on Aggression offers a provocative challenge to the accepted norms in media studies and psychology. Freedman begins with a comprehensive review of all the research on the effect of violent movies and television on aggression and crime. Having shown the lack of scientific support for the prevailing belief that media violence is connected to violent behaviour, he then explains why something that seems so intuitive and even obvious might be incorrect and goes on to provide plausible reasons why media violence might not have bad effects on children. He contrasts the supposed effects of TV violence on crime with the known effects of poverty and other social factors, and discusses the difference between television advertising, which, he argues, does have an effect, and violent programs, which do not. Freedman concludes by noting that in recent years television and films have been as violent as ever and violent video games have become more and more popular, yet during this period there has been a dramatic decrease in violent crime. He argues that this makes it highly implausible that media violence causes aggression or crime.

The social psychology of perceived prejudice and discrimination.

Abstract: D.O. Hebb Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology as a Science (2001) - Prix D.O. Hebb pour contributions remarquables it la psychologie en tant que science (2001) Abstract Most research on prejudice has followed a unidirectional orientation of investigating why or when majority- or dominant-group members become prejudiced toward members of minority or subordinate groups without considering the effects of prejudice and discrimination upon its victims. By contrast, my research program over the past quarter-- century deals with the "phenomenology" of prejudice and discrimination from the perspective of the victim and has sought to answer questions such as the following: What is it like to be discriminated against on the basis of an arbitrary characteristic such as ethnicity, race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, etc.? What are the social-psychological and affective correlates and consequences to individuals who confront prejudice and discrimination by virtue of membership in a minority or subordinate group? This paper presents a sampling of my research on the "phenomenology" of prejudice and discrimination, along with several theoretical perspectives that I have used and developed to help to understand this issue. Canada prides itself, quite rightly, as being a tolerant society in which people from different racial, ethnic, religious, and national backgrounds can live together amicably in forming our national "mosaic." Nevertheless, members of some groups often feel themselves to be discriminated against in personal, economic, social, and/or political spheres. Feeling one is a victim of discrimination or prejudice is hardly rare. A national Gallup poll in the early 1990s showed one in four Canadians believed they had been discriminated against on some basis. The same question posed 10 years previously found one in five Canadians felt discriminated against. So, perceived discrimination is increasing, slowly but surely, and may continue to do so in future as individuals' sense of entitlement increases and/or their willingness to tolerate inequity declines or disappears. Moreover, a national survey of Canadians by Angus Reid in the early-1990s showed that Canadians are generally aware of discrimination against some groups in our country. Nearly half strongly agreed that discrimination against nonwhites was a problem in Canada. Younger Canadians, particularly those under 24 years old, were especially likely to agree that discrimination is a problem in Canada. In the early-1970s, I began conducting research into the then neglected topic of prejudice and discrimination from the perspective of the "victim" or target. I wanted to explore what I called the "phenomenology" of prejudice. My colleagues and I asked questions such as: What is it like to be a victim of prejudice or discrimination? What are the affective and socialpsychological consequences or correlates of perceiving prejudice and discrimination aimed at oneself and one's group? To explore these issues, we have used methods ranging from controlled experiments in the psychological laboratory to correlational and survey studies assessing the correlates of perceived discrimination in the community and society outside the laboratory. With my collaborators, I have tried to show that the phenomenology of prejudice and discrimination is not only researchable, but also very informative about the groups and individuals who confront them. The picture that emerges from this research is complex, with some clearly negative features but also some positive - or at least, apparently non-negative - features, as well. Not surprisingly, perceiving oneself to be a target of prejudice or discrimination has demonstrable, negative impact upon the individual, and I speculate theoretically about why and in what sense it is a negative experience. However, every cloud usually has at least a bit of a silver lining. The silver lining here is that perceived prejudice and discrimination, under some circumstances, may help buffer or protect aspects of the self-concept for members of certain minority or subordinate groups, in some instances. …

The Rise of Qualitative Research in Psychology

Abstract: A study is presented on the rise of qualitative research in psychology over the 20th century. The incidence of qualitative research as indicated by several search terms (i.e., "qualitative research," "grounded theory," "discourse analy*," "empirical phenomenological," and "phenomenological psychology") was traced through the PsycINFO and Dissertation Abstracts International databases. It was found that, with the exception of the search terms having to do with phenomenology, records containing these search terms were basically non-existent until the 1980s, when there was a sharp rise that intensified in the 1990s. The PsycINFO records were sorted according to (1) whether they came from psychology or other social and health science disciplines; (2) region of origin; (3) the types of document to which they referred; and (4) whether they focused on the methodology or the application of qualitative research. A number of interesting differences emerged from this comparative analysis. Implications of the findings for the supposition that a paradigm shift may be underway are discussed. The term "qualitative research" refers to a variety of approaches to enquiry in the health and social sciences that address the meaning of verbal text in verbal rather than numerical terms. More fundamentally, qualitative research is more subjective than quantitative research; more exploratory than confirmatory; more descriptive than explanatory; more interpretive than positivist (see Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). Thus, in many ways qualitative research cuts across the grain of accustomed research practice. Accordingly, there is resistance to accepting it in many quarters. Nevertheless, a path has been cleared for it in part by the postmodern critique of the modern quest for objective knowledge. More fundamentally, perhaps, the appeal of qualitative research is so great for some investigators that they are engaging in it despite the resistance to it (McMullen, 2002; Stoppard, 2002). There seems to have been an uptake of qualitative research in psychology in recent years. It also seems that no one has examined the extent of this uptake. A number of questions are of interest: When did the turn to qualitative research in psychology begin and how has its growth developed? What kinds of publications constitute the resulting literature? Are there regional differences in the use of qualitative research? How much emphasis has been placed on qualitative research methodology as opposed to its application? It appeared to us that the answers to questions like these would have a bearing on the most interesting question of all: What is to be made of the arrival of qualitative research on the scene in terms of the predominance of the natural science approach to enquiry? Is its presence now large enough that it can be considered a major movement - the emergence of an alternative "paradigm," as Kuhn (1970; cf. McMullen, 2002; O'Neill, 2002) might put it? Or alternatively, is it the case that, under close scrutiny, it becomes evident that qualitative research has yet to make a significant impact on the psychology research infrastructure? In an attempt to address these questions, we decided to study the psychological literature produced in the 20th century. This decision presented a number of difficulties having to do with changes in the use of language over that period of time. This problem could have been addressed through the study of whole documents. To do that would have necessitated sampling in order to handle the volume of them, however. The alternative was to apply search terms to an electronic database. This approach had the appeal of being more comprehensive. Even here, though, such a study would be limited by the scope of the particular database and by the particular search terms used. Thus, neither approach is ideal but, on balance, given that we wished to do an exploratory study, we decided that the latter strategy is the better of the two and so turned to PsycINFO, produced by the American Psychological Association (APA). …

Psychology: The Science of Behaviour

Abstract: NEIL R. CARLSON, WILLIAM BUSKIST, MICHAEL E. ENZLE, and C. DONALD HETH Psychology: The Science of Behaviour Toronto, ON: Pearson Education Canada Ltd., 2002, 701 pages (ISBN 0-13-0393606-6, $105.95, Hardcover) Reviewed by GEORGE ALDER With the publication of the second Canadian edition of Psychology: The Science of Behaviour, the already difficult decision facing introductory textbook selection committees in psychology departments across Canadian universities and colleges has become more complicated. This is the second edition of a Canadian adaptation of Neil Carlson and William Buskist's introductory text that, when it was last published in 1997, was in its fifth edition. Michael Enzle and C. Donald Heth of the University of Alberta have done an admirable job of "Canadianizing" the Carlson and Buskist text, providing a book in which Canadian sources and statistics are seamlessly integrated into the body of the text. Enzle and Heth have avoided many of the more common methods of "Canadianizing" texts (e.g., merely adding Canadian source materials to the end of already existing sections or by highlighting Canadian content by using specialized fonts), and in doing so have provided a text that deserves to be considered on its own merits, not merely on the basis of its Canadian content. Considering the depth and breadth of material covered, this text would be most appropriate for use in institutions where the instruction of introductory psychology extends across two semesters. The 635 pages of text (excluding prefaces, indexes, references, etc.) are divided into 18 chapters of just over 35 pages in average length. These numbers are comparable to those obtained in a recent analysis of full-- length introductory psychology textbooks that reported an average of 673.7 text pages divided into 17.62 chapters for an average of 38.61 pages per chapter (Griggs, Jackson, Christopher, & Marek, 1999). The breadth and depth of coverage in Carlson et al. is reflected not only by its length but also by the inclusion of separate chapters for the topics of sensation and perception which are in many texts combined into a single chapter, and with a separate chapter for language, which is often integrated into other more general topics (e.g., intelligence, development). One question that is often of paramount importance to committee members in selecting introductory texts is the text's level of difficulty. In their 1989 survey of psychology authors and editors, Griggs and Jackson found that introductory textbooks can be divided into three levels on the basis of their difficulty. A higher-level text is one that "...covers psychology in the greatest depth and breadth and is also closely tied to the experimental literature" (Griggs & Jackson, 1989, p. 62), whereas a middle-level text has the breadth of coverage but not the depth, and a lower-level text represents yet another level down in depth of coverage with substantial in-chapter pedagogy (Griggs & Jackson, 1989). In his analysis of the difficulty of 37 introductory texts, Griggs (1999) rated the fifth edition of the Carlson and Buskist (1997) text as a "Higher" level text. Given that the Canadian edition of this text continues to be tied closely to the research literature and has retained the same basic structure and pedagogy, one could reasonably argue that the Canadian adaptation of the text would also receive a "Higher" level rating. Another factor that is often of major concern to those selecting introductory textbooks is the nature of the pedagogical features incorporated into the text. The Canadian edition of the Carlson et al. text has a number of different pedagogical aids, some of which I found more effective than others. Each chapter begins with a "Chapter Outline" that provides a survey of what the chapter discusses. I assume that many students will forego reading these since they do not really cover any additional material. However, I found the "Opening Vignettes" presented immediately after the chapter outlines to be considerably more compelling. …

Individualism and Relatedness Themes in the Context of Depression, Gender, and a Self-Schema Model of Emotion

Abstract: Relatedness and individualism themes are pervasive in psychology, extending across clinical, personality, well-being, social, developmental, assessment, and psychopathology domains. Individualism themes have been described using such terms as agency, autonomy, environmental mastery, personal control, and an independent self-construal. Relatedness themes are evident in the concepts of communion, positive relations with others, collectivism, sociotropy, and an interdependent self-construal. In this article, we first consider how these themes of individualism and relatedness may permeate our understanding of gender differences in both the rate and experience of depression. We then highlight the various ways that relatedness and individualism themes have been studied across several diverse research domains in psychology, focusing on both the positive and negative variants of each construct. This review forms the basis for further establishing the importance of the themes of individualism and relatedness to depression. In doing so, we integrate these themes with a self-schema model of emotion, in which individual difference variables play a central role in emotional experiences, such as depression, for each individual. Our extension of this model focuses on determining the extent to which either relatedness or individualism, or some combination of both, may be central to a given person's experience of depression. Several applications of this self-- schema model to a clinical context with depressed individuals are then highlighted. These include a need to understand more about both the content and function of relatedness self-schemata, and their possible implications for depressed individuals; a need to consider more fully the positive aspects of both relatedness and individualism self-- schemata; a need to consider separate dysfunctional self-- evaluative belief systems that may pertain to either individualism or relatedness; and, finally, a need to consider distinct types of self-esteem that may pertain specifically to either individualism or relatedness. GENDER ISSUES IN DEPRESSION: RELATEDNESS AND INDIVIDUALISM THEMES A gender difference in the rate of depression has been a topic investigated by many researchers in the past two decades (Shaw, Kennedy, & Joffe, 1995; Sprock & Yoder, 1997; Stoppard & McMullen, 1999). In North America, for example, women are estimated to be between two and four times more likely than men to experience unipolar depression at some point in their lives (Culbertson, 1997; Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995). This finding was initially argued to be an artifact, the result of confounding variables such as the increased helpseeking behaviour of women and gender-based diagnoses, leading to inflated rates of depression being reported for women (Shaw et al., 1995). More recent research studies, however, have verified that this 2:1 ratio is indeed reflective of a genuine difference in the rates of depression between women and men in North America (Hurst & Genest, 1995). Ensuing from the confirmation of this gender distinction in depression have been a myriad of attempts to account for this difference (Culbertson, 1997; Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995; Shaw et al., 1995). The two most prominent explanations include: (1) biological (i.e., hormonal changes), and (2) social and cultural factors. Whereas the evidence supporting a biological cause for increased depression in women is still inconclusive (Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995), the present Western sociocultural context is seen by many investigators as a viable contributing factor (Helgeson & Fritz, 1998; Hurst & Genest, 1995; Kaplan, 1986). The effect of culture is validated, in part, by the finding that gender distinctions in depression are not robust cross-culturally (Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995). In turn, this suggests that variations in cultural patterns and values may have an important role in determining differential rates of depression for women versus men. …

Preferred Strategies for Learning Ethics in the Practice of a Discipline

Abstract: There are very few formal evaluations of the impact of instructional practices on the effectiveness of strategies for learning professional ethics. The assessment of ethical knowledge and skills is important in current discussions of professional mobility across North American jurisdictions. The present study investigated adult learners' perceived level of helpfulness of seven strategies when learning seven different ethical content areas. Adult learners rated interactive strategies as more helpful for learning compared to traditional didactic methods. Adult learners rated the helpfulness of various strategies differently for different content areas, indicating that several strategies may be useful. We conclude by making recommendations for further investigation of the effectiveness of various learning strategies in terms of knowledge gained and subsequent behaviour. The increasing emphasis on ethical issues in the science and practice of psychology requires psychologists to carry out more empirical studies on the effectiveness of learning strategies. There are very few published evaluations of the effectiveness of instructional practices or outcomes in the teaching of ethics in psychology. Faculty, thus, are relying on the good-hearted assumptions that current ethics courses have been appropriately designed (Welfel, 1992). The literature relating to ethics and professional accountability in psychology was almost nonexistent until after World War II, but it has increased significantly since the 1970s (Sinclair, 1993). The impetus for addressing ethics may have come from two precipitating factors. One was the postwar disclosure of atrocities conducted in Nazi Germany in the name of science. The other was the rapid postwar professionalization of applied psychology (Sinclair, 1993; Sinclair, Simon, & Pettifor, 1996). The first formal regulation of psychological practice in North America began in Connecticut in 1945. Since then American states and the Canadian provinces have all adopted regulatory legislation. Regulation requires the definition of standards for competent and ethical practice. Ethics questions are included on the Examination for Professional Practice of Psychology and on oral examinations that are required by most regulatory jurisdictions (Association of State and Provincial Psychology Boards, ASPPB, 1999). The accreditation of professional training programs in Canada and the United States requires the teaching of ethics (American Psychological Association, 1996; Canadian Psychological Association, 1991b). Professions develop codes of ethics to guide the behaviour of their members in the practice of their discipline. Aspirational codes of ethics articulate the fundamental moral values on which behavioural standards are based. Professional disciplines avoid intruding on the personal values and behaviours of members as long as they do not bring discredit to the profession (Pettifor, 1996). Nevertheless, the underlying values of codes of ethics reflect the cultural values and mores of the society in which they are formulated, and therefore significant conflict between personal and professional values normally would not occur. Professions may also develop codes of conduct to define specific behaviours that are expected of members and for which violations may incur disciplinary sanctions (Association of Provincial and State Psychology Boards, 1991). All professional codes of ethics and codes of conduct address in one way or another the issues of respect, rights, confidentiality, informed consent, diversity, well-being of consumers, competency, professional boundaries, conflict of interest, honesty, and, sometimes, responsibility to society. Psychologists require knowledge of the profession's requirements for ethical standards and they require skill in recognizing and resolving ethical dilemmas. Strategies for developing knowledge may differ from strategies for developing skills. …

Tectonic Change: The Qualitative Paradigm in Psychology

Abstract: Qualitative methods are presented as a candidate for a new paradigm in psychology. Thomas Kuhn's ideas about the role of paradigms and their stagnation and replacement in science are applied to 20th century events in psychology -- principally the shifts from structuralist introspection to behaviourism and then to cognitive science. For heuristic purposes, I suggest that the quantitative emphasis, with its identified shortcomings, may have reached the replacement stage with so-called big-Q research as the new paradigm. Following Kuhn's analysis, I discuss the reasons why new paradigms are difficult to accept even though they may, in the end, answer questions left untouched by ossified approaches. The earth's crust is made up of huge segments called tectonic plates that float on the mantle below. Their movement is responsible for such slow but momentous changes as continental drift and the building of mountains, and the sudden changes represented by earthquakes. The characteristics of tectonic change include an appearance of ordinary life at the surface, while far below forces are at work, grinding toward a minor tremor, or a major quake that can change the surface for good. Only careful monitoring with sophisticated instruments will disclose to those on the surface the possibility of sudden and perhaps cataclysmic change. For most, it is business as usual until the pictures start falling from the walls. In this paper I want to use the metaphor of tectonic change to describe the tension between two paradigms in psychological research: quantitative and qualitative. Thought experiments explore what the situation might look like if some state of affairs were the case. What forces might empower qualitative research to become, if not the dominant paradigm in psychology, at least closer to sharing dominance with hypothesistesting quantitative research? The idea of tectonic change is similar to Thomas Kuhn's notion of paradigm shifts in science. In The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1970) he described the shifts in scientific thinking from Ptolemaic to Copernican astronomy, from Newton's dynamics to Einstein's, and the shifts in perspective necessary for a range of discoveries including oxygen, x-rays, and the neutrino. I will begin by defining paradigm as Kuhn uses the term. Then I will talk about the grounds for thinking of qualitative research as a viable candidate for an alternative paradigm. Since the acceptance of a new paradigm would involve some supplanting of the present hypothesis-testing quantitative model, I will offer reasons why paradigms lose their grip on a domain. Then I will ask what sorts of people tend to challenge the dominant paradigm, and, finally, why change is so fiercely resisted. Kuhn, a physicist, was unsure whether the social sciences could even be said to have paradigms, and hence to experience paradigm change. For instance, he commented: "In parts of biology - the study of heredity, for example - the first universally received paradigms are... recent; and it remains an open question what parts of social science have yet to acquire such paradigms at all" (p. 15). Only mature sciences, in Kuhn's view, qualify as having paradigms. One knows that a science is mature when it is no longer comprehensible to the general, intelligent public. Kuhn may have thought that the social sciences were still too accessible to qualify. He said that paradigmatic normal science is marked by its incomprehensibility outside the fraternity; "...most... fields of physical science ceased to be generally accessible [to the public] in the nineteenth [century]. Similar transitions can be isolated in the various parts of the biological sciences. In parts of the social sciences they may well be occurring today" (p. 20-21). Kuhn's view of the social sciences is that of an outsider; contrary to his musings, most historians of psychology (e.g., Benjafield, 1996; Hergenhahn, 1997; Leahy, 1997) do think of the discipline as having paradigms, and having undergone 20h century paradigm shifts - in particular from behaviourism to cognitive psychology. …

The New Research Agenda for a Cultural Psychology

Abstract: Qualitative methods are the investigative tools of choice for the field of cultural psychology, in which the study of meaning is central. The process of cultural psychological research calls for an approach that emphasizes the quality of the relationship between researchers and participants. We argue for the importance of this relationship in the development of the validity and usefulness of such work. Methods within this framework often include dialectic communication, respect, participatory partnership, inductive reasoning, and the taking of extra time as necessary. In this paper, research projects with urban Canadian street youth, Inuit prison inmates, and Inuit community members experiencing a youth suicide epidemic are provided as case studies that highlight the relational motif in qualitative research. The field of cultural psychology, alive in various forms for quite some time, has been burgeoning since about 1990 (Bruner, 1990; Cole, 1990; Stigler, Shweder, & Herdt, 1990). Cultural psychology is a multi- and interdisciplinary crossing but primarily involves the epistemological middle ground between psychology and anthropology. Some of its roots stem from the earlier work of Luria (1976), Mead (1934), and Vygotsky (1962). Arising also from the growing subdisciplines of psychological (e.g., Bock, 1994, 1999; Shore, 1996; Shweder & LeVine, 1984) and cognitive (e.g., D'Andrade, 1995; Hutchins, 1996; Strauss & Quinn, 1997) anthropology, cultural psychology has developed out of a dissatisfaction with psychology's psychic unity or universalist model of the mind (Shweder, 1990), cross-cultural psychology's treatment model of culture as an independent variable rather than as a process (Greenfield, 1997), and psychology's self-limiting ethnocentric logic (Seeley, in press). Cultural psychology includes or overlaps with a number of fields of investigation within psychology, including situated cognition (Kirshner & Whitson, 1997), social and shared cognition (Nye & Brower, 1996; Resnick, Levine, & Teasley, 1991), and intentionality (Rosen, 1995). Its focus is on the understanding of not only how mind constitutes culture but more importantly of how culture constitutes mind. Cultural psychology examines the process of the social or cultural construction of the person including thoughts, emotions, motivation, development, identity, and other psychological constructs. "Culture" in cultural psychology encompasses collective identities, meanings, experiences, and practices, and is usually conceptualized, in the Kroeber-- Kluckhohn sense, as "collective symbolic discourse" (Kuper, 1999, p. 16). In keeping with the more recent trend in anthropology, culture goes beyond reference to traditional exoticism and moves, both in focus and definition, to the inclusion of less distant "others" within the same landscape, and may encompass beliefs, traditions, and ideologies with respect to such collective categories as age cohort, gender, ethnic identity, sexual orientation, and even workplace (Aug&, 1994; Kuper, 1999). At the centre of cultural psychology is the study of meaning. It leans on the hermeneutic or interpretive side of psychology. Thus, of utmost importance is the understanding of meaning from the participant's ("native's") point of view. Bruner (1990) writes that cultural psychology also "seeks out the rules that human beings bring to bear in creating meanings in cultural contexts. These contexts are always contexts of practice. It is always necessary to ask what people are doing or trying to do in that context" (p. 118). Qualitative research methods, through a process that can be both inductive and deductive, allow for the understanding of such rules people have for making sense of their worlds specific to various domains of enquiry. We agree with Ratner (1997) that "[t]he task of inferring mental activity from extensive expressions is the central and distinguishing concern of qualitative methodology" (p. …

Constructing qualitative knowledge in psychology: Students and faculty negotiate the social context of inquiry.

Abstract: Based on interviews with 13 graduate students and 21 faculty from diverse areas of Canadian departments of psychology, I report researchers' views on qualitative methods in terms of social historical, systemic influences on constructing psychological knowledge. These ideological and structural systems include the historical place of qualitative research in scientific psychology,, education in alternative research methods, the socioeconomic reward system for faculty, and potential for changes in the discipline that could facilitate the legitimation of qualitative methods. The major finding was the desire for methodological pluralism, even among mainstream faculty. In light of the researchers' textured commentaries, I discuss the fate of attempts by some psychologists to expand traditional investigative boundaries, the potential for a shift in the discipline to methodological pluralism, and the implications for the education of undergradute and graduate students in psychological research. Transformations in conducting and writing about research, including the use of qualitative methods, have gained momentum in recent decades within such circles as the history and philosophy of psychology, feminist psychology, community psychology, and the study of social issues ( Kidder & Fine, 1997; Kvale, 1992.) As Kidder and Fine (1997) noted, qualitative methods actually have a long historical tradition. Their present revival is exemplified by the 1999 special double-issue of the Psychology of Women Quarterly on innovative methods in feminist research, which is available as a book (Crawford & Kimmel, 1999). A few articles reporting qualitative research even are seeping into some mainstream journals. These developments prompt several questions about psychologists' receptivity to alternative research practices, given the discipline's century-old primary commitment to quantitative research. For instance, how do qualitative researchers negotiate pathways within the discipline to create discursive space for qualitative research in psychology? On the other hand, how do faculty and students who do not identify with the turn to qualitative methods construe them? One useful source of evidence on the present and future status of qualitative methods in psychology is investigators' accounts of their own experience as researchers, authors, teachers, supervisors, and students. Researchers' accounts can illuminate the psychosocial link between the immediate investigative situation of researchers and participants and the complex, layered dimensions of institutionalized structures, norms, and ideologies of scientific psychology that envelop any form of psychological knowledge-- making. As the literature on the social origins of psychological investigations has shown, the investigative situation is fundamentally a relationship between researchers and participants that is laden with social historical influences and subjective meaning (Danziger, 1990; Morawski, 1988). Once methodological, ethical, and report-writing norms for the research relationship were established in the discipline, they were - and are - difficult to modify because scientific psychologists and their students tend to take these deeply embedded investigative standards for granted (Danziger, 1990). Psychologists' scientific traditions not only have shaped their research methods but also the roles that investigators, research assistants, and participants play in the immediate research situation, as well as the ethical standards for investigative conduct and the compositional and stylistic guidelines for writing an empirical journal paper (Walsh-Bowers, 1995, 1999). In addition to methodological, ethical, and reporting norms, the structures, mores, and ideologies of scientific psychology as a social institution also mould workaday investigative practice (Danziger, 1990). These more systemic but typically covert features of the research landscape include epistemological assumptions about making scientific knowledge; the enculturation of students in investigative customs, mediated by course instructors and research supervisors; the function of research productivity within the academic reward system; methodological criteria promoted by funding sources, journal editors, and grant and journal reviewers; and psychologists' beliefs, feelings, and wishes about what constitutes rigorous methodology. …

Navigating the hazards of orthodoxy: Introducing a graduate course on qualitative methods into the psychology curriculum.

Abstract: A recent survey of qualitative researchers in Canada by Rennie et al. (2000) found that few academic psychologists engage in qualitative research. This article begins with a description of the author's decision to develop a graduate course on qualitative research methods and then goes on to explore resistance and receptivity to qualitative research in three areas: the impact of the course on students; the reactions of faculty to attempts by students to introduce qualitative methods into their work; and the curriculum revision process. Based on the author's experience of teaching the course over several years, strategies are suggested for surviving (and perhaps thriving) in academic environments that are somewhat inhospitable to qualitative approaches. Based on their recent survey of qualitative researchers in Canada, Rennie, Watson, and Monteiro (2000) observe that "the majority of arts/science graduate programmes in psychology in this country do not have any qualitative researchers on faculty and ... for those that do, the numbers are small" (paragraph 8). They summarize their survey's findings as indicating that use of qualitative methods in academic psychology "lags behind its uptake in the other disciplines with which it was compared." The other disciplines referred to here included educational psychology, education, nursing, and sociology. The qualitative psychologists who responded to Rennie et al.'s survey reported experiences reflecting their relative isolation within academic departments in which the dominant methodology remains positivist and quantitative. Common difficulties were lack of faculty members to serve on thesis committees and increased workload resulting from a growing student interest in qualitative methods. According to Rennie et al., although qualitative researchers within psychology may encounter some resistance both inside and outside their home departments, they are "at least tolerated by departmental colleagues" (paragraph 27). Rennie et al. are less sanguine, however, about the status of qualitative research within the discipline more generally. Their article ends in the following way: Nevertheless, the situation is such that we do not foresee a pronounced shift in the way arts/science Canadian psychology as a whole prefers to do enquiry - certainly not in the near future. (paragraph 27) Rennie et al.'s survey identifies some broad trends in receptivity and resistance to qualitative research within university psychology departments. Their article includes brief excerpts from survey respondents, but does not provide much detail about the everyday experiences of academic psychologists who position their work within a qualitative paradigm. In this article, I focus on my experience of introducing and teaching a graduate course on qualitative methods to illustrate issues that can arise when an attempt is made to incorporate alternative methodological approaches into the psychology curriculum. If we are to understand the processes involved in receptivity and resistance to qualitative methods within the discipline, it seems to me that we need to learn something about how these processes operate at the local level, in addition to documenting broad trends. Understanding these local processes would also be a necessary precursor for identifying strategies for surviving (and perhaps thriving) in academic environments that currently are somewhat inhospitable to qualitative approaches. The importance of attending to processes at the local level is also identified by feminist psychologist and historian of psychology Jill Morawski in her recent discussion of challenges confronting efforts to diversify psychology in directions that are more welcoming to nonmainstream methods (Morawski, 2001). According to Morawski, these challenges operate at both the level of disciplinary culture and what she calls the "near environment" (p. 70), which I take to mean the local level. …

Complex HIV treatment regimens and patient quality of life.

Abstract: Recent advances in the treatment of HIV/AIDS have led to medical improvements for persons living with the virus. As a result, many now think of HIV infection as a chronic rather than a terminal illness. Along with this shift comes the understanding that individuals now live with treatments that require long-term adherence to regimens that are often complex, time consuming, and not without deleterious side effects. The greater life expectancy, nature of new treatments and their dependence on regimented adherence has recently led to the investigation of psychosocial variables loosely categorized as quality of life (QOL). Although there has been relatively little research on the topic in relation to new HIV therapies, what is known is that QOL - with all of its complications and dimensions - appears to play an essential role in HIV and HIV treatment. Moreover, QOL would seem to be a most worthwhile component to further investigations of improved therapies and betterment for the lives of infected individuals. The following literature review discusses these issues, highlights key research findings, and provides directions for further research. Recent developments in the management of HIV/AIDS have brought about dramatic alterations in the lives of persons infected by the virus. The introduction of more effective treatments, especially highly active antiretroviral therapy regimens (HAART) have not only resulted in lower viral loads, but also made significant impacts on morbidity and mortality (Altice & Friedland, 1998; Faber & McDaniel, 1999; Holzemer, Henry, Portillo, & Miramontes, 2000; Jeffe, Meredith, Mundy, & Fraser, 1998; Singh et al., 1999). In fact, as Singh et al. state, "The remarkable success of the newer antiretroviral therapeutic regimens, with their ability to achieve durable suppression of HIV replication, have transformed HIV infection into a chronic manageable disease" (p. 824). Antiretroviral medications are documented in the prolonging survival of individuals infected with HIV and, hence, in the status change of the disorder to one requiring long-term management and continued ongoing treatment (Bright, 1999;Jeffe et al., 1998). This is noteworthy in that ongoing treatment is the often daunting and complex nature of the regimens that are part of HAART (Altice & Friedland, 1998; Bright, 1999; Holzemer et al., 1999). Further, these complicated and time-consuming treatments require rigorous adherence, with a medication cut-off point typically stipulated at 80% of doses taken for an adherence/ nonadherence distinction (Rabkin & Chesney, 1999; Williams, 1999). Conscientious maintenance is necessary in order to achieve full treatment effect and avoid increased viral loads, and the possibility of viral mutation and resistance (Holzemer et al., 1999; Holzemer et al., 2000; Mostashiri, Riley, Selwyn, & Altice, 1998; Singh et al., 1999). The transition of HIV infection to a chronic disorder involving relatively complex treatments dependent on diligent patient adherence raises the need to consider how these treatments affect psychological integrity and the quality of life (QOL) of infected individuals. QOL includes dimensions of well-being spanning the physical, mental, and social, and including a diversity of aspects from direct symptomology and daily functioning to work performance and emotional status (Anderson, Hollenberg, & Williams, 1999; Cramer, 1999; Keith & Schalock, 1992, 1994). Medical diagnoses and treatments have implications that extend beyond the disease or infirmity, however; as Cramer notes, such matters are "often not brought to the attention of the physician" (p. S52). However, in the context of HIV/AIDS, QOL concerns are particularly relevant because they have been directly correlated with adherence to treatment regimens (Anderson et al., 1999; Holzemer et al., 1999; Holzemer et al., 2000; Mostashiri et al., 1998; Pequegnat & Stover, 1999; Singh et al. …

The codes of ethics of the Canadian Psychological Association and the Canadian Medical Association: Ethical orientation and functional grammar analysis.

Abstract: The Canadian Code of Ethics for Psychologists (Canadian Psychological Association, CPA, 2000) has been the subject of several recent investigations. This work has focused, for example, on the validity of its hierarchical organization of ethical principles. In the present research, we subjected the code to both a content and a functional grammar analysis. Our content analysis was aimed at determining the theoretical ethical orientation (i.e., deontological, teleological or caring) of each statement in the document, while the functional grammar analysis provided information about implicit messages embedded within the code. We contrasted the results of our analysis with those of previous work on the code of ethics adopted by the Canadian Medical Association (CMA). We concluded that, compared to CMA's code, the CPA document has greater educational value, is less authoritarian, provides a clear rationale for ethical behaviour, and is more empowering to the decision-maker. We argue that the results of our functional grammar and content analyses have implications for future attempts to improve ethics codes for psychology and other professions. Many organizations and most national professional associations have adopted codes of ethics. Such documents serve an educational function (e.g., O'Neill, 1998) and communicate important expectations to the membership of these organizations. Codes also serve to facilitate a profession's ability to self-regulate. They may also function as a means by which members can question their own personal values as they relate to their professional role (Meyer, 1987). Externally, codes of ethics assure the public, clients, and other stakeholders that members of a profession are competent, have a high level of integrity, and are able to enforce high moral standards (Pettifor, 1996). Codes of ethics also help professionals commit publicly and explicitly to their association's values, norms, beliefs, and philosophy and make them accountable (Dunbar, 1998; Pettifor, 1996). The Canadian Code of Ethics for Psychologists (Canadian Psychological Association, 1986, 2000) was designed to incorporate the collective wisdom of Canadian psychologists (Sinclair, Poisner, GilmourBarrett, & Randall, 1987). Sinclair et al. (1987) described the methodology that was used in the code's development. Briefly, the process involved the creation of 37 vignettes describing hypothetical ethical dilemmas. The dilemmas related to the ethical principles that were articulated in the 1977 edition of the code adopted by the American Psychological Association (APA, 1977). They also involved conflicts between ethical principles as well as psychological practice issues and situations involving innovative but untested approaches. Sinclair et al. formulated questions to elicit self-accepted ethical principles. They asked 400 Canadian psychologists to each respond to a series of questions about a portion of the vignettes. One hundred and twenty-five agreed to participate but only 59 responses were received. The researchers submitted these responses to a content analysis that focused on the reasons provided for the courses of action selected by the respondents. They organized the relevant statements into categories that reflected superordinate ethical principles. The resulting document consisted of four fundamental ethical principles (Respect for the Dignity of Persons, Responsible Caring, Integrity in Relationships, and Responsibility to Society). A consultative process with provincial regulatory bodies supported the validity of the document. Although the code has since undergone revisions, it still is based largely on the original document and its four fundamental ethical principles (CPA, 2000). The CPA (1986, 2000) code has received plenty of praise for its coherence, organization, and unique features (e.g., Booth, 1998; Dixon, 1998; Hadjistavropoulos & Malloy, 2000; Sinclair, 1998; Wassenaar, 1998); however, empirical research (e. …

We must do a better job of cumulating knowledge.

Abstract: CPA Award for Distinguished Contributions in the Application of Psychology, 2001 Prix de la SCP pour contributions remarquables a l'application de la psychologie Abstract It is argued that our attempts at knowledge cumulation have been flawed in four ways. They are the eroding of "empiricism" in clinical practice, the tendency towards paradigm passion and ethnocentricism, the failure to attend to "simple" measures of effect size, and the misuse of significance testing. It is recommended that speciality designations, the replacement of significance testing with point estimates and confidence intervals, the use of practical effect size statistics, the establishment of data repositories, and a renewed focus on replication would help resolve some of these problems. On occasions such as this, it is usually the case, and quite appropriate I might add, that those so honoured summarize their research accomplishments. I am going to resist doing that, however, because the confidence interval about my point estimate worth as a scientist is embarrassingly wide. As testament to this realization (Gendreau, 2000), I remember making what I thought were trenchant criticisms of the then-fashionable "addiction prone" theory (circa 1960s) only to realize later that I had used the same fallacious logic in presenting my case as I had previously accused my opponents of doing. This was followed by my generating a recidivism index for Canada that was upside down and then, when I became a clinical administrator in corrections, I took over a successful token economy and introduced 300% inflation in two weeks. Of course, being a psychologist, none of the above had any negative consequences for either my citation index or career in general. Rather, what I wish to address is an issue that I am confident I am correct about because, for one good reason, none of the ideas originated with me. In my view, we must do a better job of cumulating knowledge in order to generate helpful policies for people in need. I suggest that this is best done by: (1) reaffirming the scientist-practitioner model; (2) avoiding paradigm passion and ethnocentrism; (3) reporting statistics suited to knowledge cumulation; and (4) most importantly, giving significance testing a delay of game penalty. To illustrate, I will draw upon examples from my own field of study. Four Antidotes for Bad Knowledge Cumulation COULD WE HAVE A LITTLE MORE SCIENCE IN OUR CLINICAL PRACTICE? I am on shaky ground when grousing about the sad state of affairs regarding the decline of the scientist-- practitioner model as I have no "hard" data. In asserting this claim, I am influenced by occasional protestations penned by "senior citizen" psychologists of my generation and rumours about cadres of clinical graduate students enchanted by the siren call of grounded theory and the bizarre belief in the law of small numbers (cf. Potter & Wetherell, 1987) wherein unstructured interviews with 10 souls provides sufficient data to generalize the conclusions to all and sundry. I have also been periodically informed by some clinicians that it is not their responsibility to generate knowledge that informs their practice. Having supervised clinicians for a number of years, and been one myself, I am somewhat empathetic with that position given the nature of their jobs. If clinicians, however, carry this position to its logical extension and disclaim all responsibility in this regard, I fear the next step will be not even bothering to keep up with their relevant literatures. The substance of my case rests on two examples: the continued use of the MMPI in corrections and the generally poor quality of correctional programming. One would think that 50 years of MMPI administration (is there an offender anywhere in North America who has not had to complete one?) would have generated hundreds of predictive validities in the literature attesting to the utility of the measure, particularly the Pd scale, which is the granddaddy measure for assessing offenders' criminal propensity. …

Citizens Shaping Policy: The Canadian Mental Health Association's Framework for Support Project

Abstract: Fifteen plus years of work in mental health policy development from a community development perspective under the aegis of the Canadian Mental Health Association are described. The evolution of a model de-emphasizing formal mental health services and emphasizing partnerships between consumers, family members, the community at large, and mental health service providers is presented. Particular attention is paid to the value of re-investing in natural support systems both through the diversion of funds to such groups and the recognition of such systems as integral components of the cultural response to serious mental illness. This paper is a description of a long-term policy development process undertaken by the Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA) at the national, divisional (provincial/territorial), and branch (local) levels, focusing on the problem of serious mental illness in Canada. It is presented in this context because participation in the project over time played an essential role in the first author's nomination for the CPA award for distinguished contributions to community or public service. It is hoped that the presentation will encourage some psychologists to broaden the perspectives they have of mental illness and serve as encouragement to others who have already begun the shift from a medical to a community-centred understanding. This presentation in no way assumes that the project approaches a final understanding of the complex matter of mental illness but rather that the CMHA's Framework for Support, (Trainor, Pomeroy, & Pape, 1999) can serve as a tool for coming to richer understandings than have perhaps been the case. The discussion which follows is retrospective and is but one of many possible characterizations of the development of the Framework Project over time. In many respects it differs significantly from the characterization of the project in the above volume. The CMHA is Canada's oldest and largest non-- government organization focusing on the situation of persons with serious mental illness. Founded at the beginning of the 20th century, it has its roots in the mental hygiene reform movement associated with Clifford Beers (1917) in the United States and Clarence Hincks in Canada (Griffin, 1989). Later in the century it produced the landmark policy document, More for the Mind (Tyhurst, 1963), advocating the process of de-institutionalization and the development of appropriate forms of community care. The formulation in More for the Mind paralleled developments in the U.S. that came to be known as the Community Mental Health Movement. The widely recognized shortcomings of the process of deinstitutionalization and the failure to build a viable community mental health system subsequently led to a re-examination of the principles set forth in More for the Mind. Through the efforts of the CMHA Mental Health Services Committee, a kind of in-house think-tank drawing on volunteer mental health experts, a new charter document, A Framework for Support (Trainor & Church, 1984), was developed. Throughout the process of developing the document and the nearly 20 years of initiatives that have sprung from it, an iterative process of ideas and concerns from local communities being modified, interpreted, and animated by projects emanating from the national office has characterized the project (Morwood, 1999). If one wishes to locate the project conceptually in methodological space, it stands as a rich exemplar of the action research tradition described in the Canadian context by Sommer (1999). While it embodies the principles he identified, it moves beyond in attempting to make research learnings a tool in subsequent policy development. The Framework for Support Project can, in retrospect, be seen as having gone through three overlapping phases, the third of which continues to be played out at this time. In the first phase, the locus of activity was largely within CMHA and was directed towards the creation of the charter document (Trainor & Church, 1984) and teasing out its implications. …

Learning the languages of research: Transcending illiteracy and indifference.

Abstract: Although approaches to research other than experimentation and quasi-experimentation have recently become more prevalent in psychology, resistance to these approaches continues. Outright condemnation may have diminished, but equally powerful forms of resistance - illiteracy and indifference - remain. The nature and consequences of these forms of resistance are explored, particularly with respect to undergraduate education. I suggest we need to realize more fully how learning both traditional and alternative approaches informs our understanding of the other, and we need to encourage the growth of what Collini (1993) refers to as "the intellectual equivalent of bilingualism," a capacity to exercise the language of both kinds of approaches and to engage in a mutually intelligible exchange of views. In 1963, four years after delivering the Rede Lecture at Cambridge, C. P. Snow responded to the controversy sparked by his description of the gulf between what he termed the "two cultures" (i.e., the literary intellectuals and the natural scientists). In this response, he acknowledged that his views were shaped by his being an Englishman, and that in the United States the cultural divide between the humanists and the natural scientists was not nearly as sharp. As evidence, he cited a body of intellectual opinion from persons in a variety of fields, including social history, sociology, demography, political science, economics, and psychology - in others words, the social sciences. And of the budding existence of this "third culture," he said, "When it comes, some of the difficulties of communication will at last be softened: for such a culture has, just to do its job, to be on speaking terms with the scientific one" (p. 71, italics added). Although Snow is well known for his writings on the cultures of research and scholarly work, his view that the social sciences can (perhaps, must) speak the language of both the humanities and the natural sciences is not new, particularly with respect to psychology. As convincingly demonstrated by Danziger (1979), Wilhelm Wundt maintained that psychology consisted of two complementary halves, each of which was connected to a particular set of methods: physiological or individual psychology that was most often best investigated through experimental methods, and social or ethnopsychology that could only be investigated through nonexperimental methods. Wundt's views were, of course, not widely shared by many of his contemporaries, and certainly not by many of his successors. During much of the 20th century, psychology was based primarily on a positivist philosophy of science, defined almost exclusively as a natural science, and focused on the use of the experimental method. It is only within the latter years of this century that an accelerating questioning of the usefulness of this near-- exclusive definition has occurred, concomitant with a serious search for methods other than experimentation. Ironically, however, even in the present age of methodological pluralism, there is a deep gulf (perhaps somewhat akin to the divide that separated Snow's two cultures) between those in the field of psychology who can speak the languages of both the experimental (including quasi-experimental) methods and alternative methods, and those who speak only the languages of the former. In this article, I want to address the question of receptivity and resistance to incorporating alternative methods in psychology by focusing on what I believe are two powerful forms of resistance - illiteracy and indifference. Before describing these forms of resistance and their consequences, I consider briefly the question of naming. What Words are We to Use? Recent discussions of the expansion of methods available for psychological research are increasingly framed within the quantitative-qualitative binary. As Rogers (2001) persuasively argues, however, the use of the term qualitative is problematic on at least two grounds. …

Music cognition and the cognitive psychology of film structure.

Abstract: Early 20th century psychologists drew attention to similarities between mental processes elicited by film and by music. Contemporary film theorists have also noted analogous film and music structures, and contemporary psychologists have used musical metaphors in discussions of film perception and cognition. These psychological parallels have not been explored through experimental research, in part, because of scarce experimental psychological research on film in contrast to the vast amount on music. The present article proposes that music cognition research provides insight into the perception of formal structure in film, taking as support an analysis of the film The Red Violin. The analysis reveals similarities between film and music with respect to three kinds of musical structure: central reference (tonality), large-scale form (rondo), and small-scale form (motif). Experiments are proposed to reveal the similarity in the mental processes engaged by music and film for each of the three types of structure, respectively. The application of principles and methods of music cognition to film psychology supports the intuitions of early psychological film theorists. The approach also generalizes to other art forms. No systematic study has been made of how films may be based on repetitions and variations, but most critics implicitly recognize the importance of these processes. (Bordwell & Thompson, 1999, p. 87) Like cognitive psychology, the subfield of music cognition has flourished over the last three decades. Recent extensions to the context of film (Cohen, 1994, 2000a) have investigated influences of music on film interpretation (Bolivar, Cohen, & Fentress, 1994; Boltz, 2001; Thompson, Russo, & Sinclair, 1994), film memory (Boltz, 2001; Cohen, 2000b), and visual attention (Lipscomb, 1999; Marshall & Cohen, 1988). The present article, however, focuses on the similarities in cognitive processes that music and film each evokes rather than on the effects of music on the mental processing of film. Emphasis on similarities of music and film finds precedents in early 20th century experimental psychology and film theory. Curiously, these first music-film analogies faded into obscurity, possibly because no experimental psychology of film was developed for comparison with music. Nonetheless, similarities between music and film processes emerge once again in contemporary experimental psychology and film theory. The present article first reviews these historic and recent analogies between music and film and then examines one film in particular from the perspective of music cognition. It is argued that if past precedents are correct and music and film exploit similar cognitive processes, then recent research in music cognition should facilitate understanding of film cognition. EARLY ANALOGIES BETWEEN MUSIC AND FILM IN PSYCHOLOGY AND FILM THEORY Film, unlike most arts, emerged after the beginning of experimental psychology. The first commercial films were shown around the start of the 20th century, and film entertainment became generally accessible about a decade later. Initially the appeal of film was two-fold: first, as the new phenomenal experience of the motion picture medium, or the photoplay as Americans called it, and second, as the content of the film be it story or documentary. Notably, the period just prior to and after the First World War was the only epoch in the Western world during which an audience encountered film first as adults rather than as children. Thus, early psychologists might have had insights about the new film medium that can never again be obtained. Behaviourism, with its focus on observable behaviour, gained a foothold in experimental psychology at this time. Nevertheless, mental experience still found a following in psychology departments. The rise of motion pictures fostered interest in the stroboscopic effect of apparent motion, fundamental to the illusion of continuity on the screen (Ash, 1995, p. …

A National Imperative: Public Funding of Psychological Services

Abstract: CPA Award for Distinguished Contributions to Psychology as a Profession (2001) - Prix de la SCP pour contributions remarquables a la psychologie en tant que profession (2001) Abstract This article discusses the history of Canadian psychology and the publicly funded health care system. Reasons are provided for the current situation, in which psychology is largely not publicly funded, and the current situation in psychology is contrasted with that history, to make the argument that modifications are possible. Different models and methods of funding, related to service providers, service recipients, and the actual services themselves are reviewed. An argument is made that public funding should be provided to clinical psychologists who provide empirically supported services to patients with diagnosable mental health problems. The article concludes with a response to some anticipated criticisms of the position taken, and ideas about political advocacy to advance the agenda of public funding of psychological services. One of the distinct pleasures of being recognized for the Canadian Psychological Association Award for Distinguished Contributions to Professional Psychology is the opportunity to contribute an article to Canadian Psychology. In considering which domain to write about in this privileged document, I naturally considered depression, as it is the area in which I have done most of my research during my academic career. In the end, however, I could not resist the opportunity to use this forum to advocate a matter of public policy related to the psychological services, that has been, at least from my perspective, a discredit to the profession of psychology and to public servants responsible for publicly funded health services in Canada, alike. I am speaking of the fact that psychology is not yet recognized in any province as an essential part of the health system, in as much as psychological services are not directly funded under provincial medicare. In this article, I will briefly review some of the factors that have contributed to the current situation, discuss some of the reasons why this is an opportune time to modify the relationship between psychology and medicare, and elucidate some of the mechanisms whereby that development may be made. Finally, I will anticipate some of the reactions for critique of the proposals that will be generated, in what I hope will be a final argument in support of psychology being directly funded under provincial medicare plans. HOW DID WE GET HERE? Although the concepts of universal health care, as elaborated in the Canada Health Act (Government of Canada, 2001), are widely subscribed to by Canadians, it is worth noting at the outset that this vision is relatively recent, only having been adopted in its current form at the federal level in 1984. The Canada Health Act requires that all "medically necessary" services be universally available, but the actual definition of "medically necessary" does permit some regional variance, and no national definitive list of essential or necessary services exists. Further, to the extent that different provinces have the financial ability and political mandate or will, they may offer services that would not be deemed necessary, but which are considered part of the overall social good. Services that are considered nonessential today can become part of the list of funded services in the future, as new information about their efficacy or beneficial side effects becomes known. In this regard, evidence of cost-offset may be a highly potent force to convince provinces to include new services in those that they fund. Notwithstanding the fact that psychology as a discipline is more than a century old, and that even clinical psychology within the overall discipline has more than a century behind it (McReynolds, 1996), the fact is that psychology is a relatively recent partner in the panoply of health service providers in the Canadian context. …

The relative importance of the ethical principles adopted by the American Psychological Association.

Abstract: A primary purpose of a code of ethics is to assist members of an organization in making consistent choices when faced with ethical dilemmas. In instances where two or more ethical principles are in conflict with one another, decision-makers are typically left to determine which of the two should be given most weight. Nonetheless, in the code of ethics adopted by the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA), principles are ranked in order of importance. This provides decision-makers with guidance in situations of conflict between ethical principles. In contrast to CPA's code of ethics, other professional codes do not provide such guidance. In a previous paper, we provided a philosophical rationale for a ranking of the ethical principles adopted by the American Psychological Association (APA) in order to help guide decision-making (Hadjistavropoulos & Malloy, 1999). In the present study, we investigated whether APA members collectively believe that some ethical principles are more important than others, and whether their views about the relative importance of ethical principles are consistent with the order (i.e., ranking) outlined in the CPA code. The results suggest that although APA members view all principles of their code as being important, they also view certain principles as carrying more weight. A discussion of the similarities and differences between a ranking of ethical principles that was based on our participants' responses and that of the CPA code is provided. The implications of the findings for ethical decision-making are also discussed. A primary purpose of any code of ethics is to provide members of an association with guidance for making consistent ethical choices. Principles and standards are used to specify for members the nature of what the organization/association deems to be ideal and/or expected conduct (Railborn & Payne, 1990). The ethical principles listed in the code of ethics adopted by the Canadian Psychological Association (CPA, 1991, 2000) are ranked in order of importance. This approach was intended to increase consistency of ethical decision-making in situations where ethical principles are in conflict with one another (Hadjistavropoulos & Malloy, 2000; Sinclair, 1998). In contrast to the CPA code, the code of ethics adopted by the American Psychological Association (APA, 1992) does not include a ranking of ethical principles. The APA (1992) code is of interest to Canadian psychologists because it reflects the practices of the largest psychological association in the world and is a highly visible and influential document within international psychology. Moreover, approximately 2,000 Canadian psychologists are members of APA (APA, 2000). The code of ethics of the american psychological association (APA, 1992) includes six ethical principles (Competence, Integrity, Professional and Scientific Responsibility, Respect for People's Rights and Dignity, Concern for Others' Welfare, and Social Responsibility). It is not difficult to think of situations in which some of these principles can come into conflict with other principles. Consider, for example, a well-meaning parent who wishes to make a choice for his child that the psychologist believes is not in the best interest of the child (Hadjistavropoulos & Malloy, 1999). In such a situation, principles that relate to client autonomy (e.g., Respect for People's Rights and Dignity) would conflict with those that pertain to concern for the welfare of others (e.g., Concern for Others' Welfare). Most codes of ethics do not provide guidance with respect to the manner in which such conflicts should be dealt with, thus, increasing the probability of inconsistent decision-making among psychologists. As mentioned earlier, the issue of conflict among ethical principles has been addressed by CPA (1991, 2000). The four principles of CPA's code are ranked as follows: 1) Respect for the Dignity of Persons; 2) Responsible Caring; 3) Integrity in Relationships; and 4) Responsibility to Society. …

Making a Clearing: Qualitative Research in Anglophone Canadian Psychology

Abstract: Special Issue Canadian pioneers rid their homestead lands of bush and rock, creating clearings fit for farming. Similarly, a clearing is being established in Canadian psychology. The term "qualitative research" refers to a wide variety of methods other than the positivistic ones favoured in most psychological enquiry. These methods include empirical phenomenology (Giorgi, 1970), grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), ethnomethodology (Garfinkel, 1967), discourse analysis (e.g., Potter & Wetherell, 1987), conversation analysis (Labov & Fanshell, 1977), narrative analysis (e.g., Polkinghorne, 1995), and action research (e.g., Reason & Bradbury, 2001), among others. These methods challenge the objectivism prized in conventional enquiry. Most researchers attempt to control for the subjectivity of self and other through procedures such as random sampling, the control-group experiment and the use of "objective" questionnaires, with all procedures eventuating in quantified results that are analyzed statistically. Qualitative researchers are sceptical of this objectivism. We maintain that it keeps distant the complexities and nuances of what it means to be human, both in terms of those being researched and those doing the research. Thus, given that people use language more than any other form of symbolization to understand themselves and others, we prefer to stay within that mode in our enquiries and analyses. Moreover, we try to take into account our own subjectivity as researchers and positively value making it, as we understand it, available to our readers. Also, we study people and our products intensively more than extensively, which limits the number of people we can study, in turn limiting the generalizations that can be made of our understandings. More fundamentally, although some of us subscribe to a realist epistemology as a way of maintaining links with convention, most of us identify either totally or in part with relativist epistemology and accept the uncertainty that goes with it. The upshot is that qualitative research occupies a middle ground between the sciences and the humanities, which goes against established research practice in psychology and most related social and health science disciplines. At present, qualitative research in Canadian psychology is beginning to take root in some universities and research organizations. Most of the contributions to this Special Issue reflect this development in Anglophone Canadian psychology, while one of them looks at the rise in English-language publications of qualitative research worldwide. There are six articles in all. Leading off is Janet Stoppard who narrates her turn to qualitative research, which led to the development of a course in it that has been adopted by her university's graduate program in psychology. Along the way she addresses the epistemological and methodological principles involved in qualitative research from a discourse analytic standpoint, which helps to frame the ensuing contributions. The next article by Michael Kral, Kate Burkhardt, and Sean Kidd provides examples of the conduct of qualitative research, mainly of an action research kind. They give interesting accounts of work with street youth in Toronto and Vancouver, Inuit prison inmates, and Inuit people concerned about the epidemic of suicides in the Nunavut territory of Canada. The three case studies compellingly demonstrate how such participatory action research is made integral to the lives of those to whom it is addressed. The third article by Kimberly Watson, Althea Monteiro, and myself gives the returns from a study of the rise of qualitative research in psychology and related disciplines in the English-speaking world during the 20th century. …

Collective Reflexology: The Complete Edition

Abstract: V. M. BEKHTEREV (LLOYD H. STRICKLAND, ED., EUGENIA LOCKWOOD & ALISA LOCKWOOD, TRANS.) Collective Reflexology: The Complete Edition New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 2001, 552 pages (ISBN 0-7658-0009-8, US$59.95, Hardcover) Reviewed by JOHN BENJAFIELD In 1994, a translation of the first part of Bekhterev's Collective Reflexology was published. Although the original work appeared in 1921, reviewers found the new translation to be not only of historical interest but also of contemporary relevance. One reviewer went so far as to argue that Bekhterev should not only "be read by all graduate students and faculty," but that they should consider "renouncing their degrees until such time as they can document that they know at least half the psychology intuited and induced" by Bekhterev (Rumbaugh, 1996, p. 641). In 1998, a translation of Bekhterev's Suggestion and its role in social life became available. A reviewer of that work was "struck, and somewhat chastened, by the contemporary relevance of the material" (Bakhurst, 2001). Bekhterev (1857-1927) is a formidable figure, and his work continues to deserve careful study. Now, thanks to the efforts of Lloyd Strickland and the translators, we have the complete edition of the Collective Reflexology. As far as is evident, Part 1, which takes up the first 270 pages, is identical to that which has previously been reviewed (Rumbaugh, 1996; Tolman, 1997), and readers should consult those reviews for a sense of the richness of that material. As Tolman (1997) observed, Bekhterev was a "neutral monist," believing that mind and body were not separate substances, but two aspects of the same reality. For Bekhterev, the underlying reality was "energy," and all phenomena come about due to changing patterns of energy distribution. "[A]11 the external characteristics and manifestations of an individual [are] the result of the energy he accumulates with the processes of birth, nourishment and the influence of `external factors"' (Bekhterev, 1921/2001, p. 289). The reflex is the basic mechanism by which energy is transformed, and as such is a completely general concept, allowing us to understand the process of energy transformation at all levels from the individual to the collective. Bekhterev's view of the individual as a system of energy transformation and exchange has obvious affinities with Freud's views. Indeed, in his foreword to Part 2, Strickland (pp. 278-281) notes that Bekhterev himself was aware of this similarity. However, Behterev attempted to distinguish himself from Freud in several ways, most notably by claiming to be more "objective" in his approach. For Bekhterev, the objective study of the mind meant observing its products (e.g., speech, social affiliation). Part 2 of the work under review is a systematic application of laws, primarily drawn from physics, to what Bekhterev calls the "supraorganic" or social world. He begins by showing how the law of conservation of energy works in a collectivity. "It is possible to apply to the performance of collective work the parallelogram of forces used in mechanics, namely the result of action is manifested in a certain direction, and is equal to all efforts made by the separate individuals participating in a given collective work" (p. 292). Now, this all sounds "objective," but it must be said that we are never given an explicit diagram of forces of the sort one would expect if what Bekhterev was doing was a genuine form of mechanics. One often has the impression that the laws of (mainly 19th century) mechanics are simply being applied metaphorically to social phenomena. Other "laws" are presented in sequence, including the following. Gravitational attraction, which means, for example, that "individuals who have similar internal and external characteristics are mutually attracted, [while] dissimilar people, who are nonetheless, mutually complementary, attract" (p. 311). Equal and opposite reaction, which is intended to explain, for example, why it is that "every new social movement meets with some form of opposition" (p. …

Flashbacks in the History of Psychology in Canada: Some Early "Headline" Makers

Abstract: Gold Medal Award for Distinguished Lifetime Contributions to Canadian Psychology (2001) - Prix de la Medaille d'Or pour contributions remarquables a la psychologie canadienne au cours de 1'ensemble de la carriere (2001) Abstract This paper is about the history of developmental psychology in Canada. Its focus is on individuals who made noteworthy contributions to child psychology in the late-19th and early-20th century. Reference is made to the well-documented work of James Mark Baldwin and William Emet Blatz, but the emphasis is on the careers of less well-known pioneering child psychologists and what they did to earn special recognition. Five persons are profiled: Frederick Tracy, Katherine M. Banham, Samuel Laycock, Florence S. Dunlop, and William Line. Last year, when I turned 85, I decided it was finally time to retire. Therefore, last summer, I packed up my papers and moved out of my little retirement office on the 9th floor of the Social Science Centre at Western. I also swore that I would never again give an address or write an article for publication. I also sent two big boxes of my papers, which were of historical value to CPA, to our new Archivist, Katalin Dzinas. So, now, you can imagine what a "shock" it was for me to receive, in March, Gary Latham's letter informing me that CPA was planning to give me a prestigeful award at its meetings in June, and would expect me to deliver a scholarly address that would later be published in one of its journals. I was, of course, deeply touched by the honour the award bestowed, but then I panicked. What could I possibly put together in the time available that would be appropriate. For several days I read, I thought, I considered. Finally, I concluded it had to be history. Then I remembered the historical research that I had done in the 1980s, mostly for fun, only some of which had been published in a proper journal. One of the inspirations for this work was the new CPA Developmental Psychology Section and its newsletter. One day Dave Pederson, who was editing the second issue of this newsletter, walked into my office and said, "Would you produce a history of developmental psychology in Canada for my issue?" I just looked at him for a while and then replied, "There is more to tell than you seem to think." But as I pondered his request, I said, "What would you think of a little paper on a Canadian who made a significant contribution to developmental psychology in his time, but has now been forgotten?" I told him about our discovery of Frederick Tracy and his book on child psychology (Myers, 1982). Dave thought this was a fine idea and so the first of what became a series of "notes" in this newsletter about formerly famous individual psychologists was produced. In all there were 10 "notes," all published in the 1980s, as follows: Frederick Tracy (No. 1), James Mark Baldwin (No. 2), Katherine M. Banham (No. 3), William E. Blatz (Nos. 4, 5, 6, and 7), William Line (No. 8), Samuel Laycock (No. 9) and Florence Dunlop (No. 10). Needless to say it was impossible to do Blatz justice in one note. I had a great need to tell about and write about the theoretical foundation upon which Blatz's ideas were based. He had not done this himself. In his prime, he was more focused on communicating the practical applications of his ideas to child rearing. We, his colleagues and students, begged him to write the definitive work and he agreed to do so in his final book, Human Security (Blatz, 1966), but his health failed and he did not succeed. The book was published posthumously. Mary Ainsworth, Blatz's most famous student, has been one of my close friends ever since we met in 1939, when I went to Toronto to study and was made an assistant to E.A. Bott, whose senior assistant was Mary D. Salter (later Ainsworth). Over the years, we have visited often and regularly at APA and SRCD meetings. We often talked about Blatz and she agreed the framework on which his ideas were based was known only to his students. …

Involving Participants in the Dissemination of HIV Research Results

Abstract: Participatory action research initiatives engage research participants as co-investigators and provide them with an avenue to explore their own experiences. It is not always easy, however, to determine how to involve participants in meaningful ways. Funding limitations and rigid methodological procedures pose barriers for creative approaches to inquiry. Nonetheless, the HIV program at the Hospital for Sick Children in collaboration with the University of Victoria, has taken an important step towards involving participants in a meaningful way - through the dissemination of research results. The present article describes the procedure used to share the role of researcher/author. INTRODUCTION Researchers are beginning to understand that the more they involve participants in the process of research, the more powerful and meaningful are the outcomes. This is especially true in the ever-changing field of HIV research where the experiences of affected individuals are so closely interconnected with care and treatment. The more that affected families contribute to the process of creating knowledge, the greater the overall contribution. Involvement in research initiatives provides many families with a way to increase their sense of empowerment and, hence, their overall quality of life (Roberts & Cairns, 1999). Participatory action research methodologies have much to offer research in the areas of health. Funding and traditional methodological limitations often create barriers to involving participants in meaningful ways. Creative approaches to inquiry need to be used to avoid these barriers. This article describes how the HIV team at the Hospital for Sick Children - in collaboration with the University of Victoria - took an important step towards significantly engaging participants in the process of research. Namely, selected participants, acting as co-authors, were engaged in the process of disseminating the results of a national, multisite research project. CONTEXT In 1997, the HIV team at the Hospital for Sick Children in Toronto published a study (Salter Goldie, DeMatteo, King, & Wells, 1997) focusing on the psychosocial issues for families in Canada living with HIV/AIDS. Parents were greatly concerned with how to disclose their own HIV status to their children, as well as how to tell a child of his or her own HIV infection. Disclosure had the potential for creating conflict among family members and between families and professionals. The HIV team examined these concerns with a national, multisite research project focusing exclusively on the complex issues surrounding disclosure (DeMatteo et al., 1999). Families who participated in this study expressed an interest in creating a disclosure handbook that could help families share with each other their disclosure experiences. The HIV team agreed that the creation of a disclosure handbook could both meet this need as well as serve as a way to significantly involve families in the research process. PROCEDURE The first step in this project was to strengthen community partnerships as a way of overcoming inherent barriers. The HIV team used an already established, multisite, national research network to recruit participants from the initial study (DeMatteo et al., 1999). Eleven families from across the country (representing 25% of families who participated in the first study) were asked to continue in this follow-up based on their situation (i.e., we considered it inappropriate to invite gravely ill families) and their ability and willingness to attend research meetings. A co-investigator participated at each site and their involvement was crucial to the success of the project. In addition to helping organize travel plans locally, they contributed to discussions, willingly and conscientiously took notes, remained tuned into the needs of "their" families, and quietly solved problems. Perhaps most importantly, all families who attended knew someone who was a member of the research team. …

Toronto's "other" original APA member: James Gibson Hume.

Abstract: It is well known that James Mark Baldwin held a position at the University of Toronto when he assisted in the formation of the American Psychological Association in 1892, but the proceedings of the preliminary organizational meeting of the APA, held in July of that year, include the name of a second Torontonian as well, that ofJ.G. Hume. The present paper outlines the career of James Gibson Hume, who studied with G. Stanley Hall, William James, and Hugo Munsterberg, and who headed the Philosophy Department at the University of Toronto for over 30 years. He was by no means a great or influential philosopher or psychologist, but the study of his life gives some insight into what a more common philosopher-psychologist was doing and thinking during the time that Hall, James, Munsterberg, and others were revolutionizing both disciplines. A look at the first item of the August 19, 1892 issue of Science reveals a report of the preliminary organizational meeting of the American Psychological Association (APA), held some six weeks earlier, on July 8, 1892, at Clark University. Clark University President G. Stanley Hall had sent out invitations to an unknown number of psychologists, psychiatrists, and philosophers of mind, 26 of whom agreed to join the fledgling organization. The list includes many of the luminaries of the discipline at that time. In addition to Hall, there were a number of figures who had founded the first generation of experimental psychological laboratories in the U.S.: William James from Harvard, James McKeen Cattell of Columbia, and Frank Angell, who has just moved from Cornell to Stanford. There were also Joseph Jastrow of Wisconsin, E.C. Sanford, who had moved with Hall from Hopkins to Clark, and E.W. Scripture of Yale. Not all of the original APA members were founders of laboratories - there were some philosophers as well, such as Harvard's Josiah Royce, and John Dewey, then of Michigan - but the organization was intended by Hall to be primarily a society of and for the "new breed" of scientific psychologists (see Sokal, 1992). As is well known to Canadian historians of psychology, another member of this select group was James Mark Baldwin, who had just established the first permanent experimental psychology lab in the British Empire at the University of Toronto. Baldwin was an important member of the new organization, being immediately appointed to the first Council of the APA, a body that would oversee its early affairs. Baldwin was in the process of becoming a highly influential psychologist - he had just published the second volume of his textbook (Baldwin, 1891a), and would return to Princeton the following year. Soon thereafter he would cofound Psychological Review (with Cattell), and later Psychological Bulletin, among other achievements. But Baldwin was not the only Torontonian on the list. In addition there was J.G. Hume, also of Toronto. We learn nothing else of Hume in the minutes of that Preliminary Meeting, and it seems unlikely, though not impossible, that he actually traveled all the way to Massachusetts to attended this short conference. (The list of names in the minutes identifies not just attendees, but "original members who were either present at this meeting or sent letters of approval and accepted membership," p. 104, italics added.) However, by counting the number of APA members at the time of the First Annual Meeting, which was held six months later, in December 1892 at the University of Pennsylvania -- namely, 31 - and looking at the list of those who were absent, which is included in the proceedings of that meeting, we can be nearly certain that Hume was in attendance, though he did not participate either as a presenter or discussant. The proceedings of the Second Annual Meeting at Columbia University in December 1893, tell us that Hume was not in attendance, but at the Third Annual Meeting, held in December 1894, at Princeton (cohosted by Baldwin, who had since left Toronto to take up a Chair at his alma mater), Hume was scheduled to give a paper on the state of psychological teaching and research at Toronto. …

Review of Handbook of pain assessment, second edition.

Abstract: DENNIS C. TURK and RONALD MELZACK (EDS.) Handbook of Pain Assessment, Second Edition New York: The Guilford Press, 2001, 784 pages (ISBN 1-57230-488-X, US$75, Hardcover) Reviewed by PATRICK MCGRATH The Handbook of Pain Assessment is a comprehensive review of the state of the art of pain assessment. The book consists of 36 chapters organized in six major sections, an introduction and a conclusion. The sections are: measurement of pain, assessment of behavioural expressions of pain, medical and physical evaluations, psychological evaluation, specified pain states, and methodological issues. The editors are distinguished psychologists who have made major contributions to the literature on pain. Turk and Melzack have chosen an impressive roster of contributors. Many are senior clinician scientists but there are a number of rising stars. Most are from the United States but about a fifth of the authors are from Canada. The rest of the world is not really represented. Most of the authors are psychologists but there is a smattering of other professions. I should alert the reader of this review that, although I did not write any of the chapters, nor have I collaborated with the editors, both editors and many of the authors are well known to me. A few are friends and collaborators. Several authors have cited my work. However, I think I can give a fair review of the book. The chapters are generally well written and they appear to have been well edited. I could find very few typographical errors and there is little redundancy across chapters. Although the chapters are quite scholarly and well referenced, there are many practical aspects. For example, there are dozens of tables and many figures. As well, many chapters include helpful appendices of specific assessment measures. The eminence of the editors, the quality of the authors, and the breadth of coverage will ensure that this volume is widely used. Each reader will have his or her own favourite chapters. The book is too long for me to review all the chapters that I thought were very good. However, I personally was delighted and challenged by the very detailed and scholarly chapter on psychophysical approaches. The discussion of affect in pain in this chapter is the most sensible I have seen. As well, I learned a lot from the chapter on neuropathic pain. The insights that I gained from this chapter will change what I do in the clinic. The chapters on the elderly and children were detailed and helpful. The chapter on pain assessment in the cognitively impaired was very welcome as this population has been so poorly assessed. …