Showing papers in "Career Development Quarterly in 1997"

Career Adaptability: An Integrative Construct for Life-Span, Life-Space Theory

Abstract: The four segments in the life-span, life-space approach to comprehending and intervening in careers (individual differences, development, self, and context), constitute four perspectives on adaptation to life roles. Adaptation serves as a bridging construct to integrate the complexity engendered by viewing vocational behavior from four distinct vantage points. To correspond to adaptation as the core construct, career adaptability should replace career maturity as the critical construct in the developmental perspective on adaptation. Moreover, adaptability could be conceptualized using developmental dimensions similar to those used to describe career maturity, namely planning, exploring, and deciding.

Efficacy and Outcome Expectations Influence Career Exploration and Decidedness.

Abstract: In this multiple regression model, self-efficacy beliefs are the best predictor of career indecision, and outcome expectations are the best predictor of exploration intentions. When indecision was entered as a predictor, it also was a significant predictor of exploration intentions—students who were less decided were also more likely to plan career exploration. Career efficacy and outcome expectations relate significantly more strongly within the group of college men than within the group of college women. Implications for social cognitive career theory and practice are discussed.

A Context-Rich Perspective of Career Exploration Across the Life Roles

Abstract: Building on the recent contributions of Donald Super (e.g., 1980), this article presents a broadened lens with which to view theory, research, and practice in career exploration. Super's contributions on career adaptability and the life-career rainbow (e.g., Super, 1990; Super & Knasel, 1981) were applied to current areas of ambiguity in the career exploration literature, yielding potentially useful ideas about the antecedents and consequences of career exploration. Based on an integrative analysis guided by Super's recent contributions and related conceptual innovations, a context-rich perspective is proposed to broaden the attentional focus of discourse about career exploration. The article discusses the theoretical implications of the context-rich view and provides suggestions for counseling practice.

Attachment Relationships and the Career Exploration Process

Abstract: This article examines the role of parent—adolescent attachment relationships in the career exploration process. We propose that college students who report secure attachment relationships with their parents would engage in greater environmental and self-exploration, as well as greater nontraditionality of exploration, as measured by the degree of gender traditionality of their primary occupational preference. One hundred and thirty-seven undergraduates (50 men, 87 women) completed measures of parent attachment, career exploration, and a demographic form. The results of a canonical correlation analysis indicated that attachment to parents associated positively with environmental exploration. However, the results indicated that parental attachment was not associated with traditionality of exploration. An examination of relevant demographic variables suggested that age played a significant role, whereas gender did not. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for career theory and practice.

Parental Behaviors and Adolescents' Career Exploration

Abstract: This study examines the influence of parental education and behaviors on adolescents' career exploration The participants were 236 9th-grade students in German middle-track schools The results indicated that parental authoritativeness, openness to adolescents' issues, and concern with promoting career exploration significantly related to the career exploration by their children, independent of parental educational background and adolescent gender During adolescence, the preparation for adulthood includes becoming concerned about and forming plans for the future occupational life Theories of adolescence regard the process of becoming aware of one's vocational interests and making educational and vocational choices as a major developmental task of adolescence in modern industrialized societies (Erikson, 1966) Preparation for an occupational career assumes the character of a long-term orientation process starting well before leaving school when, (a) professions are not "inherited" from generation to generation, (b) educational and vocational opportunities are not exclusively classbound, and (c) the labor market changes due to technological development and a changing economy When more occupations are attainable by means of individual achievement, individual planning processes become more important (Blustein, in press; Fend, 1991) During the process of occupational orientation adolescents must identify their interests and abilities, balance them with labor market opportunities, and develop gradually an occupational preference (Super, Savickas, & Super, 1996) This process of exploration is central to career choice and development theory (Stumpf, Colarelli, & Hartman,1983; Super, Savickas, & Super,1996) In the field of adolescent identity formation (Erikson, 1966; Marcia, 1980), exploration is crucial for a satisfactory commitment to a choice Similarly, the process of occupational preparation has been found to be more successful in terms of satisfaction with choices or congruence of interests with chosen occupations after a phase of intense exploration (Blustein & Phillips,1988; Grotevant & Cooper, 1986) Although occupational exploration is a major construct in career development theory, its dimensional structure and its antecedents have seldom been investigated (Grotevant & Cooper, 1986; Stumpf & Colarelli, 1980; Vondracek, 1994) Those studies that have addressed this issue (Stumpf, Colarelli, & Hartmann, 1983) empirically support Jordaan's (1963) notion of the multidimensionality of the exploration construct Accordingly, to assess exploration adequately, information-seeking behavior has to be considered along with individuals' thoughts and feelings about their own interests and abilities, as well as their fears The extent to which adolescents engage in identity exploration in various life domains varies Personality factors such as selfesteem, ego-strength, openness, and reflexivity (Grotevant, 1987) account for individual variation in exploration Blustein and Phillips (1988) reported that decision-making style also relates to occupational exploration Their findings suggest that individuals who are more thinking-oriented and systematic in making decisions are more likely to explore Context also plays a crucial role in understanding individual variation in exploratory behaviors (Blustein, in press) The current article examines one aspect of context that has been identified as promoting exploration: the family (Blustein, Walbridge, Friedlander, & Palladino, 1991; Grotevant & Cooper, 1987; Vondracek, 1993) The idea that safe and secure relationships in the family early in one's life promote curiosity and exploratory activity has its roots in attachment theory (Ainsworth,1989) During childhood and adolescence, other kinds of parental behavior in addition to the provision of warmth and emotional security foster optimal development Baumrind (1989) identified two factors as especially important for the development of children …

Toward an Expanded Definition of Adaptive Decision Making

Abstract: This article draws from the life-span, life-space model (Super, 1980, 1990) of career development to examine the definition of adaptive decision making. First, the existing definition of adaptive decision making as "rational" decision making is reviewed. Next, alternate perspectives on decision making are offered with an emphasis on the implications for deciding in a life-span, life-space context. Finally, suggestions are made for future directions in theory, research, and practice. In shifting the focus of career theory, research, and practice from the occupational sphere to multiple life roles, Donald Super (1980) presented the profession with a challenging agenda for considering the nature of individual development and for assisting with individual coping. Coinciding with dramatic shifts in the workplace, this agenda heralds a new generation of career development theory in which individuals seek satisfaction in multiple areas and must be mindful of the complex interplay of life roles over time. As a consequence, consideration of the nature of adaptive coping has also required expansion. Whereas notions about adaptive coping were once confined to the vocational realm, they must now embrace both vocational and avocational roles. Whereas adaptive coping was once tailored around the predictable choice points of youth, it must now expand to the less clearly defined segments of growth and exploration, and to the unique and ever-varying circumstances of adulthood. And, whereas it was once enough to prepare for the choice points of entry into the world of work, it is now necessary to define how one negotiates a constellation of roles over a lifetime. In brief, adaptive coping in the new age of career development theory entails planning, exploring, and deciding in a substantially more complex field. Although others have suggested expanded conceptualizations of planning and exploring (e.g., Blustein, 1997; Savickas, Silling, & Schwartz, 1984), my focus in this article is on what needs to be understood about adaptive decision making in this broadened context. As with planning and exploring, the nature of deciding has become substantially more complex. How do individuals proceed-or how they should proceed-with respect to decisionmaking tasks when their decisional "fields" shift both with time and with opportunity, and span multiple life roles? I would like to address these questions in the true Super tradition: by considering and integrating the thinking and the findings of those in different fields. First, I outline the definition of adaptive decision making as it was initially conceptualized in the occupational sphere. Next, I offer some alternate perspectives on decision making, with an emphasis on implications for deciding in a life-span, life-space context. Finally, I suggest some promising directions for continued theory, research, and practice for adaptive decision making. ADAPTIVE DECISION MAKING For most of the nearly century-long history of career development, the adaptive decider has been considered to be the one who is an objective scientist, that is, one who has consistent preferences, who is free of cognitive distortions and emotional distractions, and who can obtain and use accurate information about the self, the alternatives, and the future. The adaptive decider is methodical, systematic, independent, and unimpulsive throughout the decisionmaking process, and maintains as an ultimate goal the maximization of personal gain. You will, no doubt, recognize this characterization as that of rational decision making. With few exceptions, theorizing about vocational behavior and career development has recommended-or assumed-a rational posture toward individual career decision making. Beginning with Parsons' (1909) classic prescription, true reasoning has been advocated as the basis for choice: a choice is rational (or truly reasoned) if the process is one in which the decider carefully gathers information about the self and the array of alternatives that is accurate and thorough, and if the chosen alternative is one that matches the individual's own unique characteristics and priorities. …

Leisure, School, and Work Activity Preferences and Their Role in Vocational Identity Development

Abstract: Elements of an expanded construct of adolescent vocational identity were examined in terms of their interrelationships with each other, as well as relationships with preferences among leisure, school, and work activities, engagement in those activities, and identity status Investigating a sample of 660 7th through 12th graders, we found that vocational interests, occupational self-efficacy, and occupational prestige were closely associated with each other, with school and leisure interests, and with actual engagement in corresponding (exploratory) activities. We also found that adolescents did not draw significant distinctions between leisure, school, and work activities. The role of school and vocational exploration in adolescents' self-chosen vocational identity is discussed. The process of developing a vocational identity is an integral part of the process of overall identity development (Blustein, Devenis, & Kidney, 1989; Vondracek, 1994). In the study of career development, vocational identity may be viewed as a unifying construct (Vondracek, 1992). The construct of vocational identity, however, should not be limited to the level of confidence in career choices (e.g., Holland, Daiger, & Power,1980) or to the assessment of identity status (e.g., Adams, Shea, & Fitch, 1979; Marcia, 1980). At a descriptive level, it should be a representation of the vocational self as an active agent in the process of career development, including self-perceived vocational interests, values, abilities, self-efficacy beliefs, and aspirations. "The study of processes and antecedent factors leading to the development of identity, the determination of its results, and the search for its psychological correlates," should be "anchored" in such a descriptive concept, pending the development of knowledge that will permit the formulation of a theoretically grounded concept (Blasi & Glodis, 1995, p. 407). Some empirical relationships among the descriptive elements of vocational identity have already been demonstrated. For example, academic and career choices clearly depend on both vocational interests and self-efficacy (Borget, & Gilroy, 1994), although the two causal factors are not independent themselves: Vocational interests have been shown to be related to self-efficacy beliefs (Lenox & Subich, 1994; Lent, Larkin, & Brown, 1989; Sjoberg, & Drottz 1983). Despite considerable effort in integrating the results obtained in the studies of relationships among the elements of vocational identity (e.g., Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994), its structure remains largely unknown. Even with regard to the most studied element of vocational identity, vocational interests, there is a lack of agreement among researchers. For example, Rounds (1995) has recently argued that the traditional models of vocational interests do not adequately represent interest dimensions, structure, and interrelationships. In our opinion, the ongoing theoretical debates result from an obvious lack of multivariate research, which would allow for testing complex theoretical propositions. In spite of disagreements regarding the structure of identity, and in spite of limited empirical knowledge regarding the interrelationships among components of identity, exploration and commitment are generally accepted as the primary means by which adolescents move toward the development of a self-chosen (vocational) identity and prepare themselves for future choices and roles. Society encourages adolescents to explore a variety of occupational fields and to match their abilities and preferences with the characteristics and requirements of specific occupational areas. High school students work part-time and in summer jobs, help their parents, and volunteer to serve their communities. Actual engagement in work-related activities provides adolescents with work experience and facilitates the acquisition of more realistic work preferences (Skorikov & Vondracek, in press). …

Basic Skills in Adolescents' Occupational Preparation

Abstract: Occupational preparation is directed at giving young people access to continuing and rewarding employment. It attempts to impart personal qualities and competencies that will attract potential employers and provide the particular skills necessary for employment in different kinds of jobs. This article addresses the first of these two issues: what are the basic elements of employability, and how do young people acquire them?

Super's Life‐Span, Life‐Space Approach and Its Outlook for Refinement

Abstract: The major elements of Super's life-span, life-space approach, their origins, and their evolution are briefly described. Five categories of possible future refinements in Super's approach are suggested.

Vocational Interests: A Look at the Past 70 Years and a Glance at the Future

Abstract: This article reviews the literature on vocational interests. Ten themes about vocational interests are discussed: development, correlates, measurement, homogeneity and differentiation, career choice, sex differences, stability, structure, career counseling, and cultural influences. These 10 themes are similar to major issues discussed by Strong (1943) in his landmark book on interests Vocational Interests of Men and Women. Directions for future research are presented.

The Joint Action of Parents and Adolescents in Conversation about Career

Abstract: Analyses of 14 videotaped parent-adolescent career conversations reveal the socially constructed nature of career. These analyses are used to identify joint actions in career conversations, determine their patterns, and address their meaning for the participants. Joint action refers to the action that people take together or that occurs between them. The participants used 3 superordinate joint actions (struggle, exploration, and negotiation) and several subordinate joint actions. Three patterns of joint actions were also identified. The joint actions had particular meaning for both career and the relationship between the participants This study addresses the joint actions parents and adolescents undertake in their career-related conversations. Strong, Yoder, and Corcoran ( 1995) recently suggested that more counseling research should focus on joint action, a concept they saw as fundamental to human agency and its enhancement. Joint action is defined in general terms as the intentional behavior of a group of people attempting to realize a common goal or engage in a common process. Preparing a meal together or improvising with a jazz quartet are examples of joint actions, but, as Shotter (1993) pointed out, dialogue with others is the most obvious situation in which joint action occurs. The conversations parents and adolescents have together about career are joint actions because they are not specifled entirely by the individual intentions or actions of either person but are determined by what happens between them. Previous research on family and career has found family variables to be predictive of career and career-related outcomes in adolescents and young adults (Blustein, Walbridge, Friedlander, & Palladino,1991; Kinnier, Brigman, & Noble,1990; Lopez,1989; Penick & Jepsen,1992; Schultheiss & Blustein,1994). However, these studies relied on self-report data rather than examining what actually occurs between parents and adolescents. Similarly, studies of activities undertaken by parents in career development programs have been related to increases in adolescents' sense of agency regarding career (Kush & Cochran, 1993), and parental bonding and career maturity (Palmer & Cochran, 1988). Activities have also been reported from the perspective of either the parent or the adolescent (Young & Friesen,1992;Young, Friesen, & Pearson, 1988). None of these studies has examined in detail the joint activities of parents and adolescents as they develop in career-related conversations. Joint action is particularly pertinent to the study of parental influence in the career development of young people. Adolescents seek out their parents as a primary resource for discussion about career (Sebald, 1986; Wilks, 1985) and parents themselves want to help their adolescents in this domain (Young & Friesen, 1992). However, Maccoby (1992) suggested that parental influence not be thought of simply as unidirectional or even bidirectional but stemming "from the nature of the relationship that parents have constructed and continually reconstruct with their children" (p. 1014). None of the previous studies has addressed the joint goals, the shared meaning, or the regulation of action present in the career conversations between parents and adolescents. In this study, we attend to how career is constructed in parentadolescent conversations, specifically through joint goals. It represents a social constructionist perspective in which career and the meaning attached to it are constructed through social, historical, and cultural relationships and actions. In particular, this study is based on an action-theoretical approach (von Cranach,1982), which has recently been proposed for the study of career (Valach, 1990; Young & Valach,1996; Young, Valach, & Collin, 1996; Young, Valach, Dillabough, Dover, & Matthes, 1994). In the action-theoretical approach, the concept of intentional and goal-directed action is used instead of the concept of behavior. …

“A Little More Than Kin, and Less Than Kind”: Basic Interests in Vocational Research and Career Counseling

Abstract: The history of basic interests helps explain their under-use as a meaningful dimension in the interpretation of career inventories. Research and reflection support new attention to basic interests for four reasons: (a) basic interests may be more optimal cognitive categories than other levels of classification, (b) the RIASEC arrangement of general occupational types may not adequately represent the complexity of the interest space, (c) the interest space itself may be differently conceptualized by men and by women, and (d) the realities of work in this technological era are fundamentally different than they were when occupational inventories such as the Strong Interest Inventory™ (Campbell, 1977) were designed.

Longitudinal Relationships Between Part-Time Work and Career Development in Adolescents

Abstract: In discussions about the effects of part-time work on adolescents, career development processes have received little attention. This study examined relationships between part-time work and two components of career development (work values and career indecision) in 483 high school students. Comparisons of longitudinal and cross-sectional data revealed that peripheral work aspects were less valued as a consequence of being involved in part-time work; thus, the relative value placed on central work aspects increased. However, parttime work did not affect career indecision. The decision of whether to work seemed unrelated to the preexisting career development status, except for the value placed on physical activity in boys. As adolescents prepare themselves for adult life, issues related to career development assume increasing importance. A likely contributor to how adolescents approach work and career may be their early, usually part-time, work experience. Indeed, there has been a steady increase in the number of working high school students in the United States and a marked lessening of gender-related differences in the rate of early employment, making part-time work the norm in middle adolescence (Hurrelman, 1989; Mortimer, Finch, Owens, & Shannahan, 1990; Mortimer, Shannahan, & Ryu, 1994). High school students' work experience has become a normative part of socialization into the workforce and is often one of the most important elements of the transition to adulthood (Skorikov & Vondracek, 1993; Stern & Eichorn, 1989). The positive role of early work experience has been emphasized by developmental theories of careers, which suggest that taking actual work roles facilitates exploratory activity and helps youngsters to advance their self-concept and career concepts (e.g., Ginzberg, 1984; Super, 1980; Super & Overstreet, 1960; Vondracek, Lerner, & Schulenberg, 1986). This line of reasoning, however, has not been empirically supported in studies of how adolescent work affects vocational development. In fact, vocational development among adolescents may be unaffected by their part-time work experience because the majority of their jobs are low-level, unchallenging, entry-level sales, service, or manual labor positions that pay only 40% of an average "adult" job (Stern & Nakata, 1989). As a result, adolescents may disconnect these experiences from their own career development. Although better jobs do make a difference (Stern, Stone, Hopkins, & McMillon, 1990), the job market for high school students is likely to remain dominated by unskilled, low level, low-paying jobs. Because the prevailing motive of most high school students entering the workforce is to earn spending money, most adolescent part-time work is unrelated to career exploration (Kablaoui & Pautler, 1991), and thus can be expected to have only indirect effects on career development and choice. To date, research on working high school students has been focused primarily on educational outcomes, personality development, and problem behavior (Bachman & Schulenberg, 1993; Barling, Rogers, & Kelloway,1995; Finch, Shannahan, Mortimer, & Ryu,1991; Green, 1990; Kablaoui & Pautler, 1991; Mortimer, Finch, Shannahan, & Ryu, 1992; Mortimer et al., 1994; Mortimer & Lorence, 1991; Steitz & Owen, 1992; Steinberg, Fegley, & Dornbusch, 1993; Steinberg, Greenberger, Garduque, Ruggiero, & Vaux, 1982; Stevens, Puchtel, Ryu, & Mortimer, 1992; Tymms & Fitz-Gibbon, 1992). Many of these studies have examined the effects of workload on various normative tasks of adolescence, but little work has been done to examine specifically how part-time work influences career development variables, such as choice attitudes, work values, or career decision making. When adolescent work has been examined in relation to career development, work was treated both as a part and an indicator of vocational maturation (e. …

E. K. Strong's Legacy and Beyond: 70 Years of the Strong Interest Inventory

Abstract: On the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Strong Interest Inventory (1927–1997), this article reviews the history of this landmark inventory and the legacy of E. K. Strong, Jr.; specifically, his development of the inventorying method and use of criterion-related scale development. The recent trend of content-related scale development is also reviewed. Recent innovations in the Strong and future directions for predicting career behavior are discussed. Overall, the early empirical work conducted by Strong created a sound foundation for predicting vocational behavior and for later innovations in career assessment.

Unemployment and Identity in Adolescence: A Social Comparison Perspective

Abstract: This study (a) assesses whether employed young people, unemployed school-leavers, and unemployed young people who have working experience differ in their psychological well-being, that is stress, depression, and general feelings of happiness; (b) examines the effects of these three work conditions on development and structure of identity; and (c) investigates the effects of identity structure on psychological well-being. The favorability hypothesis of social comparison theory seems fit to explain the relation between identity structure and psychological well-being. An important developmental task during late adolescence is making the transition from school to work. During this transition period, adolescents develop values concerning work and other social institutions (Erikson, 1968; Lennings, 1993). Unfortunately, in today's Dutch society a substantial proportion of young people has been denied work opportunities and is, therefore, unable to make a smooth transition from school to work. According to national statistics, youth in general and school-leavers in particular have been highly represented among the unemployed during the last two decades (CBS, 1994; Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1991). The current study examines the effect on adolescents of being unable to find a job. It focuses on the consequences of failing to obtain a job for development of identity during late adolescence. In particular, the study investigates the effects of unemployment on adolescents' psychological well-being and psychosocial development. Moreover, the study examines the relationship between identity and psychological well-being in employed and unemployed groups of adolescents. EFFECTS OF UNEMPLOYMENT ON THE PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING Considerable research, both cross-sectional and longitudinal, has studied the psychological effects of unemployment (Feather, 1990; Warr, 1987). In designing the present study, we assumed that unemployment is an undesirable state which results in maladjustment of various kinds (Banks & Ullah, 1988). Given the opportunities which work provides for education, initiative, social contact, and personal development, this assumption is hardly surprising. Most of the evidence for the negative psychological impact of unemployment comes from studies of adults done in the 1930s and the 1970s (Jahoda, 1979). More recent studies (Banks & Ullah, 1988) raised the question of whether or not the effects of unemployment are the same for both adults and youth. It is reasonable to expect that the response of young people might be different. On the one hand, effects of unemployment might be felt harder by adults due to their familial and financial obligations. On the other hand, the range of developmental tasks (physical, emotional and social) faced during adolescence may exacerbate the stresses of unemployment to make it a more turbulent and confusing experience than it is for an older person (Gurney, 1980a). Indeed, several studies have demonstrated that the psychological consequences of unemployment for young people may be serious: unemployed youth experience less life satisfaction and suffer depressive symptoms, diminished self-esteem, and higher levels of distress more than those who have jobs (Banks & Jackson, 1982; Feather,1982, 1990; Goede & Maassen, 1986; Gurney,1980a; Ullah, 1990). This is particularly true for young people who are highly motivated to work, for females, and for those who are less qualified (skilled and semi-skilled work) (Stafford, Jackson, & Banks, 1980; Warr, Jackson, & Banks, 1982). When compared to the unemployed, working young adults are more content, have a higher self-esteem, suffer less from depressed feelings, and voice fewer emotional complaints (Heesink, 1992). Other studies failed to find a straightforward negative relationship between youth unemployment and psychological well-being (Banks & Ullah, 1988). A possible explanation for these inconsistent findings is the often neglected fact that unemployed youth is a more diverse group than these studies suggest. …

Annual Review: Practice and Research in Career Counseling and Development—1996

Abstract: The National Career Development Association's (NCDA) Professional Standards Committee (1997) has recently identified 11 competency areas (career development theory, individual and group counseling skills, individual and group assessment, information resources, and program management and implementation, consultation, diverse populations, supervision, ethical legal issues, and research evaluation, and technology). These competencies were used as categories for classifying research on career development and counseling published in 1996. Two primary areas of research activity were identified: making career counseling theory useful for more clients, and emphasizing the role of contextual factors in shaping career development. Four competency areas not addressed sufficiently by researchers were also identified: consultation, supervision, technology, and ethics. Implications for practice and future research are discussed. To guide training programs and practitioners who seek to enhance their career counseling skills, NCDA's Professional Standards Committee (1997) identified minimum competencies for the professional practice of career counseling. The Standards Committee grouped the competencies into 11 categories: (a) career development theory, (b) individual and group counseling skills, (c) individual and group assessment, (d) information and resources, (e) program promotion, management, and implementation, (f) coaching, consultation, and performance improvement, (g) diverse populations, (h) supervision, (i) ethical and legal issues, (j) research and evaluation, and (k) technology. Because these competency areas provide a structure for the professional practice of career counseling, I used them as categories in this annual review of the literature. Reviewing articles according to these categories allows practitioners to focus directly on research related to specific competency areas of interest. Using these categories also helps to identify gaps in the literature on career development theory and practice. I used the competency-based categories for conducting computerbased searches of the literature. Additionally, I conducted a manual review of journals, and I selected articles coinciding with the computer-based search terms. These procedures resulted in 107 articles selected for inclusion in this review. Unless otherwise noted, all references are to articles published in 1996. CAREER DEVELOPMENT THEORY Career development theories advance in at least two ways. First, researchers incorporate recent research findings into existing theoretical statements. Second, researchers propose new career theories to address gaps in existing theories and to offer "new lenses" for viewing the career development process. Existing Theories Revised and Updated Weinrach sought to increase understanding of existing theories by assessing the personalities and interests of two leading theoreticians-Holland and Super. Specifically, Weinrach discussed the resuits of four psychometric instruments: the Adult Career Concerns Inventory (Super, Thompson, Lindeman, Myers, & Jordaan, 1988), the Values Scale (Super & Nevill, 1986), the Self-Directed Search (Holland, 1987), and the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire (Rieke & Russell, 1987) that were administered to Holland and Super. The assessment data revealed some differences (e.g., Super was more self-contained, Holland more sensitive to personal criticism) and many similarities between these two prominent theorists (e.g., they both placed high value on autonomy, lifestyle, and achievement). That Holland and Super are achievement-oriented is not surprising. One way Holland continues to express this value is through his ongoing efforts to revise and update his theory. Specifically, Holland summarized research findings supporting the use of his typology to explain career certainty, career change, and career satisfaction. He also discussed how the Career Attitudes and Strategies Inventory (Holland & Gottfredson, 1994) and the Vocational Identity scale (Holland, Daiger, & Power, 1980) can be used to supplement his typology in explaining career change and stability. …

Leisure Behavior and Occupational Identity in University Students

Abstract: This study examines relationships between leisure behavior and occupational identity in a group of 109 undergraduate students at a Midwestern state university. Significant relationships (p The opportunity to reality test occupational identifications through role playing and participation in leisure activities represents a salient aspect of the synthesizing process of vocational development (Super, 1957). Research within the last 15 years has supported the contention that leisure plays a central role in identity formation (Kelly,1990; Kleiber & Kelly,1980; Shaw, Kleiber, & Caldwell, 1993, 1995). Its centrality in identity formation may be related to the findings that high school and university students participate more in the "leisurite" role than other roles, including worker, student, citizen, and homemaker (Munson,1992,1993; Nevill & Super,1986). In addition to the amount of time invested in leisure participation, certain types of leisure activities may be more powerful in influencing identity formation because of the personal demand, effort, persistence, and intellectual abilities required to perform them. Such activities have been labeled transitional versus relaxed, which are pleasurable activities that do not require personal exertion (Kleiber, Larson, & Csikszentmihalyi, 1986). Transitional activities such as sports, hobbies, and music seem to develop the competence needed by individuals to move from childhood and adolescent play experiences to adult work roles (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984; Hong, Milgram, & Whiston, 1993; Milgram, 1989, 1990, 1991; Shaw et al., 1993,1995; Super, 1984). Cultural or creative activities such as art, music, literature, foreign films, and creative writing predict identity formation in samples of high school and college students (Waterman & Archer, 1979; Waterman, Geary, & Waterman, 1974; Waterman & Goldman, 1976; Waterman, Kohutis, & Pulone, 1977; Waterman & Waterman, 1971). The link between cultural activities and identity formation may be due to the underlying psychological dimensions of curiosity and exploration that challenge currently held views and contribute to resolution of identities (Waterman, 1993). Shaw et al. (1993, 1995) examined the relationship between time spent in leisure activities and the level of global identity formation among adolescents. Activity categories included sports, watching television, socializing with friends, and "other" free time activities. Results of their study indicated that sports participation associated positively with identity development for female adolescents, but not for male adolescents. Watching television associated negatively with identity development for male adolescents, but not for female adolescents. Social activities did not associate with identity development for either gender. Supporting Marcia's (1980) contention that occupational identity is domain specific (i.e., related to instrumental rather than expressive activities), Meeus (1993) reported that occupational identity achievement related significantly to school performance, but not to development of social relationships or leisure activities. Previous research has shown that there are significant relationships between leisure activities and measures of global identity (Shaw et al., 1993, 1995), but no relationship between leisure activities and occupational identity (Meeus, 1993). The latter study suggested that identity formation may be domain specific. Occupational identity may be influenced only by instrumental activities such as school work and part time jobs (Marcia,1980; Meeus,1993). …

The Role of Work in Adolescent Development

Abstract: This commentary discusses the articles in the special section, "Adolescent Career Development in Social Context.' Initially, common and integrative themes are identified and explicated based on the diverse perspectives of the work role in adolescence that were evident in these five articles. In addition, the theoretical frameworks provided by life-span, career development relational perspectives are discussed as possible means of integrating some of the findings presented by the authors of these articles. This article concludes with an observation on how the findings reported in the special section can inform career development scholarship and practice in the next millennium. The five excellent articles presented in this special section underscore a number of important themes that are central to both scholarly inquiry and counseling practice within career development. Although the five articles each deal with circumscribed aspects of the occupational context of adolescent development, when considered in tandem, they function to broaden our horizons of how work is experienced in adolescence. In this comment, I continue the process of widening the conceptual view of adolescents' working experiences by exploring several specific themes that emerged in my review of this body of work. Following the context-rich approach that is emerging from various theoretical positions within career development (e.g., social constructionism, Richardson, 1993;Young & Collin, 1992; life-span, developmental theory, Blustein, 1997; Super, D. E., Savickas, & Super, C. M., 1996;Vondracek, Lerner, & Schulenberg, 1986), I first explore several major themes that are evident in these articles to further explicate the social context of vocational behavior in adolescence. Second, I examine selected themes identified in this special section in light of related theoretical perspectives that may offer a means of expanding the scope and impact of the findings reported in these articles. In the final section, I suggest how the five articles presented herein can contribute to our understanding of the challenges that are posed by the current and anticipated changes in the occupational landscape as we approach the twenty-first century (Feller W Reich, 1991). COMMON THEMES: THE BROADENING CONTEXTUAL FIELD The five articles of this special section serve to foreshadow the sort of thinking and research that our field will find increasingly necessary in the twenty-first century. One consistent theme that emerged in my review of these articles is that the research participants seem to be engaging in their developmental tasks in a manner that does not necessarily conform to the artificial boundaries that scholars have placed around many existing theoretical models (cf. Richardson, 1993; Savickas, 1995). Each of these studies examined selected aspects of developmental processes in light of related educational, intrapersonal, or interpersonal domains, thereby underscoring the connection between career development and development in collateral domains. For example, the participants in the Vondracek and Skorikov (1997) article did not differentiate their leisure, school, and work activities preferences sharply In addition, Kracke (1997) demonstrated that family relationship patterns predict career exploration behaviors. Similarly, Meeus, Dekovic, and Iedema (1997) observed that identity structures are affected by social and economic factors, such as employment status. In general, the data presented in these studies affirm the naturally integrative quality of adolescent development (cf. Vondracek et al., 1986). While this observation may seem obvious to most readers, it is worth repeating, particularly in intellectual and practice environments that increasingly reward highly circumscribed inquiry and narrow specialization. Another relevant aspect of the social context of adolescent development is the relational environment. …

Dimensions of Adolescent Employment

Abstract: Work during adolescence, including part-time work during the school year, has been viewed as vocational behavior with mixed effects on other behaviors and attitudes. Using two different samples (West Point cadets and high school seniors who qualified for ROTC membership), we examined possible positive and negative correlates of adolescent work as a function of work dimensions, and both concurrent and subsequent performance criteria. Results indicated that concurrent costs and benefits of adolescent employment may depend on dimensions of work as well as adolescent characteristics. Similarly, adolescent employment was found to be generally related to subsequent work motivation and nonacademic performance. By their senior year in high school, 80% of all adolescents have held part-time or summer jobs (Greenberger & Steinberg, 1986). Additionally, the percentage of working adolescents has increased steadily over the past 40 years (Kablaoui & Pautler, 1991). Although commonplace, the costs and benefits of employment while in high school have been the subject of considerable debate. Those who favor employment emphasize sociostructural and individual benefits, while critics express concern about negative short- and longterm consequences for both the workers and their subsequent employers. Most researchers acknowledge that adolescent employment may indeed have both positive and negative correlates. Thus, adolescent work involves vocational behavior which may influence both vocational and nonvocational outcomes. Our research differs from most previous research by focusing simultaneously on various dimensions of adolescent work along with both concurrent and post-high school implications of such work. We first review claims and findings about this issue. CRITICISMS OF ADOLESCENT EMPLOYMENT Greenberger, Steinberg (1986), their colleagues, and others have reported negative effects of employment on high school grades, as well as other school-associated variables such as homework, classroom involvement, school misconduct, and participation in extramural school activities (Bachman & Schulenberg, 1993; Greenberger & Steinberg, 1986; Mortimer & Finch, 1986; Steinberg & Dornbusch, 1991). Regarding nonacademic variables such as drug and alcohol use, smoking, disruptions in relationships with parents (Ianni, 1989; Manning, 1990; Shanahan, Finch, Mortimer, & Seongryeol, 1991), and sundry"psychosocial development" measures, many researchers have reported no effects or negative outcomes associated with parttime employment. Although a positive orientation toward work tends to correlate with time spent working, critics claim that the often monotonous and unchallenging nature of much teenage work engenders such negative attitudes toward work as materialism, cynicism, and tolerance for unethical practices (Greenberger & Steinberg, 1986). DEFENSE AND ADVOCACY OF ADOLESCENT EMPLOYMENT Some scholars argue that adolescent employment builds character and self-reliance, and is beneficial to all youth, regardless of need or socioeconomic status (Stephens, 1979; Wildavsky, 1989). In addition, the aforementioned findings of negative effects have been contradicted by the work of others, who have reported positive associations between work and salutary outcomes (Barling, Rogers, & Kelloway,1995; D'Amico,1984; Charner and Fraser,1987; Gottfredson,1985; Hotchkiss,1986; Schill, McCartin, & Meyer,1985; Yamoor & Mortimer, 1990), even after controlling for demographic variables and intelligence. Work advocates stress sociostructural benefits and generational and subcultural utility of high school employment, such as the claim by the President's Science Advisory Committee (1974) that near-universal high school attendance has inadvertently"decoupled the generations" by isolating adolescents from the adult work world and retarding adolescents' smoother integration into the adult work world (Hamilton & Crouter, 1980). …

Client Anticipations about Computer-Assisted Career Guidance System Outcomes

Abstract: Although existing literature suggests that client anticipations affect career counseling, previous studies have not systematically assessed client anticipations prior to using computer-assisted career guidance (CACG) systems in career counseling This study describes how 55 clients from a career center at a large, southeastern university anticipated using CACG systems to help in their career decision making and problem solving Using a Cognitive Information Processing framework, responses to a cued and a free response survey indicated that clients' most frequent anticipations included increased career options, enhanced self-knowledge, and strengthened occupational knowledge

The Development of Career Development Theory

Abstract: As I read the four articles in this special issue on the advancement and further articulation of the life-span, life-space theory of Donald E. Super (Super, 1980), I was struck by three common themes that united all four articles. The first, of course, is the acknowledgment of the rich legacy that Super left us. His contribution to career development was unique in that he spanned the three realms of theory, research, and application. Super wanted his ideas and discoveries to be useful and accessible to other individuals. Therefore, he not only gave us theories and information, but also developed helpful tools for research, assessment, and counseling. The second common theme is the expansive nature of his life's search. In his desire to have a truly comprehensive body of work, he explored many disciplines and avenues of approach. Herr ( 1997) mentions the "interdisciplinary insights of sociologists, political scientists, and economists" (p.240). Savickas (1997) lists four perspectives that Super used: the differential, the developmental, the phenomenological, and the contextual. Blustein (1997) speaks of Super's "context-rich view" (p. 260). Phillips sums up the approach when she states that she "would like to address these questions in the true Super tradition-by considering and integrating the thinking and findings of those in many different fields" (p. 276). The third common theme is the recognition of the evolutionary nature of Super's work. He constantly recreated and enriched his own theories. I found it interesting that all four of the authors felt the necessity to justify tinkering with his model by rightfully pointing out Super's own emphasis on responsiveness and change. Herr (1997) states that whenever "new evidence or theoretical perspectives altered a previous construct or model that he [Super] had proposed or he felt was not sufficiently clear, he would create a new model, a new image, a new depiction" (p. 238). Savickas (1997) notes that Super's work evolved over forty years. Blustein (1997) suggests that the "best way to honor Donald Super's many significant contributions to our field is to follow his lead in thinking about ways to adapt our knowledge base to changing realities" (p. 260). Phillips (1997) concludes that his "agenda heralds a new generation of career development theory" (p. 275). It is a testimony to the stature of Super's work that all four authors evoked his spirit to approve of the extensions and modifications that they wanted to propose. Herr proposes five areas in which Super's theory should be refined. In particular, I noted possibilities that might arise from the interaction between the second category, the impact of economic changes, and the third category, the reduction of barriers to career development. An example of the former would be the incorporation of women into the labor force; an example of the latter would be the role conflict that is assumed to occur during the occupying of multiple roles. Let me illustrate. A woman might enter the workforce to satisfy survival, pleasure, and contribution needs. However, this employment outside of the home is in addition to, rather than instead of, work in the home. These competing demands form what Crosby and Jaskar ( 1993) termed "time starvation," a situation in which women do not have the time to live up to both their own and society's expectations for both roles. Women have been shown to experience more conflict between home and employment when holding a low-status job than when occupying a high-status one, despite the heavy time and pressure demands of the latter (Nevill & Damico, 1978). A low-status job might only meet her contribution needs (i.e., helping out the family) rather than meeting both survival needs (i.e., being able to support oneself adequately) and pleasure needs (i.e., engaging in rewarding and challenging work). Astin (1984) proposed that vocational "maladjustment occurs when the drive to satisfy one need predominates to the extent that the other needs are inadequately satisfied" (p. …

Framings of Career Compromises: How Career Counselors Can Help

Abstract: Compromise is a significant component of career decisions as well as many other personal decisions. This article presents a conceptual model for dealing with career compromise and discusses its implications for the career counseling process. The model identifies three possible framings that individuals may adopt when facing compromise. Specifically, compromise may be framed in terms of career alternatives, the importance of different aspects, and within-aspect preferences. The distinctions among the three framings have distinct implications for the career decision-making process. Suggestions are discussed for relevant intervention options aimed at decreasing the potentially harmful effects of the need to compromise. Compromise refers to the process of bridging gaps between what is desirable and what is attainable. The study of career compromise is significant because, as in other life situations (e.g., choice of spouse), individuals often desire some ideal image which is generally unavailable in the real world. The need to compromise and depart from the fantasy or the ideal may lead to confusion, frustration, and indecision. Furthermore, it may produce regret after the decision has been made. Thus, the difficulties encountered by many individuals in making their career decision can be attributed, at least in part, to the inevitable need to compromise. Indeed, the ability to deal with compromise is regarded as one of the indicators of decision-making competence (Mann, Harmoni, & Power, 1989). It seems that while the potential effects of compromise on the career decision-making process are of crucial importance, they have not yet received the attention they fully deserve (Pryor,1987). The traditional view of career compromise has focused on the discrepancy between the individuals' characteristics and the characteristics of the available opportunities (Ginzberg, Ginsburg, Axelrad, & Herma, 1951), or between self-concept and reality (Super, 1953). Following Gottfredson's (1981) circumscription and compromise theory, there has been a renewed interest in compromise (e.g., Hesketh, Elmslie, & Kaldor, 1990; Leung & Harmon, 1990; Pryor,1987; Pryor TTaylor & Pryor,1985). In this article, we discuss a conceptual model for career compromise which is based on concepts adapted from decision theory (Brown, 1990; Gati, 1986; Jepsen & Dilley, 1974; Mitchell & Krumboltz, 1984; Phillips, 1994; Pitz & Harren, 1980, Slaney, 1988; Walsh & Osipow, 1988). Specifically, relying on the theoretical approach developed by Gati (1993), we propose that compromise can be perceived through any one of three framings, each of which has a distinct inhibiting or facilitating effect on the decision-making process. Seen in this perspective, Gottfredson's theory focuses mainly on only one of the three possible framings for thinking about compromise (i.e., the aspects' importance framing), and disregards the other two (i.e., the alternatives framing and the withinaspect preferences framing). We begin by introducing the relevant terms. Then we describe the three possible framings of compromise and discuss their various effects on the career decisionmaking process. Finally, we suggest counseling intervention options that may facilitate the career decision-making process by improving the way compromises are dealt with. DEFINITIONS Career decision makers seek the career alternative (e.g., economist, paramedic, lawyer) most suitable for them within the potential set of career alternatives. Any consideration, characteristic, attribute, or factor relevant to the career decision (e.g., *income," "working indoors or outdoors," "independence") is labeled an aspect (Gati, Osipow & Givon, 1995; Gati, Garty & Fassa, 1996; Pryor, 1983). For practical reasons, the variations within each aspect (e.g., different degrees of independence, different lengths of training) are divided into a number of discrete quantitative or qualitative levels. …

Ten‐Year Stability of Holland Codes Within One Family

Abstract: This article reports a qualitative study of the incidence of Holland codes in three generations of one family over a 10-year time span. The stability of codes was very high whether or not the codes were consistent. Compatibility indexes between family members and significant others were wide-ranging. The gradual changes in Holland codes over three generations seem to reflect the movement of this family from a rural, farm background to suburban settings. A popular theory for explaining vocational behavior is that of Holland (1992). The theory suggests that individuals can be categorized as a combination of six personality types: Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. One reason for the popularity of the theory is that there are many ways of measuring an individual's personality type such as through instruments designed by Holland (including the Vocational Preference Inventory [Holland, 1975] and the Self-Directed Search [Holland, 1985]) or through other inventories such as the Strong Interest Inventory (Harmon, Hansen, Borgen, & Hammer, 1994). Other ways of determining Holland type are through a college major, an occupational fantasy, or a current job. Holland has encouraged the examination of his theoretical constructs, including the stability of interests, and thousands of studies have done so over the years. Many investigations have supported a variety of his theoretical constructs, whereas other studies have not (e.g., Anderson, 1995; Boyd & Cramer, 1995; Celeste, Walsh, & Raote, 1995; Holland,1992; Subich,1994; Walsh & Srsic,1995). The stability of vocational interests has been well documented. Early research conducted by Strong (1931, 1935) argued for the "permanence" of interests and the findings were congruent with the belief that most personality traits were relatively stable. Vocational interests as measured by Holland types have also been reported stable by many researchers over the years. Blum, Karweit, and Sorensen (1969) determined that a majority of a national sample of men, aged 30 to 39, worked in the same Holland classification rather than wandering from class to class over a 5- and 10-year period. In a follow-up study of college students 10 to 35 years later, Lucy (1976) reported substantial stability in Holland type"in spite of changing social and economic conditions" (p. 78). Swanson and Hansen (1988) reported a "remarkable degree of interest stability" (p. 199) of individuals tested initially in college and then at 4year, 8-year, and 12-year intervals. Median stability coefficients were .81, .83, and .72 for the three intervals. In studying Holland's Investigative personality types, O'Neil, Magoon, and Tracey (1978) reported that the SDS had "moderately high efficiency" (p. 530) in predicting actual job entry and career plans 7 years later. In a recent study examining the stability of vocational interests among the intellectually gifted over a 15-year period, Lubinski, Benbow, and Ryan (1995) concluded that assessing vocational interests at age 13 "can indeed provide a glimpse of their eventual adult vocational interest pattern" (p. 199). The evidence for stability of vocational interests within groups is strong. However, the variability of interests within individuals cannot be ignored, and this variability may be more important to counseling practitioners than to theoreticians. Although extremely stable within a group, Slaney (1984) reported that some women demonstrated major changes in interests over 2 years. Hansen and Swanson (1983) and Swanson and Hansen (1988) reported changes in individuals' interest patterns. At 4-year, 8-year, and 12-year intervals, low stability coefficients were .23,-.11, and .25 respectively. In short, interest changes occurring intraindividually should not be obscured by the data on stability of interests. This study also examined the stability of Holland codes. In previous longitudinal studies, however, cohorts have been primarily college students and graduates of approximately the same age. …

Using the Adult Career Concerns Inventory to Measure Task Involvement

Abstract: The Adult Career Concerns Inventory (ACCI) uses an attitudinal item-response scale to measure the planning attitudes dimension of career adaptability. This study examined the psychometric properties of the ACCI when used with a behavioral item-response scale. Results supported the hypothesized unidimensionality of the ACCI-B Exploration subscales, which related as expected to vocational identity, need for occupational information, career choice certainty, and career indecision. Using a behavioral ACCI item-response scale, in addition to an attitudinal one, may provide counselors with important information when working with client's making an initial career choice. The Adult Career Concerns Inventory (ACCI; Super, Thompson, Lindeman, Jordaan, & Myers, 1988) evolved from the Career Development Inventory-Adult Form (CDI-A). Super, Zelkowitz, and Thompson ( 1975) constructed the CDI-A to measure degree of development through the career stages of exploration, establishment, maintenance, and disengagement. The CDI-A uses behavioral response options ranging from "I have not yet thought much about it" (1) to "I have already done this" (5) to assess concern and involvement with three developmental tasks of each of these four stages. The CDI-A can be scored for task involvement by using the Life Stage method. Life stage scores are obtained by summing the ratings ( 1 to 5) for all items in each stage of career development. Savickas, Passen, and Jarjoura ( 1988) noted that task concern scores can be obtained by summing items rated 2 ("I have thought about it, but don't know what to do"), 3 ("I know what to do about it"), and 4 ("I am now doing what needs to be done"). A critical point in the ACCI's history involved changing the CDIA item-response scale from behavioral (e.g., "I am now doing what needs to be done") to attitudinal (e.g., "great concern"). This change reflects the general difference between adolescent and adult career development; adolescents, as a group, generally face the same developmental tasks, whereas career development in adulthood is more variable. Super and Knasel (1981) reasoned that the term career maturity adequately describes the relative homogeneity of adolescent career development. Adult career development, however, requires a different descriptive construct. Super and Knasel thus coined the term career adaptability to capture the greater variability in degree of career development among adults. Career adaptability refers to adults' readiness to cope with changing work and work conditions (Savickas, 1994). To assess career adaptability, Super et al.(1988) retained the items from the CDI-A, revised the CDI-A response options, and renamed the CDI-A the ACCI. Unlike the CDI-A, which measures degree of career development, the ACCI indexes career adaptability by using an attitudinal itemresponse scale measuring vocational task concern only. The change in response format and concomitant decline of the CDI-A has resulted in a useful measure of career concern (i.e., the ACCI), for counselors to have, but no available measure of degree of development. Determining the validity of CDI-A-type items with a behavioral response set may rectify this situation and indicate whether counselors could benefit from data provided by a measure of task involvement, in addition to data provided by the ACCI. This study, therefore, assessed the psychometric attributes of four ACCI subscales used with a behavioral item-response format. ACCI SCORES: WHAT DO THEY MEAN? The ACCI assesses planning attitudes, an important dimension of career adaptability in adulthood (Super & Kidd, 1979). Because the ACCI measures attitudes (i.e., developmental task concerns) rather than behaviors (i.e., developmental task involvement), it limits a counselor's ability to ascertain the meaning of ACCI scores. That is, in assessing merely level of concern with career tasks, the ACCI does not identify explicit reasons for the indicated level of concern. …

The Case of Jessica Chang

Abstract: The case of Jessica Chang is a composite case study that has been used in different organizations for cultural diversity management training related to Asian Americans. The case was originally constructed by the first author as a case study for a Real World Ethics course, taught by Professor Caroline Whitbeck at MIT in the spring of 1992. Chen based the case on incidents he encountered in his personal and professional experiences. These events were experienced by a number of different individuals. This case has become a permanent part of that course. Leong was invited to one of the workshops at AT&T/Lucent, where the case was presented. With the permission of Chen, Leong began using the case study in his consulting practice and career counseling courses. It has been used by the authors together and separately in more than 24 workshops, seminars, and courses focusing on issues faced by Asian Americans in the work environment. Workshop participants have found the case to be an excellent source regarding the culture-related issues of Asian Americans in the workplace. The case of Jessica Chang has captured many of the issues of Asian Americans in a single composite case, which makes it ideal for cultural diversity training with both manager-supervisors and career counselors. We are presenting the case in The Career Development Quarterly so that career counselors and trainers may use it as a case study in their work concerning career development for Asian Americans. We are fortunate to have three distinguished scholars discuss different issues that emerge in the case, which adds to the value of the case as a training tool. These workshops have evolved, and currently follow the format described below: 1. Before the workshop, participants read the case and are asked to formulate responses to a set of enclosed questions. The discussion questions used with the case are presented at the end of the case description below. 2. The workshop, which typically lasts 3-4 hours, begins with the facilitator providing the background of the case study and describing the logistics for the session. 3. Participants are then moved into discussion groups of 5-10 participants. We strongly suggest that these groups be homogeneous. This type of grouping facilitates discussion and accelerates group bonding. 4. The groups are asked to discuss previously supplied questions, or any other set of questions they develop. Their task includes selection of a scribe and spokesperson who will summarize their discussion in an oral report later in the day. Typically, 90 minutes are allowed for this part of the workshop. 5. The groups reconvene, and each group spokesperson presents a synopsis of the discussion. This is an opportunity for members to react to other groups' deliberations. 6. The session facilitator offers several key observations and leads a problem-solving session on issues that have been raised. If there is insufficient time to complete Step 6, then the action items are used as a basis for discussion. The workshops have been well received, as evidenced by surveys, where participants have reported greater awareness of issues faced by Asian Americans, especially as related to stereotypes. The use of supportive video and printed material is particularly effective. In addition to articles from the press and Asian American studies courses (Wu, 1993), a video of a speech given by former New Jersey Senator Bill Bradley about Asian Americans as an invisible (nonconfrontational) minority (Bradley, 1994) is a powerful reminder of the progress regarding tolerance that has yet to be made. Listed below is a representative sampling of the issues and topics of discussion that we have experienced in the course of delivering these seminars and workshops: 1. Lack of role models in the home for integrating into mainstream American society 2. Use of Asian language at home 3. …

Workshop to Orient Students to Career Planning Services

Abstract: This article describes a 1-hour workshop designed to orient students to a career resource center and assist them with career decision making. In the course of marketing the resources of a career planning center in a college environment, it is common practice to offer orientation workshops. Often these workshops must fit into a 1-hour time slot. Because these workshops are offered frequently to large numbers of students, it is usually necessary to provide activities that do not incur a per person cost for materials. Most important, these workshops should be of value to, and enjoyable for, those who attend. Thus the workshop described herein was developed to meet these requirements. WORKSHOP DESIGN Since Parson's time, it has been common practice for career counselors to use a three-part model of career guidance (Brown, Brooks, & Associates, 1990). This model consists of self-assessment, career exploration, and decision making. Accordingly, this workshop is divided into three parts to orient students to each of these three areas and also to ways in which the Career Planning Center can assist them to develop a realistic career choice. Part 1: Self-Assessment The workshop begins with an introduction to work-related values. A list of these values that includes power, security, status, money, creativity, interesting work, freedom, challenge, achievement, and autonomy is presented, and each listed value is briefly discussed. Then the students are asked to rank the five values from the list that most immediately appeal to them. They are also asked whether the list includes all the work-related values that matter most to them at this point in their lives. If any respond negatively, then their additional values are added to the master list for this session. After the students have completed this assignment, they are given a brief lecture regarding the importance of looking inside themselves to assess their values, preferences, interests, abilities, and skills as a first step in the career-decision process. They are then introduced to the resources within the Career Planning Center that can assist them with this self-assessment process. These resources include tests, handouts, computer applications, and, most important, individual career counseling, which is available free to each student. The specific resources to assist in this self-exploration process are listed on the board as they are described. Part 2: Career Exploration The career exploration section focuses on occupational materials available in the Career Planning Center. To interest the students in learning more about various careers, they are asked to list 10 occupations they believe they might be both interested in and capable of pursuing. Most students seem to generate five options quickly, then slowly identify a few more. Many are unable to list 10. In this way, they become more interested in learning about new occupations. As they realize the limits of their occupational knowledge, they identify their own need to learn about additional occupations. The workshop then proceeds by introducing the Career Planning Center resources (e.g., books, files, and computer applications) that describe occupations. Part 3: Decision Making The final section of the workshop ties together all that has come before. The career decision process is discussed. Students are asked to assist the counselor in identifying reasons why an individual might have difficulty making an initial career decision. After a list is developed, the counselor describes a tool for decision making, the Desired Outcome Exercise of Yost & Corbishley (1987). The students are asked to list their five top values down the left-hand side of a page, and three occupations they are considering across the top. For each value under each occupation, they are asked to predict the probability of their obtaining this value within the specific occupation by using the following scale: 3 = very likely, 2 = somewhat likely, and 1 = unlikely. …

Becoming Self-Employed.

Abstract: This study explored how persons become self-employed. In critical incident interviews (Flanagan, 1954) with 5 self-employed persons, the critical events that assisted or hindered progress toward self-employment were elicited in chronological order. First, the 108 incidents were organized into 22 categories. Next, using the chronological order of categories of events, 2 basic patterns or plots for becoming self-employed were identified. Last, 8 distinctive themes of personal progress in the patterns were described. In general, becoming self-employed involved establishing conditions of action that enhanced a sense of agency, enabling each person to make a decision. Traditionally, career counseling has been concerned with guiding individuals toward occupations rather than self-employment. Indeed, current textbooks on career counseling scarcely mention selfemployment as a possibility. Yet, whatever estimates are used, the number of persons who start their own businesses is substantial and increasing. For example, in the United States during 1988, more than 1 in 7 workers were self-employed, about 1.3 million new enterprises were launched, and for every person who actually tried self-employment, there were many others who aspired toward it (Timmons, 1990).Visions of the near future indicate that self-employment opportunities will increase while employment positions will decrease (Bridges, 1994; Dent, 1995). However, despite the increasing prevalence of self-employment as a career option, little is known about how individuals come to decide on an entrepreneurial course of action or how career counseling might help. Accordingly, this study explored the kinds of events or experiences that help or hinder starting one's own business. Research indicates that entrepreneurs are apt to have been inspired by entrepreneurial role models, to have a formal and informal network of social support (e.g., lawyers, parents, friends, business consultants), and to have had previous dissatisfying experiences as an employee (Bird,1989; Carroll & Morakowski, 1987; Crombie, 1987; Hisrich, 1990; Hisrich & Brush, 1986). Although incomplete, research clearly suggests the kinds of experiences that might promote self-employment (e.g. inspiration, encouragement of parents, assurance from a consultant), another stream of research indicates that entrepreneurs are apt to be committed or determined, self-reliant, creative, action-oriented, adaptive, and unconventional (Brockhaus & Horwitz, 1986; Dyer, 1992; Fernald, 1988; Hisrich, 1990; Seiz & Schwab, 1992; Solomon & Winslow, 1988; Whiting, 1988; Winslow & Solomon, 1987, 1989). In short, research portrays an entrepreneur as a person with a strong sense of agency. On this basis, it can be anticipated that persons who become entrepreneurs participate in experiences that enhance a sense of agency in preparation for self-employment. In career development research, there are two major approaches that stress a sense of agency. In career self-efficacy theory (Betz, 1992), a person is apt to develop a belief that successful task completions depend on one's own efforts if the person has engaged in successful experiences, learned vicariously from a successful role model, been persuaded by the encouragement of others, and managed emotional arousal. From a constructivist perspective, a sense of agency depends more on meaningfulness (Howard, 1989;Taylor, 1977), and meaningfulness involves the story a person constructs regarding a course of action and the way that story is embedded in a larger narrative of one's life (Cochran, 1990, 1991, 1994; Jepsen, 1994; Savickas, 1993, 1995a, 1995b). This viewpoint holds that a person is apt to cultivate a sense of agency through meaning-making activities that involve constructing and enacting a more agentic plot (Cochran & Laub, 1994). Given that the basic plot, or pattern of action, of an agent is active striving to actualize a more ideal state of affairs, one can anticipate experiences such as reflection on meaning, setting a goal, weighing priorities, exploring options, and the like. …

Gender Discrimination in Jessica's Career.

Abstract: Jessica's career as a highly educated, well-paid technical professional seems to be a triumph over the gender discrimination limiting the opportunities of her foremothers. Yet, discrimination continues, discouraging Jessica and women like her. Despite signs that women are achieving more equity in the workplace, discrimination continues in many forms and at multiple levels (Betz, 1994; Fagenson, 1993; Geis, 1993; Ragins & Sundstrom, 1989). Personal characteristics and roles typically associated with women (for example, an unobtrusive conversational style, or homemaking activities) may also be targets of discrimination. This devaluation of "women's ways of doing things," as well as of Jessica's sex, is present in this case. Gender is a key determinant of crucial factors shaping a woman's career development, including her socialization within her family, early career-related experiences and preparation, reactions and support from others in her environment, and her own perceptions and behavior (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994). The most egregious examples of gender discrimination are often easy to spot, as when a company has an explicit policy against hiring women for a particular job. However, tenacious forms of gender discrimination, as evidenced in Jessica's case, are more subtle, or are even unconscious or unintentional. Such discrimination is rooted in pervasive stereotypes about women's unsuitability for the tasks seen as belonging in what is viewed as men's domain (Fiske, 1993; Geis, 1993). Women's careers may be stalled by the geometric progression of many missed opportunities, unspoken assumptions, inaccurate conclusions, and the insensibility of others, and of women themselves, to women's potential. How individuals perceive and react to discriminatory conditions is crucial in the dynamics of discrimination. Jessica's career path was created in part by how she understood her experiences. In Jessica's case, her Chinese cultural background, coupled with her perception of herself as a woman, influenced both how others treated her, and how she reacted to her life events (cf. Chow, 1996). It is common for counselors to make the error of assuming that women are uniformly affected by gender dynamics (Greene, 1994). Also, individuals with multiple identities vary in how they identify themselves in terms of these statuses (Parks, Carter, & Gushue, 1996; Reynolds & Pope, 1991).That is, the manner in which Jessica experiences life as a Chinese, American, female, professional person can ultimately influence her career. Counselors must look beyond the categories describing a person to the personal meanings giving them substance and life. GENDER DISCRIMINATION IN JESSICA'S CAREER I will focus on three manifestations of gender discrimination in Jessica's career: sexual harassment, external restrictions on her career advancement, and isolation in her career. Implicit is that Jessica's own gender-related identity, attitudes, behavior, and so forth influenced the nature of her interactions within her work world. Also, Jessica's internal conflict about parenting vs. pursuing a career is certainly gender-related (cf. Cook, 1993; Parasuraman & Greenhaus, 1993). Although a full understanding of Jessica's career issues requires exploration of this conflict, it does not seem to have influenced her career as has the gender discrimination to be discussed more fully here. Sexual Harassment Jessica experienced at least two instances of supervisors or colleagues sexualizing their work interactions with her. Her first supervisor tried to seduce her and she overheard sexual jokes on numerous professional occasions and trips. These situations are examples of sexual harassment. See Jones (1996) for a comprehensive review and bibliography on sexual harassment. A specific threat to a target's education or career (e.g., "if you don't cooperate, I'll . . .") is a familiar, but not necessary, condition of sexual harassment. …

Examination of Interest Inventories Based on Roe's Classification.

Abstract: This article describes the adaptation of two interest inventories translated into English, based on Roe's ( 1956) classification of occupations. In an analysis based on the responses of 181 participants, the items followed the 6 rules for interest inventory items formulated by Meir and Gati (1981). The Cronbach alpha reliability of the 8 field scores in the 2 inventories ranged between .73 and .91. A Smallest Space Analysis (SSA) on 8 field scores on the Ramak, 8 field scores on the Courses and 6 personality type scores on Holland's (1973) Vocational Preference Inventory (VPI) supported the construct validity of the inventories. The measurement of vocational interests is an essential part of the process of career counseling. "Vocational interests are probably the most frequently assessed traits in career counseling" (Walsh & Osipow, 1990, p. 15). The array of existing interest inventories includes various approaches, each with its pros and cons and with its advocates who believe that their choice of instrument is the optimal one. Most existing interest inventories do not provide adequate information on the respondent's level of aspiration. In responding to Holland's (1985) Self-Directed Search (SDS), participants perform a self-evaluation of their competencies but not the extent to which they wish to make use of these competencies. In their spherical representation of vocational interests, Tracey and Rounds (1996) included a level dimension labeled "prestige construct However, like other investigators (e.g., Roe, 1956), they do not provide a means to measure a client's aspiration level. Moreover, the spherical representation "probably exceeds the degree of complexity that clients can comprehend about the world of work" (Hansen, 1996, p. 75). All of the preceding limitations and criticisms of interest inventories led us to translate and adapt the Ramak and Courses inventories for use with an English language population. In this article, we describe the attributes of the English version of the Ramak and the Courses interest inventories, both based on Roe's (1956) occupational classification. In Roe's classification, there are eight occupational fields (Bu = Business, Or = Organization, Gc = General culture, Sv = Service, AE =Arts & Entertainment, Od = Outdoor, Sc = Science, and Te = Technology) and six levels. In developing the Ramak, the six levels were compressed into four levels to gain more consensus in identifying occupations by level (1 = professional and managerial, 2 = semiprofessional, 3 = skilled, and 4 = semi-skilled and unskilled). The advantages of interest inventories based on Roe's (1956) classification are twofold. First, Roe's classification separates the Social field in Holland's (1985) terms between social careers, which emphasize person-to-person interactions labeled "Service" by Roe, and social careers, which are community- or group-oriented such as the educational and humanities careers labeled "General culture" by Roe. Second, Roe's classification uses a special field labeled "Outdoor," which includes careers in "agriculture, animal husbandry, fisheries, forestry, and mining" (Roe,1956, p. 210). As to the other fields, there is a high similarity on the one hand between Roe's Arts and Entertainment, Technology, Science, Business, and Organization and on the other hand Artistic, Realistic, Investigative, Enterprising, and Conventional, in Holland's (1973,1985) terms (Meir & Ben-Yehuda, 1976). In addition, scores on the Ramak reflect the participant's level of aspirations and vocational interest crystallization, information not included in interest inventories based on Holland's (1985) typology (although Holland claims otherwise) and other interest inventories. The administration time required for both Ramak and Courses is about 10 minutes, which is less than the administration time for any other single interest inventory except, perhaps, the Vocational Preference Inventory (VPI). …