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Showing papers in "Development Policy Review in 2022"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors studied the role of the regulatory system in the informal milk market and found that the trust-based system used is effective in moderating behaviours and assessing and prioritizing quality and safety.
Abstract: Motivation Around 80% of milk in Kenya is marketed informally, providing livelihoods and contributing to food security and nutrition of low-income consumers. Government policy, however, is focused on formalization—primarily through licensing and pasteurization—with enforcement via fines, confiscation of milk or closing the premises of informal actors. Purpose This paper seeks to better understand if, and why, Kenya’s informal milk sector and regulatory system are disconnected from one another and how the policy–reality gap might be better bridged. Methods and approach To understand the nature and performance of Kenya’s informal milk markets and their governance, we used a mix of research methods and data sources, including surveys with informal market players, and key informant interviews with key sector stakeholders. Fieldwork was carried out in Nairobi in late 2018. Findings Milk safety and quality matters to all actors in informal milk value chains. The trust-based system used is effective in moderating behaviours and assessing and prioritizing quality and safety. Government policy is not accomplishing the stated goal of formalization: licensing levels remain low among informal actors. Pasteurization is not rewarded in the market. There is some evidence of suboptimal pasteurization processes being undertaken to satisfy regulators. There is a gap between the reality of Kenya’s informal milk sector and its regulatory system. Policy implications The regulation–reality gap manifests itself as adversarial relationships between regulators and informal actors, and unnecessary transaction costs, missing opportunities for enhancing livelihoods, food safety and food security. New approaches should build on and consider existing approaches taken by actors in informal food markets to ensure food safety and quality. Policy-makers should seek to communicate more effectively with informal actors and engage in more constructive dialogue on inclusive ways forward.

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article , the authors focus on the extent to which Ethiopia's education system has adapted to the impacts of the pandemic on adolescents' education and learning, and has achieved this equitably.
Abstract: The Covid-19 pandemic delivered an unprecedented shock to education systems globally, with school closures affecting 1.6 billion children. Education systems in LMICs are facing significant budget cuts further constraining capacities to adapt to Covid-19 impacts. The need for evidence to inform policy dialogues about how best to mitigate impacts and support education systems to "build back better" is pressing.In Ethiopia, schools reopened in October 2020 after a 7-month pandemic-related closure. Employing an adapted resilience systems analysis framework, this article focuses on the extent to which Ethiopia's education system-which has in recent decades seen rapid progress in enrolment rates-has adapted to the impacts of the pandemic on adolescents' education and learning, and has achieved this equitably.The article draws on mixed-methods data from Ethiopia collected virtually with a pre-existing cohort of 3,066 adolescents (1,683 girls & 1,383 boys) during the immediate onset of the pandemic (April-June 2020) and following the reopening of schools (November 2020-February 2021). Adolescent perspectives are complemented by 27 key informant interviews at community and district levels.Findings highlight that rural adolescents, girls and adolescents with disabilities were less likely to access distance education during school closures due to connectivity challenges and discriminatory norms, and to subsequently re-enrol. Implementation of adaptive measures, including hygiene guidance, smaller class sizes and catch-up classes, has been highly uneven, and outreach to support re-enrolment of socially marginalized adolescents very limited.For LMICs like Ethiopia to build back better post-pandemic and stay on track to achieve Sustainable Development Goal 4's commitment to inclusive and equitable quality education for all, scaled-up investments in blended learning approaches, addressing the digital divide, and ensuring targeted outreach and social protection to support re-enrolment of socially marginalized adolescents is critical.

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the effect of female participation at all hierarchical levels of micro-finance operations is investigated. And the authors find that female managers and loan officers may impair financial performance to some extent, possibly because they face cultural limitations and safety obstacles.
Abstract: Motivation Although female clients are the main target of most Microfinance Institutions (MFIs), male–female workforce ratio in microfinance operations is not proportionate. There is a consensus that a greater female presence in the workforce at all hierarchical levels could enhance the financial performance of MFIs thanks to women’s tougher commitments and better managing capacity. Purpose There is scarce research investigating which hierarchical levels of female workforce contribute to MFIs’ financial performance. This study aims at filling this gap by jointly analysing the effect of female participation at all hierarchical levels of MFIs, which is relatively rare in the existing literature, especially in microfinance. Methods and approach We use data from 172 MFIs in Eastern Europe and Central Asian countries (EECA) for the period 1996–2014. The data were then analysed by ordinary least squares, fixed, and random effects models, along with several diagnostic tests. Findings We find that female board members and female clients contribute positively to the financial performance of MFIs. The literature presents these outcomes as being due to women’s’ better organizational and monitoring techniques, and more responsible use of loans, respectively. However, our analysis shows that female managers and loan officers may impair financial performance to some extent, possibly because they face cultural limitations and safety obstacles, resulting in their being less persuasive and effective than men, especially in the process of collecting arrears payments. Policy implications Our study suggests that MFIs in the EECA context may improve their financial sustainability by reconsidering their organizational choices, such as operational recruitment, placing women at the top of the decision-making process. At the lower levels of the hierarchy, particularly loan officers, it would be advisable to support them in the interaction with male customers, so that they can adopt more effective techniques in the loan collection phases. MFIs can also scale up their loan activities to more women since their representation in the client base is relatively low in the EECA region.

6 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The work in this paper explores how hybrid political settings -those which have both democratic and non-democratic features, fragmented authority, and closing civic space - affect strategies of citizen action.
Abstract: Motivation In recent years, a growing literature has emerged analysing how organized citizen action can achieve more accountable and inclusive governance mostly focused on relatively open, democratic or more stable contexts, often in western democracies. Yet only a small proportion of the world’s population lives in such settings, authoritarianism is growing and democratic spaces are closing globally. Purpose This paper explores how hybrid political settings - those which have both democratic and non-democratic features, fragmented authority, and closing civic space - affect strategies of citizen action. Methods and approach The paper builds on work by Tilly and Tarrow on repertoires of contention, drawing from a large number of single and comparative case studies of citizen action, mainly from Mozambique, Myanmar, Nigeria, and Pakistan. Based on these, the paper develops a typology of eight repertoires of citizen action through which citizens may express their grievances and attempt to hold authorities to account. Findings The literature suggests that there may be little space for contentious social and political action in closed or authoritarian settings. This article finds, however, that a rich and diverse tapestry of citizen action may be seen in the “hybrid” settings (those which have both democratic and non-democratic features). Shaped by political opportunities as well as by key “trigger” events, these repertoires will vary according to their visibility and their level of “ruli-ness” and may shift or re-enforce one another over time, contributing to building blocks for broader accountability and democratic governance. Policy implications Policy and donor interventions aimed at supporting citizen-led action for accountability have often focused on the most visible and “ruly” of these strategies. However, we find that the more hidden or more unruly forms of action are important in and of themselves and help to create building blocks for broader changes. For those who are interested in supporting citizen-led accountability, mapping these broader repertories will be important to understand the full range of accountability strategies available, going beyond more commonly understood approaches.

6 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article , a proposal for blockchain-based project bonds to raise finance through a digital crowdfunding platform which is able to record transparently and certify the use of proceeds, sustainability impact, and revenue streams of projects by combining timestamp, public and private key mechanisms, and smart contract technologies.
Abstract: Motivation Most low- and middle-income countries face an urgent need to scale up sustainable finance for low-carbon and climate-resilient infrastructure investment, yet underdeveloped capital markets tend to inhibit domestic resource mobilization for infrastructure investment. At the same time, domestic savers face a scarcity of “safe” local-currency assets, resulting in the export of capital. Purpose This article explores options for mobilizing domestic savings through financial technology (fintech) solutions to scale up sustainable investment. Methods and approach The article discusses how fintech can help to complement conventional capital markets and mobilize financial resources for sustainable infrastructure investments. Findings The article puts forward a proposal for blockchain-based project bonds to raise finance through a digital crowdfunding platform which is able to record transparently and certify the use of proceeds, sustainability impact, and revenue streams of projects by combining timestamp, public and private key mechanisms, and smart contract technologies. Policy implications The proposed approach would not only provide investors of different sizes with the opportunity to purchase local-currency assets and issuers such as municipalities to raise funds for sustainable infrastructure investment, it would also facilitate project management once the project is operational, for example through metering and billing, and create full transparency over the life cycle of the investment, reducing problems concerning the misuse of funds.

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This analysis focuses on demand‐side constraints early in the vaccination campaign to help gauge vaccine acceptability and potential contributing factors, and to understand how actual registration and take‐up decisions compare between rural and urban slum regions.
Abstract: Abstract Motivation Mass adult immunization for COVID‐19, coupled with the urgency, is a challenge for any lower‐middle‐income country (LMIC) like Bangladesh. Our analysis focuses on demand‐side constraints early in the vaccination campaign to help gauge vaccine acceptability and potential contributing factors. Identifying registration and compliance challenges early on will help ensure a seamless immunization programme. Purpose We seek to identify subgroups who may need specific interventions by comparing willingness to be vaccinated and registration behaviour, and to understand how actual registration and take‐up decisions compare between rural and urban slum regions. Approach and Methods We use data from three surveys conducted between late January and early September 2021. The article includes a nationally representative survey on vaccine acceptability and a study on vaccination rollout behaviour in rural and urban slums. Findings Willingness was not an issue in Bangladesh, but the weak link was getting individuals to register. Once they did, compliance was very high. When the information gap regarding registration was addressed by campaigning, registration and take‐up increased. Confidence in public service delivery influenced favourable responses to mass immunization efforts. Women were falling behind initially in terms of both registration knowledge and completion. Online registration needed to be complemented with alternatives. Social networking was a vital source of information and encouragement. Policy implications Communication strategies are necessary to inform the public at an early stage, which should provide information about registration eligibility and detailed registration instructions. Ensuring and sustaining service quality will also be beneficial. In LMICs like Bangladesh, low‐tech intensive registration methods are required. Information campaigns about the registration procedure should specifically target rural communities and women. Community‐based mechanisms may reduce transaction costs and increase confidence.

4 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors explore the role of digital records kept by platforms (e.g., income volume and regularity, or customer ratings data) to facilitate the progressive transition of transport workers towards formality.
Abstract: Motivation The Sustainable Development Goals targets include decent work for all by 2030 but progress in sub-Saharan Africa has been slow. Over the past five years, the platform work sector (e-hailing platforms in particular) has expanded considerably on the continent, providing work opportunities to the growing urban populations. The quality of this work, however, is heavily contested. Purpose We deepen and extend our understanding of the gig economy in sub-Saharan Africa and assess its potential for creating decent work. Our unique contribution lies in looking at the gig economy in comparison to the local threshold (the informal economy) as opposed to wage employment. Methods and approach We first review the literature on the gig economy, the informal sector, and decent work in low- and lower-middle-income countries. We then draw on a case study of e-hailing in Lagos, Nigeria, to assess the sector’s potential to create decent work. We discuss our findings against the four pillars of the International Labour Organization’s Decent Work Agenda: productive employment, labour standards, social protection, and social dialogue. Findings We find that e-hailing platforms may offer certain gains compared to regular taxiing in the informal sector but these are context- and platform-specific. Examples include access to insurance, credit, and cash transfers. Gig work remains embedded in the informal economy: it is unregulated and does not abide by labour standards nor offer social protections. We also find evidence of well-organized labour movements. Policy implications E-hailing may be productive work, as platform intermediation facilitates outreach and matching, translating into increased wages. This happens with the added cost of longer working hours in the absence of labour standards. We propose exploring the role of digital records kept by platforms (e.g. income volume and regularity, or customer ratings data) to facilitate the progressive transition of transport workers towards formality. We also recommend fostering industry standards (such as fair work certification) to protect workers’ rights.

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors explore the synergies between tax practices and narratives by exploring the broader organizational and political interests that they serve, and make sense of these separate puzzling practices.
Abstract: Summary Motivation There are three puzzling features of sub‐Saharan African tax systems: tax administrations maintain records on vast numbers of small enterprises that actually provide no revenue; they continually invest resources into registering even more of these “unproductive taxpayers”; and discussions about taxing small enterprises are framed by the ambiguous, misleading concept of the “informal sector.” Purpose To make sense of these separate puzzling practices and narratives by exploring the synergies between them, and the broader organizational and political interests that they serve. Methods and approach There is little statistical or sociological information on the functioning of national tax administrations in sub‐Saharan Africa. The analysis is based on the results of recent research; along with a thorough search for useful data; my own extensive interactions with African tax administrators and relevant international organizations; and a sensitivity to the political dimensions of taxation. Findings The three features of tax systems that are individually puzzling make sense when examined holistically. The continual drive to register more taxpayers provides an unduly favourable impression of the extent of policy and managerial efforts to collect more revenue. The informal sector narrative locates the apparent cause of revenue scarcity in the alleged undertaxation of small enterprises and poorer people, and thus helps divert attention from failures adequately to tax more privileged Africans and larger enterprises. Policy implications Be very wary of claims that it would be a good idea to invest resources in registering large numbers of new taxpayers in sub‐Saharan Africa. Try to avoid using the term “informal sector” when discussing issues of tax policy and administration—it is confusing and diversionary.

4 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors present insights from longitudinal research in conflict-affected areas in Mozambique, Myanmar and Pakistan, and find that in most instances poor and marginalized households did not rely on the state or other formal or external authorities to resolve problems, or resolved them through self-provision and community action.
Abstract: Motivation How do poor and marginalized people solve problems and claim rights and entitlements in places affected by conflict and where state authority is contested? Understanding such processes is important as the numbers of poor people living in difficult settings grows, yet existing research on governance in conflict largely misses a “citizen's eye” view of these processes. Purpose The article focuses on “everyday governance” from a citizen's perspective. What do engagements with the multiple state and non-state actors that prevail in such settings look like? We present insights from longitudinal research in conflict-affected areas in Mozambique, Myanmar and Pakistan. Methods and approach Research was undertaken in two phases over the period 2017–2021. Researchers developed an innovative method, “governance diaries,” in which we interviewed the same set of poor and marginalized households over a period of a year, capturing an unfolding citizen's eye view of governance. We subsequently used the same method to include key intermediaries to whom households went with problems. Findings We find that in most instances poor and marginalized households did not rely on the state or other formal or external authorities to resolve problems. Mostly, they simply “lived with” those problems, or resolved them through “self-provision”—mutual aid and community action. When they did go to authorities, they used “governance intermediaries”—actors that connect people with authorities or mediate between households. These intermediaries played a central role in local governance, using their networks and deploying a range of strategies with a focus on local resolution of problems. Policy implications These findings challenge some core assumptions of contemporary development practice. First, development programmes tend to focus on improving state-run services, rather than engaging with the diversity of how public goods are governed on the ground. Second, policies assume that people can go directly to authorities with their problems, and do not take into account the role that intermediaries play. Finally, the highly diverse networks of governance actors that matter to specific places challenges the common focus on formal systems rather than informal practices.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors of as discussed by the authors argue that the three governments' responses to the COVID-19 pandemic constitute a "governance shock doctrine", based on the premise that shocks bring responses from the powerful that advance certain agendas.
Abstract: Motivation Emergencies heighten societies' need to be governed. Accordingly, the COVID-19 pandemic put systems of public governance under severe pressure across the globe. Civic freedoms were widely curtailed for public health reasons. Scarce resources needed to be allocated swiftly, with little opportunity for debate. Purpose In settings characterized by authoritarianism, violent conflict, and restricted civic space, relations between governments, civil society, and citizens at best tend to be fragile and fraught even in “normal” times. What happens when these settings are rocked by a profound shock such as the onset of a global pandemic? Methods and approach This article is based on research on civic space and civic action shortly after the onset of the pandemic in three such settings—Mozambique, Nigeria, and Pakistan. Civil society advocates in each country tracked and interpreted events in real time, debated their responses, supplemented their own knowledge through key informant interviews, and compared experiences across countries. Findings I argue that the three governments' responses to the COVID-19 pandemic constitute a “governance shock doctrine,” based on the premise that shocks bring responses from the powerful that advance certain agendas. This patterned phenomenon, visible across the three countries, consists of “securitization” of the public health emergency, suppression of dissent, extension and centralization of executive powers, curtailment of press freedoms, and tightened regulation of civic space, including online space. Civic activism navigated or combated these attacks in various ways. Policy implications Measures adopted in emergency situations tend to persist, threatening to lock civil society into living with pandemic-era restrictions. Preventing this should be a global priority, and especially important where authoritarianism already looms. An energetic mobilization among national and international actors to reassert and protect civic space is needed if the erosion of civil liberties and normalization of autocratic governance wrought by the political-military apparatus in so many countries during the COVID-19 pandemic is not to become permanent, and if the inspired and progressive innovations in organic civic activism over the 2020–2021 crisis period are to survive and flourish.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article , the authors explore researcher strategies in contexts characterized by both fragility and closing civic spaces, as well as the obstacles and challenges they face, and highlight four strategies that stand out as common in navigating these challenges and undertaking research successfully.
Abstract: Motivation Fragility and closing civic space present significant challenges for research, making research processes more onerous and difficult, particularly on social and political issues. And yet these contexts may be those that may most need to be researched to understand the trend in democratic backsliding being witnessed in many parts of the world. Purpose How can researchers navigate difficult contexts characterized by fragility and closing space to conduct rigorous yet safe research? We contribute to a growing literature on this question by exploring researcher strategies in contexts characterized by both fragility and closing civic spaces, as well as the obstacles and challenges they face. Methods and approach We draw on the reflections and experiences of researchers directly engaged in managing and undertaking research on social and political action in four contexts affected by varying levels of conflict and violence over a five-year period. Their insights were gathered through observations, informal interviews and discussions over that time, and a focus group discussion. Findings Based on the experiences of these researchers we argue that fragile citizen–state relations make the research process and its associated relationships themselves more fragile, indeterminate, and tentative. We note challenges of access, both formal and informal, low trust, and ethical dilemmas. We then highlight four strategies that stand out as common in navigating these challenges and undertaking research successfully. Policy implications We argue that research in fragile contexts with closing civic spaces needs long-term collaboration with local partners that includes building the capacity of emerging researchers and maintaining close accompaniment to create relationships of equality and a community of practice. This requires such research to be more rather than less involved and engaged with participants and research partners located in these contexts, in contrast to suggestions elsewhere that more remote or virtual engagement is the answer. But this research needs to take account upfront of the inherent challenges and uncertainty of research process, and where findings can be safely shared.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors focus on how young people view and respond to misinformation online, and the role of digital literacy interventions to mitigate this challenge, based on open-ended online consultations, and consider what their ideas and experiences imply for whether and how digital literacy intervention can help mitigate the impact of misinformation on young people's wellbeing.
Abstract: Summary: Motivation: In a polarizing world, the spread of "fake news" and mis/disinformation is a cause of concern for young people's wellbeing, as they are at the forefront of the use and consumption of digital media. The article focuses on how young people view and respond to misinformation online, and the role of digital literacy interventions to mitigate this challenge. Purpose: The analysis aims to provide some initial insights on how young people view and respond to misinformation online, based on open‐ended online consultations, and consider what their ideas and experiences imply for whether and how digital literacy interventions can help mitigate the impact of "fake news" and mis/disinformation on young people's wellbeing. Approach and methods: The empirical analysis is based on two online consultations, held in the early months of the Covid‐19 pandemic, that explore multiple views of young people on misinformation. The consultations were analysed for patterns and variation in how young people define the problem of misinformation, and consider digital literacy as a solution, for both men and women, and in different geographies globally. Findings Through the consultations, participants suggest a contextualized view of misinformation, both in terms of how it becomes problematic and mitigation strategies. Young people experienced misinformation in intersection with other issues in the digital public sphere, including cybersecurity and unequal access. Young people also reinforced a broad view of digital literacy that includes data literacy and digital citizenship. Policy implications: Consultation participants challenge policy‐makers and practitioners to look more deeply at the factors contributing to misinformation, to expand their vision of young people's agency, and to incorporate these insights into designing digital literacy interventions that mitigate the harms of misinformation online, and enable young people to address harmful content online. [ FROM AUTHOR]


ReportDOI
TL;DR: The use of digital financial services, including money transfers and mobile money, has expanded widely in lower-income countries in the past decade; 47 percent of the population of sub-Saharan Africa (548 million) had a registered mobile money account in 2020, with 29 per cent of those accounts representing active users as discussed by the authors .
Abstract: The use of digital financial services, including money transfers and mobile money, have expanded widely in lower-income countries in the past decade; 47 per cent of the population of sub-Saharan Africa (548 million) had a registered mobile money account in 2020, with 29 per cent of those accounts representing active users (Andersson-Manjang and Naghavi 2021: 8). Among lower-income countries for which data is available, the average number of mobile money accounts is more than double the number of commercial bank accounts. In many lower-middle-income countries, mobile money usage is the same or more than commercial bank usage (Bazarbash et al. 2020). Alongside this growth, governments have increasingly sought to tax DFS, rooted in deeper discussions about the role that technology can play in increasing tax revenue and strengthening overall state capacity (Fan et al. 2020; Okunogbe and Santoro 2021). While capturing revenue from DFS can come from many sources, mobile money taxes in particular have often been introduced due to the untapped revenue potential and the relatively convenient and easy nature of the tax handle (Lees and Akol 2021a) – particularly in relation to, say, corporate income taxes on financial service providers. As noted above, the search for revenue is often closely linked to a desire to capture revenue from workers in the informal economy, who are often framed as tax evaders.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors focus on norm implementation in different world regions through the lens of normative coherence for development and show that policies need to be adjusted in order to reflect the normative dimension of sustainable development.
Abstract: Motivation The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) call for transformative development rooted in international norms, such as human rights, rule of law, and gender equality. Often, however, nation-states do not implement these norms to the extent to which they are envisaged. Against this backdrop, regions have the potential to fill this implementation vacuum. Purpose Without a normative dimension, transformative development risks reproducing traditional economic development. In this special issue we focus on norm implementation in different world regions through the lens of normative coherence for development. Methods and approach The articles in this special issue all use qualitative methods, such as text analysis and in-depth interviews. Given the different regional contexts, each article has its own approach to normative coherence for development depending on the regional normative framework. Findings This special issue indicates that regions are an important interlocutor between the global, national, and sub-national level and, as such, are crucial for implementing the sustainable development agenda. The articles show, however, that to date normative coherence for development has not been achieved due to overriding priorities and technical approaches to policy coherence for development. Policy implications With this special issue we aim to draw more attention to the topic of normative coherence for development and show that policies need to be adjusted in order to reflect the normative dimension of sustainable development.

Journal ArticleDOI
Tim Rojek1
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors assess the appropriateness of two approaches to social assistance and humanitarian relief where crises recur and conflicts persist: risk assessment and management; and embracing uncertainty and ignorance.
Abstract: Social assistance, humanitarian relief, and disaster response increasingly overlap, especially where recurrent crises and persistent conflicts prevail. In such situations, distinctions between risk and uncertainty become especially important. It is critical for policy and practice to shift from focusing on risk assessment and management to embracing uncertainty.The article assesses the appropriateness of two approaches to social assistance and humanitarian relief where crises recur and conflicts persist: risk assessment and management; and embracing uncertainty and ignorance.The article reviews different approaches to social assistance, humanitarian relief, and disaster response, and asks how they are framed. It draws on experiences from programmes offering social assistance, humanitarian relief, and disaster response, highlighting the professional, bureaucratic, and institutional features that influence programme design and functioning. These are compared with "high-reliability" approaches deployed in other critical infrastructure-such as water and energy supply.Mainstream approaches focus on risk assessment and management, assuming predictability and stability. This is problematic, especially in settings of crisis and conflict where there may be no functioning delivery system for social assistance and relief. The article highlights alternatives to the mainstream risk-focused approaches, which emphasize learning, collaboration, adaptation, and flexibility. Such approaches must build on embedded practices of moral economy, collective action, and mutual care and be supported through professional and institutional capacities that generate reliability.The article suggests a new agenda for the intersection of social assistance, humanitarian relief, and disaster response, which makes uncertainty the focus for rethinking responses at scale, especially in settings affected by crisis and conflict.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , a literature review and a presentation of case studies from a sample of African countries where ILK informs adaptation options, including indigenous land-tenure practices and weather prediction.
Abstract: Motivation Communities across the global south use their rich indigenous and local knowledge (ILK) to predict weather events and climate hazards. ILK may assist efforts to address climate change challenges in Africa and make subsequent decisions regarding climate adaptation. Purpose The article documents evidence of the ILK's potential in reducing vulnerability to climate change and/or improving the resilience of communities. The study also reflects on major barriers that hinder the improved mainstreaming of ILK into adaptation strategies. Methods and approach The present study uses two main methods: a literature review and a presentation of case studies from a sample of African countries where ILK informs adaptation options, including indigenous land-tenure practices and weather prediction. The selected case studies highlight the historical legacy of ILK and its effectiveness in reducing vulnerability and the impacts of climate change. Findings The results indicate that, despite being acknowledged as a valuable resource for climate adaptation, current national adaptation policies on the African continent still show serious gaps in effectively integrating ILK systems within the legal frameworks to reduce vulnerability. Policy implications ILK should be better integrated with modern climate change adaptation strategies to anticipate more effective responses. Both rural communities and relevant government agencies should complement the use of ILK with climate change strategies, so as to maximize its contribution to the effective implementation of climate change policies.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors explore the role that "pasteurized" urban narratives play in domestic institutionalization of the global urban development frameworks and analyze how domestic institutional configurations have influenced their differential implementation in two Latin American countries.
Abstract: Motivation The global urban development frameworks defined by the United Nations are circulating worldwide and a race towards their domestic adoption has arisen since the approval of the New Urban Agenda and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Their institutionalization at the domestic level is favoured by the rather aseptic “urban paradigm shift” that these documents present. However, the process according to which this happens is subject to path-dependent logics and varies from one context to another. Purpose Stemming from the policy mobilities literature, the article explores the role that “pasteurized” urban narratives play in the domestic institutionalization of the global urban development frameworks. At the same time, it analyses how domestic institutional configurations have influenced their differential implementation in two Latin American countries. Methods and approach The article details the cases of the Ecuadorian National Urban Agenda and the Bolivian National Urban Policy, employing a mixed methodology that includes participant observation, consultancy activities, desk-research, and semi-structured interviews. Findings The analysis findings show that, on the one hand, the “comfortable landscape” offered by the “pasteurized concepts” that comprise the global urban development frameworks served as a “coalition magnet” favouring the building of consensus among stakeholders with rather different positions. On the other hand, however, this may result in a “fast-track institutionalization” that prevents the concrete engagement of local governments in the process, in turn undermining the relevance of the results achieved. Policy implications Whereas further comparative research on the institutionalization of global urban development frameworks in Latin America and beyond is certainly needed, to further understand the hidden pitfalls of their domestic adoption, the evidence presented may contribute to inform the action of policy-makers and practitioners dealing with their implementation at all levels.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper , the authors synthesize and compare key environmental legislation concerning protected natural areas (PNAs) and fire management in the nine countries of the Amazon Basin and show that top-down policies and regulations are likely to be characterized by misunderstandings (either direct or indirect) of local practice, rationale, and capacity; and, in some cases, risk criminalizing local and indigenous daily subsistence.
Abstract: Motivation The combination of institutional weaknesses, climate change, and overexploitation is increasingly recognized as endangering the Amazon forest. These three factors made 2020 the worst year for forest fires recorded in the previous 60 years. We analyse environmental policies across the nine countries of the Amazon Basin to develop national and regional forest programmes to tackle this scenario. Purpose The study synthesizes and compares key environmental legislation concerning protected natural areas (PNAs) and fire management in the nine countries of the Amazon Basin. To this end, the research question asks what directions can be drawn from a visualization and compilation of national regulations for future policy research and practice. Methods and approach We undertake a critical literature review of PNAs and fire-management policies across the nine countries of the Amazon Basin and their further alignment using analyses of previous policy reviews on forest codes and land distribution. Findings The article shows the heterogeneity of national fire-use and fire-management policies among the nine countries of the Amazon Basin. In addition, it suggests that top-down policies and regulations are likely to be characterized by misunderstandings (either direct or indirect) of local practice, rationale, and capacity; and, in some cases, risk criminalizing local and indigenous daily subsistence. Policy implications The study indicates the need for more in-depth research and policy on participatory governance platforms for the use and management of fire, rather than fire-suppression and fire-risk adaptation strategies. There are some positive, albeit often isolated, cases, to which scholars, policy-makers, and environmental practitioners should pay more attention.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article , the economic and social disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic on employment, sources of income, and lives of different categories of migrant labourers in the Indian state of Kerala were analyzed using the livelihood portfolio theory.
Abstract: Summary Motivation COVID‐19 has disrupted the lives of millions of people worldwide. Migrants in developing economies have been among the most affected. This vulnerable population faces a threat to their livelihood and way of life. Hence, there is an urgent need to understand the impact of pandemic on their lives to be able to tackle subsequent waves of the pandemic or similar exogenous shocks in future. Purpose We delve into the economic and social disruptions caused by the COVID‐19 pandemic on employment, sources of income, and lives of different categories of migrant labourers in the Indian state of Kerala. Methods and approach Using the livelihood portfolio theory, we dissect this impact in relation to a wide range of issues. This was corroborated by the in‐depth semi‐structured interviews with three categories of respondents. The interview data was analysed by using the directed qualitative content analysis method. We created themes from the data and juxtaposed them with the livelihood portfolio theory in addressing the research objectives. Findings Results highlight the impact on livelihood, lifestyles, migration prospects and gender aspects. First, the households dependent on international migrants were more severely affected than those with family members who were internal migrants. Second, a considerable lifestyle change (more reliance on a plant‐based diet) and borrowing patterns (more reliance on informal money lending) was reported. Third, opinions on future migration prospects were pessimistic, and a trend in favour of reverse migration was noted. We also captured the resilience measures for each of the themes. Policy implications We find that blanket responses to mitigate migrants' hardships could be counterproductive. Policy‐makers ought to implement tailor‐made policies keeping in mind the migrants’ classification and socio‐economic demographics. Further, we recommend specific measures to address challenges that women face, to ease their workload and mitigate the loss of income. Specific measures aimed at initiating attitudinal change such as creating mental health awareness, curbing misinformation and providing counselling services could also add immense value in tackling the pandemic.

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TL;DR: In this article , the authors examine how federal, regional, and international donor actors negotiate their interests in relation to Ethiopia's national quality education reform program, the General Education Quality Improvement Programme for Equity (GEQIP•E).
Abstract: Summary Motivation The Government of Ethiopia has a long‐standing commitment to improving the quality of education. In recent years, this has shifted to include a more explicit focus on equity in learning outcomes. In this paper, we examine the education reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment which is widely recognised as a strong developmental state. Purpose The article examines how federal, regional, and international donor actors negotiate their interests in relation to Ethiopia’s national quality education reform programme, the General Education Quality Improvement Programme for Equity (GEQIP‐E). Methods and approach We conducted 81 semi‐structured, key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and international donors who were involved in the design of GEQIP‐E. Findings We find that federal government was able to leverage considerable political influence over high‐level priorities and the framing of GEQIP‐E. Large donors leveraged financial influence to exclude some specific priorities, while smaller donors were able to draw on social influence and technical expertise to include priorities aligned with their interests. Regional governments—which are responsible for policy implementation—were largely excluded from the reform design process. Policy implications Our analysis highlights the importance of recognizing and understanding different forms of influence in the dynamic process of negotiating reform between government and donors. It identifies that both government and donor voices counted in the process of negotiations, but in different ways and to varying degrees. Understanding how different actors draw on their relative political, financial, and social influence is vital for ensuring successful implementation and sustainability. Importantly, we identify that voices of local actors are left out.

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TL;DR: In this article , the authors present an overview of climate-environmental issues and education, and propose a framework for education responses to anthropogenic environmental change (AEC) in high-income countries (HICs) and low- and lower-middle income counties (L&LMICs).
Abstract: Motivation The article seeks to support policy-makers in considering the role of education in response to the climate–environment emergency. It argues for a holistic framing of education's response, incorporating both climate and environment. While recognizing the imperative of global action, it emphasizes the need for national/local education systems approaches that reflect the distinct and localized challenges and responsibilities pertinent to high-income countries (HICs) and low- and lower-middle income counties (L&LMICs). Purpose After presenting an overview of climate–environmental issues and education the article offers a rudimentary framework categorizing education responses to anthropogenic environmental change (AEC). Methods and approach The article brings together findings from education, demography, disaster risk reduction (DRR), and environmental studies. Findings The key findings are: (1) that education provision in L&LMICs is already being affected by environmental change; (2) the causal links between education and positive environmental impacts are weakly evidenced; (3) the bulk of literature is preoccupied with global climate change and CO2 emissions to the detriment of localized environmental considerations; and (4) that education should be viewed more as a “force multiplier”—alongside areas such as health, reproductive rights, social justice, and livelihoods. Policy implications The article argues that to achieve Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 4.7—whereby education systems of all nations equip students for sustainable development—there is a need for a more geographically specific understanding of the drivers of both climate change and environmental degradation. Differentiated education reform responses are required which reflect both responsibility for carbon emissions and vulnerability to climate and environmental impacts. In HICs this would suggest a greater focus on mitigation (reduction of carbon emissions) and in L&LMICs on adaptation (responding to AEC).

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TL;DR: In this article , the authors explore how aid agencies with overlapping public accountability goals interact in specific locations and with what effects, based on qualitative fieldwork on four recent programs that overlapped in sub-national areas of Pakistan and Nigeria and supported by lighter-touch research on two programs in Mozambique.
Abstract: Motivation Aid agencies that support public accountability reforms commonly do so in the same places and with similar state and civil society actors. However, the combined effects of their separate programmatic actions are rarely analysed. Purpose This study departs from conventional analysis of aid agency relationships that focuses on the macro level of donor co-ordination and harmonization. Instead, we look at the interactions that happen in practice between aid agency programmes on the ground. Through doing so we propose a new conceptual lens for understanding these interactions. Methods and approach We explore how programmes with overlapping public accountability goals interact in specific locations and with what effects, based on qualitative fieldwork on four recent programmes that overlapped in sub-national areas of Pakistan and Nigeria and supported by lighter-touch research on two programmes in Mozambique. Findings We identify three distinct categories of “interaction effects”—synergy, parallel play, and disconnect. These effects came about both with and without direct engagement between the aid agencies themselves. Synergistic interaction effects—aid agency actions reinforcing one another in pursuit of greater public accountability—were common. Parallel play—siloed working—was also common, risking missed opportunities to extend impact. The study identified one outright disconnect—where aid agency actions undermined each other. Policy implications Using this “interaction effects” lens in practice could inform and strengthen aid agency strategies—avoiding conflicting actions and siloed working—and achieving more through synergy with others, particularly in complex contexts. This applies both in programme design and in adapting to other aid programmes' actions in real time. Development programme research and evaluations would benefit from broadening their lens beyond single-programme studies to understand the combined effects of multiple actors.

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TL;DR: In this article , the authors introduce a new dataset of 195 European regions to provide systematic information on which regions engage in international development co-operation, including information on institutional structures and governance modalities.
Abstract: Motivation Interest in the international development co-operation activities of subnational governments like Catalonia, Flanders, and Scotland has grown in recent years. Beyond these well-known cases, however, we currently lack systematic evidence on the scope of the phenomenon. Purpose This article introduces a new dataset of 195 European regions to provide systematic information on which regions engage in international development co-operation. The dataset includes information on institutional structures and governance modalities, aid motivations, aid modalities, and aid policies. Methods and approach To demonstrate the utility of our dataset, we provide descriptive insights into the phenomenon of subnational development co-operation while at the same time suggesting questions for future research that can be addressed with the help of the dataset. Findings We find that subnational development co-operation extends far beyond some well-cited cases, given that around 70 regions have some institutional structure for development co-operation. With relatively small budgets, regional aid delivery primarily relies on non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and supports a variety of purposes in the sustainable development agenda, including human rights, environmental affairs, fair trade, sustainable consumption, and development education at home. Policy implications Being the first of its kind, the dataset advances our understanding of subnational governments as autonomous providers of development aid and their potential role in helping advance the Sustainable Development Goals in the multi-level global development governance architecture.

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TL;DR: In this paper , the impact of multi-stakeholder dialogues (MSDs) on government responsiveness and public confidence in political institutions in Niger has been investigated, with no appreciable improvements in local political leadership or in citizen engagement with, and confidence in, the state and its services.
Abstract: Motivation Multi-stakeholder dialogues (MSDs) are a popular tool to promote good governance in the global south, but it remains unclear whether they actually bring about the deeper benefits they are designed to achieve, namely better government responsiveness and higher public confidence in political institutions. Niger is one of the least developed countries in the world and one where citizens consistently report low confidence in government. Purpose We test the impact of MSDs on government responsiveness and public confidence in political institutions in Niger. Specifically, we test whether MSDs in communes focused on education and health improve relations between citizens and leaders, make processes more representative, and increase resources for local service delivery. We test whether MSDs improve citizen perceptions of government: legitimacy, responsiveness, democracy, and honesty. We test whether they increase citizen participation, including though petitions and messaging. Methods and approach Randomized controlled trial and surveys. Findings MSDs had virtually no positive impact on any of the ten tests we conducted, with no appreciable improvements in local political leadership or in citizen engagement with, and confidence in, the state and its services. The null results may arise from the limited time the MSDs were run, or they may reflect the extremely difficult conditions for better local governance seen in Niger. Policy implications The findings, though possibly discouraging for policy implementers, provide a valuable opportunity to contemplate how multi-stakeholder frameworks might be made more effective and whether to prioritize alternative frameworks for democracy and development in countries like Niger. MSDs may be worth continuing in combination with other interventions, or simply in the interest of an inclusive, ethical approach to development.

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TL;DR: In this paper , the authors argue that the Government of Myanmar lacks initiatives on women's economic empowerment, but that social enterprises could prove to be a more appropriate way to implement international norms in gender equality.
Abstract: Motivation Women’s empowerment has been an integral part of the discussion on normative coherence for development, but its implementation is not very effective in Myanmar. Gender must be kept at the forefront of policy analysis in order to avoid unintended consequences for women. Purpose The article argues that the Government of Myanmar lacks initiatives on women’s economic empowerment, but that social enterprises could prove to be a more appropriate way to implement international norms in gender equality. Methods and approach This case study uses descriptive research to verify how social entrepreneurship can contribute to women's empowerment by increasing women’s participation in the labour market. The empirical part of this study is based on field research undertaken in February 2019. Findings In Myanmar, there is still a gap between normative policies and social practices. Women’s legal and actual equality cannot be realized by law and philosophy alone, but also depends on a shift in political, economic, and social actions to ensure that women can participate in the public sphere on an equal basis as men, and enjoy equal economic opportunities. The article explores the role that social enterprises are already playing as an example of how international development norms are implemented at the local level. Policy implications The article highlights the appropriateness of social enterprises as catalysts of gender equality and as agents of normative gender coherence for development. Social enterprises take an inclusive and sustainable approach to addressing issues, making women’s livelihoods central.

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TL;DR: In this paper , the authors analyze two global water norms in Central America: the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) and the Human Right to Water and Sanitation (HRWS) from their regional and national definitions and implementation in order to respond to the following research question: does the adoption of IWRM and the HRWS in Central American water management represent normative coherence for development or normative hegemony manifested by vertically imposed global water governance norms?
Abstract: Motivation Water management is currently sustained by international norms negotiated in global meetings which are replicated worldwide. Integrated Water Resources management (IWRM) and the Human Right to Water and Sanitation (HRWS) are two of the main global norms presented as important ideals for good water governance, and as such are seen as contributing to achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This article engages with this logic. Purpose The article analyses two global water norms in Central America: the IWRM and HRWS, from their regional and national definitions and implementation in order to respond to the following research question: does the adoption of IWRM and the HRWS in Central American water management represent normative coherence for development or normative hegemony manifested by vertically imposed global water governance norms? Methods and approach The research examines the definition and implementation of IWRM and the HRWS in the Central American Integration System (SICA) and six member states. It examines regional legal frameworks and national water laws and policies. Data collection included reviews of policy documents, academic studies, and grey literature from regional organizations and fieldwork conducted from 2012 to 2019. Findings IWRM and HRWS are global water norms that have been institutionalized in Central America through development co-operation partnerships, especially with European donors. This research shows that SICA member states have not implemented these norms due to the opposition of diverse coalitions of water stakeholders, including agribusiness, economic elites, and indigenous communities. The findings indicate that stakeholder participation and normative legitimacy are the defining characteristics that separate normative coherence for sustainable development from normative hegemony. Policy implications Despite Central America's legal alignment with the SDGs, significant grassroots opposition to the implementation of global water norms across the region suggests that normative coherence for sustainable development depends on normative alignment and incorporation by states in national legal frameworks but is also conditioned by stakeholder participation. These findings indicate that normative coherence for sustainable development should become more participative in nature in order to promote transformative development as defined by the SDGs. Otherwise, stakeholders may perceive it as normative hegemony.