Showing papers in "East Asia in 2015"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyze how the situation in China's most northwestern province-level unit Xinjiang has affected China's overall foreign relations since disturbances in its capital Urumqi in July 2009.
Abstract: This paper analyses how the situation in China’s most northwestern province-level unit Xinjiang has affected China’s overall foreign relations since disturbances in its capital Urumqi in July 2009. Xinjiang’s most populous ethnic group is the mostly-Muslim Uighurs. The paper assumes a framework that puts a high priority on China’s facing west. Though no more important than the eastward-looking foreign policy that has dominated Western analysis, the paper sees China’s facing west perspective as deserving more attention than it has received. Russia and Central Asian countries have been positive about China’s economic aims in the region. However, friction has increased with China’s rise, Chinese authorities tending to blame Xinjiang’s disturbances on Islamism in Central Asia. China resents the USA for giving asylum to Rebiya Kadeer, president of the anti-China World Uyghur Congress. In 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pushed the idea of a “New Silk Road” in Central Asia for peaceful economic development. China has long espoused the “Silk Road” idea, developing its own “Silk Road Economic Belt.” Damaged due to the 2009 riots, the China-Turkey relationship has improved because of various visits and agreements since 2010. The paper balances the dominantly economic Silk Road concept against Islamist terrorism. It argues that the aims of the Silk Road and Silk Road Economic Belt are sensible and practical, with positive economic relations the main trend. However, although the Central Asian “zone of conflict” is a lesser trend, tensions are serious and long term, especially those caused by Islamism and Islamist terrorism.
28 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors assess the prospects for bilateral relations in the light of these developments and provide an analysis of various public opinion surveys in order to grasp the nature of the Turkish public opinion towards China.
Abstract: China’s new Silk Road policy, titled “One Belt, One Road,” signals a proactive turn in China’s regional policy towards Central and West Asia. The policy has two dimensions: First, China aims to revitalize the old Silk Road exchange of goods, ideas, and people with trade, energy, and transportation projects. Second, armed with these new connections, China aims to redefine the territories the old Silk Road encompasses as a region in the contemporary international system. Turkey, as one of the countries at the westernmost end of the historic Silk Road, and one of the target countries of China’s new Silk Road diplomacy, welcomes the increasing economic and technological exchange with China. Establishing better contacts with China fits suitably in Turkey’s new foreign policy orientation. While the foreign policies of the two countries seem to be compatible, Turkish domestic political dynamics and public opinion hinder further engagement between the two ends of the Silk Road. The negative public opinion towards China manifests itself in the form of media coverage, protests and lobbying and, at times, it derails bilateral relations. This paper assesses the prospects for bilateral relations in the light of these developments. The paper starts with a historical analysis of Sino-Turkish relations and proceeds with various dimensions of the current relations. Then, it provides an analysis of various public opinion surveys in order to grasp the nature of the Turkish public opinion towards China, and it offers a media framing analysis in order to decipher the specific ways the image of China is constructed in Turkish public opinion. The last part of the paper discusses the domestic political actors that have a role in the perceptions and policies toward China in Turkey.
13 citations
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the use of symbols, art, and aesthetics in the first phase of Hong Kong's “Occupy Central” movement and found that protestors, demonstrators, and strikers appropriate symbols to put their political messages across, sometimes essentializing or reducing complicated and complex ideologies or reform initiatives to pictorial symbols and performative sessions to parsimoniously put their points across.
Abstract: This writing analyzes the use of symbols, art, and aesthetics in the first phase of Hong Kong’s “Occupy Central” movement. Protestors, demonstrators, and strikers appropriate symbols to put their political messages across, sometimes essentializing or reducing complicated and complex ideologies or reform initiatives to pictorial symbols and performative sessions to parsimoniously put their points across. Between the start of Hong Kong’s “Occupy Central” movement on 27 September 2014 and its temporary pause on 6 October 2014, many symbols and art forms were used to symbolize the protests including the yellow umbrella. This writing is based on the observations in Hong Kong (more than 4 years) as well as formal and informal discussions with individuals representing positions from all sides of the political divides (pro-government, pro-democracy, and pro-Beijing forces) within and outside Hong Kong. Textually, I collected media reports, downloaded digital images, and scanned and analyzed media commentaries for this writing.
11 citations
TL;DR: This article argued that globalization preceded the rise of the West and that it enabled the Western breakthrough into modernity on the other hand, and pointed out that while the West was the dominant player after ca. 1830 down to the turn of the third millennium, nevertheless, what we witness today is the return of China to the centre of the global economy whence it came.
Abstract: With the current interest in China (and India) proliferating within the Western Academy, this article claims that what we are witnessing today is not the rise but the “return” of China (and India). Many academics assume that the West has been the dominant civilization in the world economy in the last 500 years and that the current “rise” of China threatens to knock the West off its perch. However, this article provides an alternative take to this cherished axiom of Eurocentric world history by inverting the standard belief that the West pioneered modernity and then expanded outwards to remake the world. Thus, I argue not only that globalization preceded the rise of the West but that it was Eastern-led on the one hand and that it enabled the Western breakthrough into modernity on the other. This, in turn, rests on my claim that Chinese development stems back not to 1978 but to 960 ce as the Sung Dynasty emerged and subsequently undertook a quasi-industrial miracle. Moreover, between 1450/1492 and ca. 1830 China lay at the centre of the nascent global economy, fanning the integration process alongside other key non-Western regions such as India and West Asia/North Africa. And, while the West was the dominant player after ca. 1830 down to the turn of the third millennium, nevertheless, what we witness today is the return of China to the centre of the global economy whence it came.
11 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors outline a wide spectrum of theoretical framework that is applicable to the subject and highlight the importance of understanding the context of China's strategic shifts in Xi Jinping's era.
Abstract: Coinciding with the rise of Chinese economy, China’s foreign policy has become more assertive than ever. As part of the “Chinese Dream” promise, her new projects, the “New Maritime Silk Road” and the “New Silk Road,” have created a new chapter of China’s relations with her neighboring countries as well as the international communities. However, China’s hidden agenda of the two new projects, her challenges of achieving her goals, and how the international communities respond to the increasingly assertive Chinese foreign policy are yet to be discussed extensively among research on international relations. This introduction seeks to outline a wide spectrum of theoretical framework that is applicable to the subject and to highlight the importance of understanding the context of China’s strategic shifts in Xi Jinping’s era.
11 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the development of various aspects of Sino-Iranian relations and examine the relationship between Iran and China from an economic point of view and military and security perspective.
Abstract: Iran-China relations have strengthened over the past decades. From an economic point of view, Iran has been an attractive destination for the Chinese businesses that are in search of new markets to expand the scope of their economic activities through trade, investment, and partnership. China has at the same time offered Iran a valuable alternative to the western economies, which gradually (and partly due to the economic sanctions imposed on Iran) decreased their level of engagement with Iran. Moreover, the relationships between China and Iran have expanded gradually to military and security cooperation. This paper will examine the development of various aspects of Sino-Iranian relations.
10 citations
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors argued that Shenzhen's success is an exception, not a rule, and that the Shenzhen experience can be transplanted to Kashgar, whose geographical location and investment environment was much inferior.
Abstract: Kashgar, a westernmost city in the restive Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region bordering Central and South Asia, was paired with the southern city of Shenzhen, the most successful special economic zone for its future development. The development of Kashgar’s economy in specific and the Xinjiang in general is a part of China’s new Silk Road project which serves multi-purpose goals, such as narrowing regional disparity, reducing ethnic tensions, fighting terrorism and balancing US pivot to Asia. It is skeptical whether the Shenzhen model can be transplanted into Kashgar. The plan of developing Kashgar’s economy and establishing Kashgar special economic zone may be considered a new bottle with old wine. The development programmes in the past several decades did not address the roots of ethnic tension, including suppression of cultural autonomy and unequal distribution of the benefits and social costs of economic growth. Besides that, the success of the Shenzhen special economic zone is an exception, not a rule. It was unsuccessful in the past attempts to transfer the successful experience from Shenzhen to other special economic zones. It is skeptical whether the Shenzhen experience can be transplanted to Kashgar, whose geographical location and investment environment was much inferior.
9 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors make an assessment of the borderland regions of China and India with a focus on Xinjiang, Tibet, Kashmir and the Indian Northeast, focusing on three key issues which impact on all four of the conflicts: the rise of ethnic nationalism, the impact of external forces on the conflict and the human rights situation.
Abstract: The paper tries to make an assessment of the borderland regions of China and India with a focus on Xinjiang, Tibet, Kashmir and the Indian Northeast. The paper looks at the conflict in India and China's periphery, how these conflicts have evolved with time and how they have changed their character with the passage of time, from the 1950s until the present day. After looking at some background, the paper primarily focusses on three key issues which impact on all four of the conflicts: the rise of ethnic nationalism, the impact of external forces on the conflict and the human rights situation. After making an assessment of the political situation, the paper looks at the areas of similarity and differences between the four regions. Methodologically, a bottom-up approach was taken and in-depth unstructured interviews were carried out with people from the conflict zones that the paper considers.
9 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored the current situation among Uyghurs and Hans living in Xinjiang in different social contexts and purviews, mainly assessing problems and open questions hindering a balanced and consensus-based social development in the area.
Abstract: Social development in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region from 1999 to 2009 is the focus of this article. I will explore the current situation among Uyghurs and Hans living in Xinjiang in different social contexts and purviews, mainly assessing problems and open questions hindering a balanced and consensus-based social development in the area. The concept of “development” per se will be understood with a critical perspective. The fieldwork was conducted in 2011 and 2012 in Urumqi, Turpan, Kahsgar, Wujiaqu and Shihezi, and in eight rural villages—seven located in the Kashgar Prefecture and one in Kizilsu Kyrgyz Autonomous Prefecture. The opportunity to adopt an “insider perspective”, at the same time working with critical tools provided by the disciplines of sociology and anthropology, can be considered an important asset in the field of Xinjiang studies. My PhD research in China (2010–2013) and my work as consultant for KFW (2011–2012) have been of great help in adopting this approach. Interviews, participant observation and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data from different sources are the basis of the fieldwork results presented here. UNDP indicators and indexes are taken as reference in setting and organising data.
7 citations
TL;DR: This article employed Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory of group behavior, to develop a unique framework that accounts for both the domestic and international constraints acting upon Japan's foreign policy makers.
Abstract: Regional security studies of the Asia-Pacific commonly center upon China’s rise, leaving other actors underresearched. Among these is Japan, whose ongoing reinterpretation of its pacifist constitution may destabilize the region. This article employs Social Identity Theory, a social psychology theory of group behavior, to develop a unique framework that accounts for both the domestic and international constraints acting upon Japan’s foreign policy makers. By analyzing Japan’s foreign policy evolution through the lost decade of the 1990s into the changed landscape of the post-September 11th world, this article identifies a prevailing trend toward “normalization”. It is argued that Japan is on course to further distance itself from the pacifism embodied in Article 9 of its constitution.
7 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a policy paper supporting the vision of ASEAN leaders in the project of aSEAN community building is presented, which goes beyond their declarations to argue for a more thorough going adoption of the norms of the United Nations and to promote more people-to-people activities and ASAAN consciousness among the people.
Abstract: This is a policy paper supporting the vision of ASEAN leaders in the project of ASEAN Community building. However, it goes beyond their declarations to argue for a more thorough going adoption of the norms of the United Nations and to promote more people-to-people activities and ASEAN consciousness among the people. ASEAN was established in 1967 with the aim to strengthen regional cooperation to deal with the geopolitical challenges of the Cold War. It has scored successes in the realm of economy. Driven by the dynamics of globalization, ASEAN has aspired to become a full-fledged community of nations. It aims to widen its scope to include social and cultural dimensions, social justice, and human rights. The most progressive manifestation of this is the ASEAN Charter. To advance the project of the ASEAN Community, this paper makes suggestions at two levels, namely the level of ideas and the level of activities, with some reflections on nation building. A nation at peace with itself based on social justice and human rights contributes to regional community building. If and when it does come about, the ASEAN Community will represent a new ASEAN identity, with a new moral and political order, and it will be able to articulate global issues in international forums with moral authority and moral coherence.
TL;DR: This paper showed that China's rough treatment of Uyghurs is related not only to domestic tensions in Xinjiang but also to the legacy of Ughur association with the Soviet Union and Russia against China's nationality policy.
Abstract: In this article, I would like to show that China’s rough treatment of Uyghurs is related not only to domestic tensions in Xinjiang but also to the legacy of Uyghurs’ association with the Soviet Union and Russia against China’s nationality policy. Both, but particularly Moscow, used the Uyghurs in their virtual propaganda and, moreover, also in actual acts of organizing outfits—mainly civilian but also military—including espionage, sabotage, and even preparations for invasion. While most—if not all—of these attempts failed, the memories of these actions still survive. Behind the apparent friendship between China and Russia today are hidden mutual suspicions as well as unsettled accounts going back as far as the seventeenth century. Given these potential, and occasionally actual, tensions and China’s growing economic advantage over Russia, a future conflict is an eventuality that should be taken into consideration, meaning that Uyghurs may become pawns in this playground yet again.
TL;DR: The authors argued that the relationship between the Gulf Arab states and Asia will remain largely transactional for the foreseeable future, and argued that Asian leaders have shown no interest in guaranteeing Gulf security.
Abstract: This article argues that whilst the relationship between the Gulf Arab states and Asia is developing quickly, it will remain largely transactional for the foreseeable future. The relationship has intensified over the past 5 years and is manifest in increased trade, diplomatic traffic, foreign direct investment and energy relations. This has led some observers to argue that the Gulf Arab states will come to rely more upon Asian, rather than Western partners to provide for their security in the Gulf. The advent of the shale revolution and US energy independence has further underscored this line of analysis. The authors argue, however, that it is unlikely that the relationship between the Gulf Arab states and Asia will become strategic in the near future, as Asian leaders have shown no interest in guaranteeing Gulf security. They are content to bandwagon for as long as possible. Furthermore, the current security arrangement between Gulf Cooperation Council and Western powers, which has stood the test of time, looks likely to endure for decades. In spite of the apparent downturn in relations between Gulf Arab leaders and the West since the Arab Spring, both sides are committed to a long-term strategic relationship.
TL;DR: This article examined the views of Chinese scholars during the decade of Hu's leadership concerning China's diplomatic strategy with respect to the judgment of China's national power, the orientation of China’s diplomatic goals, and the choice of China´s foreign policy.
Abstract: I examine the views of Chinese scholars during the decade of Hu’s leadership concerning China’s diplomatic strategy with respect to the judgment of China’s national power, the orientation of China’s diplomatic goals, and the choice of China’s foreign policy. Chinese scholars increasingly judged China as an emerging major power in a multi-polarizing world. The mainstream academic attitude was that China should augment its international role. The discourse on China’s diplomatic goals experienced a skillful and tacit transition from the “keep a low profile” principle to the “harmonious world” proposal, featured by the shift in emphasis, the expansion of interpretation, and the substitution of concepts. The Chinese academia unanimously endorsed the governmental proposal of the road of peaceful development, while ambiguity can be observed in China’s more assertive responses to challenges to its “core interests”, agenda setting attempts in multilateral cooperation, and various endeavors to gain “soft power”. Underlying the transition of China’s diplomatic strategy was the materialist way of thinking concerning international relations.
TL;DR: The authors identifies three discursive frames that mark the existing discourse between elites on the Eastern and Western ends of the Asian continent and suggests that the opportunity for discursive synergies is high as the Gulf Arab states continue to “Asianize” in the coming years.
Abstract: Political elites in both the Arab Gulf and Asia have, in recent history, cultivated narratives that seek to legitimize their respective alternatives to the Western liberal-democratic model of government. In the Gulf Arab countries, this has involved highlighting the benevolence of the state through national myths of monarchical exceptionalism, while ruling elites on the Eastern side of the continent have employed the Asian values hypothesis to great effect. In both regions, exceptionalist discourses have boosted elite legitimacy in the aftermath of the Cold War – often by co-opting subaltern themes from postcolonial discourses. This study posits that the similarities between the two regional discourses are significant and that the potential is high for a future ideological convergence between them. Through its analysis of the Asia-Middle East Dialogue (AMED) – a 2004 Singaporean initiative to foster greater interregional dialogue between Eastern and Western Asia – it identifies three discursive frames that mark the existing discourse between elites on the Eastern and Western ends of the Asian continent. Focusing on the implications that these three frames would have if further adopted in Gulf Arab elite discourse, it suggests that the opportunity for discursive synergies is high as the Gulf Arab states continue to “Asianize” in the coming years.
TL;DR: This paper applied text mining technique and sentiment analysis to the digital data of Taiwan's largest bulletin board system station (PTT) established by college students and extracts postings concerning Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute in the past 4 years (2009~2012).
Abstract: Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute has caused tensions among China, Japan, and Taiwan for decades. Although the Taiwanese government keeps a low profile on the dispute, the issue has flared up online discussion among Taiwan’s netizens. Many consider Taiwanese people more pro-Japan than other countries in East Asia, as elder generation living on the island shares nostalgia toward Japan, and as its younger generation charmed by Japanese manga and anime, let alone Taiwan being the top donor to Japan’s 311 earthquake. In this vein, Taiwanese people should accommodate well with Japan. However, Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute may tell another story. The act of Japanese government to nationalize Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in 2012 has provoked anger among its neighbor countries. Are Taiwanese people in favor of Japan’s stance on Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute due to the attachment for Japan or the other way round? This paper applies text mining technique and sentiment analysis to the digital data of Taiwan’s largest bulletin board system station—PTT—established by college students and extracts postings concerning Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute in the past 4 years (2009~2012). By this bottom-up approach, we aim to examine Taiwan’s netizens’ emotion toward the two hegemonies—i.e., Japan and China—and to see whether the strong attachment to Japan has any impact on netizens’ opinions on the dispute.
TL;DR: In some instances, however, the Chinese government is willing to resist international pressure regarding human rights issues and incur damage to its international image on the issues in which it believes that there are more costs by adhering to international criticism than gains for China.
Abstract: Given the tremendous amount of money that China has poured into events such as the 2008 Beijing Games and the 2010 Shanghai Expo and establishing Confucius Institutes throughout the world, the Chinese government is interested in advancing its international image and developing its soft power. In some instances, however, the Chinese government is willing to resist international pressure regarding human rights issues. In the process, the Chinese government is willing to incur damage to its international image on the issues in which it believes that there are more costs by adhering to international criticism than gains for China. In short, to what extent is China concerned about its international image regarding human rights pressure? Under what conditions is China willing to resist international criticism regarding human rights and thus incur damage to its international image?
TL;DR: The relationship between Turkey and the People's Republic of China (PRC) has experienced some ups and downs from 1949 to present. as mentioned in this paper analyzed the key dynamics of Sino-Turkish relations and in doing so, it will seek to determine how the relationship between the two countries has been shaped over time.
Abstract: The relationship between Turkey and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has experienced some ups and downs from 1949 to present. In the first period of relations, Turkey was one of the countries that preferred to recognize the Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan over the PRC, this lasted until 1970. The second period began when diplomatic relations were established between Turkey and the PRC in 1971. International security concerns and economic considerations have been among the major factors that shaped Sino–Turkish relations during these times in the 1970s and 1980s. In the third period, Ankara–Beijing relations seriously stagnated as a result of the Xinjiang issue and Ankara’s reestablishment of relations with Taipei during the 1990s. Turkey–PRC relations have come to exhibit a higher degree of multidimensionality in the fourth period starting in 2000. In addition to the increasing bilateral trade volume, the deepening economic and political cooperation between the two countries has also made Turkish–Chinese relations more important from a global standpoint. On the other hand, there are also a number of problems such as the mounting bilateral trade imbalance against Turkey, China’s deficiencies in the development of political, economic, and cultural rights of the Uyghurs, and uncertainties in determining the status of Ankara–Taipei relations. The steps that Ankara and Beijing will take with regard to the existing opportunities and possible challenges in bilateral relations will be decisive for future ties between the two countries. This article will analyze the key dynamics of Sino–Turkish relations, and in doing so, it will seek to determine how the relationship between the two countries has been shaped over time.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the 228 Uprising, which occurred in February 1947 in post-war Taiwan, employing Michael Mann's IMEP model as the primary analytical framework and suggest that the uprising was in nature an ethnic conflict heavily influenced by at least four types of structural factors: political, military, economic and ideological.
Abstract: This paper examines the 228 Uprising, which occurred in February 1947 in post-war Taiwan, employing Michael Mann’s IMEP model as the primary analytical framework and suggesting that the uprising was in nature an ethnic conflict heavily influenced by at least four types of structural factors: political, military, economic and ideological. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: What were the structural factors that contributed to the 228 Uprising? How should we interpret these factors to understand the nature of the uprising? Why did the Taiwanese people who participated in the riots act so violently against the provincial government in Taiwan? Factionalism and a low level of the state power were serious political problems, which resulted in lax military discipline and a failed statist economic policy. These military and economic conditions fuelled ideological discourses that called for democracy and self-governance by the Taiwanese. Moreover, the negative interactions between the Taiwanese and the Mainlanders contributed to the emergence of a Taiwanese ethnic identity and echoed those discourses. It can be argued that Taiwanese elites and masses fused their ethnic identity with their ideal of democracy. Thus, in the eyes of many Taiwanese participating in the uprising, that fusion justified violent actions against Chen Yi’s provincial regime and the military establishment in Taiwan.
TL;DR: A recent special edition of the journal reflects some of the pioneering work taking place on pan-Asian relations encompassing new analysis of the Middle East's links with the 'East'.
Abstract: Research on the emerging links between the Middle East (West Asia) and other parts of Asia has grown considerably since late twentieth century. Indeed, the contributions to this special edition of the journal reflect some of the pioneering work taking place on pan-Asian relations encompassing new analysis of the Middle East’s links with the ‘East’—Central, South, and East Asia. The research in this field, looking back into history as well as forward, has grown in response to the changing dynamics of intra-Asian relations following the end of the Cold War in 1990 and the collapse of the Soviet Union as a Eurasian land empire just a year later. The end of bipolarity encouraged new transnational relations and further regionalization of a new world order. As multi-polarity has steadily given way to a state of non-polarity, so the veil has also been lifted on the significant economic and political ties which have grown across strategic regions. In considering strategic regions, it is contended here that Asia is home to the most dynamic of these, in terms of asset accumulation, geopolitical weight, population size, and economic prowess. But it is also significant for the volatility which appears along the fault lines of historical animosity, national security tensions, modern-day rivalries, border and resources disputes, and the strengthening of communalism and divisive role of identity politics. Moreover, the collapse of the Soviet control of much of Central Asia opened up new spaces for exchange in Asia, much encouraged by the exploitation of hydrocarbon reserves of the Soviet successor states in Asia (also Azerbaijan in the Caucasus). But, pan-Asian ties predate the post-Cold War transformations of the global system, and several Asian powers were able to negotiate mutually beneficial links soon after the Second World War. Although evidence of ancient pan-Asian relations is to be found in the Silk Road, systemic shift in our time is clearly leading to a perceptible transfer of the global economic balance Eastwards, which has brought with it the rise of energy-hungry Asian economies in the twenty-first century. Asian demand for energy has changed the complexion of Middle East-Asia relations, and pan-Asian relations in this context are today a reflection of the changing contours of the global political economy.
TL;DR: The authors examines the context and catalysts that are shaping the evolving partnership between the two sides and are opening new vistas for further consolidation, arguing that even in the current geopolitical constraints, South Korea and the Middle East have a compelling case than ever before to reignite their partnership for mutual prosperity and peace.
Abstract: Despite its relevance and importance in the emerging global order, the partnership between South Korea and the Middle East somehow has failed to capture due attention from the pundits of geostrategy and international political economy. In the conventional discourse, the two entities have neither been characterized as natural allies nor have they been considered as equal trade partners. The engagement and interaction between South Korea and the Middle East has been limited to a story revolving around the narrative of energy security and construction assignments. In an effort to provide a more inclusive view on South Korea-Middle East relations, this paper examines the context and catalysts that are shaping the evolving partnership between the two sides and are opening new vistas for further consolidation. The paper argues that even in the current geopolitical constraints, South Korea and the Middle East have a compelling case than ever before to reignite their partnership for mutual prosperity and peace.
TL;DR: This article examined the causal associations between domestic Japan's socio-psychological indices and people's perceptions toward territorial disputes with China and South Korea and found that the public opinion on territorial claims remains more or less the same largely independent of domestic socio-economic conditions.
Abstract: This article examines the causal associations between domestic Japan’s socio-psychological indices and people’s perceptions toward territorial disputes with China and South Korea. The triangulation analyses do not support most of the hypotheses except the explanatory variables of age, level of educational attainment, and Japan’s future projection: The higher the age group, the stronger the territorial sovereignty conviction; the higher the level of education, the weaker the support for the Japanese government’s hawkish policy; and the more pessimistic the future confidence of Japan, the bigger the threat perception of China. The causality could be established only when the probability level was relaxed from 0.05 to 0.10. This research finds a weak overall causal association between domestic state of affairs and territorial perceptions. The public opinion on territorial claims remains more or less the same largely independent of domestic socio-economic conditions. This observation leads to a call to revise the conventional conflict cycle theory (i.e., status quo > provocation > rise of tension > conflict relaxation) in order to reflect more of simultaneous and interactive nature of inter-state conflict (i.e., action [tension/status quo/reconciliation] > reaction [tension/status quo/reconciliation]). The intra-state affairs have become more vulnerable to unexpected and hard-to-control contingencies which defy the procedural progression of conflict management. This implies that the elites can no longer monopolize the decision on foreign affairs.
TL;DR: The entry of Mongolian People's Republic (MPR) into the United Nations (UN) from its first application in 1946, took 15 years as mentioned in this paper, and from 1947 to 1955, no new members joined the organization for 8 years.
Abstract: The entry of Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) into the United Nations (UN), from its first application in 1946, took 15 years. In the context of the global Cold War, UN membership became a tool to strengthen the influence of the USA and the Soviet Union. They supported the membership of their respective clients, while opposed it for clients of their adversary. Consequently, from 1947 to 1955, no new members joined the organization for 8 years. However, the extension of UN membership to the newly independent African countries in the mid-1950s led to a US-Soviet struggle for allies among them. In this regard, the Soviet Union succeeded in linking the package admission of the MPR and Mauritania with the issue of China’s representation. The USA, seeking to ingratiate itself to new African UN members and thus gain their collaboration on the question of China’s representation and other UN issues crucial to American interests, ultimately compromised, consenting to the MPR’s entry. In conclusion, the MPR’s admittance was the result of the struggles and compromises of the two superpowers.