Showing papers in "International Journal of Comparative Sociology in 1970"

Book Reviews : Harold Fallding, The Sociological Task : A Concise Introduction to the Main Issues in Sociological Theory and Method. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1958

Abstract: The chapters of this 138 page volume develop Fallding’s position that sociology needs a general model encompassing the components of both culture (symbols) and social organization (action). He explicates such a conceptual scheme in the tradition of functionalism, but argues that this orientation need not be conservative as critics often charge. To the contrary, he contends that functionalism suggests, if not requires, social change. The conceptual framework suggested by Fallding holds particular promise for comparative sociology. The wide applicability of the model is demonstrated by illustrating its power to subsume and to place into perspective research ranging from Bales’ small group studies to Berkes’ analysis of the emergence of a modern state in Turkey. More importantly, the comparability of such studies becomes apparent when analyzed in terms of the model. This should facilitate the systematic consolidation of sociological knowledge-a highly important endeavor. However the central sociological task, according to Fallding, is to measure the degree to which human needs are satisfied by given social systems as well as the degree to which they would be satisfied by changes in those systems. This is no easy undertaking and Fallding has really only suggested in the barest outlines what would be involved. Unfortunately, numerous problems of serious magnitude face researchers who would follow the path suggested. For example, which human needs should be considered in the evaluation (or measurement,

Longitudinal Research Designs: Advantages and Disadvantages, with special references to the Scandinavian project Metropolitan

Abstract: ous (cross-sectional) or sequential (longitudinal). The distinctive characteristic of a simultaneous design is that all variables observed are referred to the same point or the same usually brief period on the time dimension.,, Hence, in such studies time, and whatever is highly correlated with it, function as constants. It follows that all hypotheses on relationship between variables confirmed or rejected in such studies refer to conditions existing at the given time. We are in particular unable to perform any tests of hypotheses that state a relationship between variables, when one precedes the other, or between variables constructed so as to measure increment from one point in time to another. Sequential research designs permit both the kinds of static tests typical of simul-

Cross-Cultural Differences in the Structure of Moral Values: A Factorial Analysis

Abstract: The relatively high similarity in the factorial structure of the Middle Eastern and American moral values in Factors A and C support the view that the moral judgments of college students of the two cultures studied here are not very dissimilar. In fact, these two factors account for approximately 66 per cent and 55 per cent, respectively, of the explained item variance in each sample. It is worth noting, however, that the bipolar Factor C (family morality) has high negative loadings in the Middle Eastern group, whereas among American students, the high loading items are positive. It seems, therefore, that the Middle Eastern Factor C specifies the more general and broad functions of the family rather than the primary functions of this dimension. For example, divorce (item 33), use of birth control (item 32), girls smoking (item 6), a man not marrying a girl inferior to him (item 50), and a doctor allowing a deformed baby to die when he could save its life (item 8), are issues specifically related to practices of the American family which are emphasized by Middle Eastern students as general concerns of the family. The structure of Factor B (economic morality) does not differ greatly in the two samples. Apparently in both transitional and industrial societies, the identification of a separate economic code of morality is at least moderately similar. Nevertheless, a few differences can be noticed. For example, the high positive loadings in the Middle Eastern group on items 6 (girls smoking), 11 (betting on horse races), and 35 (living on inherited wealth) do not seem to be meaningful in the economic sense among American students; instead, these items are subsumed under Factors E and C. On the other hand, the high positive loadings that occur in the American group on items 5 (breaking promises), 12 (dealing unjustly with a weaker nation), and 29 (charging interest above a fair rate) suggest social welfare and religious sources (Factors F and D) for Middle Eastern students. Perhaps these slight differences explain, in part, why this dimension is only moderately invariant in structure. The invariance coefficient in Factor F (social welfare) is equally moderate. Despite the similarity in structure, it appears that the issues are interpreted slightly differently in the two cultures. The high loading items in the Middle Eastern group have negative or zero loadings in the American group and vice versa. For example, killing a person in self-defense (item 1), kidnapping (item 2), failing to keep promises (item 5), a nation dealing unjustly with a weaker nation (item 12), a man deserting a girl (item 48), a man not marrying a girl inferior to him (item 50), are condemned actions in the Middle Eastern group, whereas American students judge such issues as either not pertinent or accepted moral codes. On the other hand, living beyond one's means (item 14), using profane speech (item 37), being disagreeable to members of the family (item 38), misrepresenting value of an investment (item 42), are emphasized by American students and are less important for those from the Middle East. The differences in emphasis on issues relating to the same dimension support the notion that cultures are different in degree rather than in kind. The religious factor (D) occupies a more prominent position among Middle Easterners than among American students. In the former group, the religious factor encompasses moral judgments pertaining to adultry (item 16), charity (item 20), disbelief in God (item 49), charging interest above a fair rate (item 29), use of poison gas (item 46), forging (4), and working conditions detrimental to worker's health (item 7), while for American students some of the same issues are of a low priority and a few others are assumed under separate dimensions. In part, the obtained low invariance in the structure of Factor D may be primarily the result of a strict religious moral system known to characterize the Middle Eastern society. In contrast, the continued growth of technology, urbanization, military power and economic progress in the American society, are likely to weaken religious morality. Moreover, the individual in the American society finds himself free of restrictions due to certain unique elements of his society, such as its recruitment from Europe and its lack of any feudal past which carry with it the implications of tradition and authority-a historical antecedent for the Middle East.1 The most striking difference in the factorial structure of both cultural groups becomes apparent in Factor E which delineates anti-exploitive issues in the Middle Eastern group and which is not exceeded in prominence by other dimensional issues. The same moral codes are not highly condemned by

2. Dating Status of American College Women as a Predictor of Interactional Patterns with Parents

Abstract: While the population studied for this preliminary investigation is small and limited primarily to girls from middle class backgrounds, it provides some relevant insights into the impact of dating status upon parent-daughter interaction. On every dimension of interaction as defined in this study, a higher percentage of those of dating status indicated less interaction with both parents in terms of the confiding process, communication, intensity of the relationship degree of attachment, parental influence over time, and seeking advice and guidance. Dating status was found to be associated with nearly all the types of interaction. Of those who were dating, a greater percentage than of those who were single, indicated that they seldom to never confided inner thoughts and feelings with mother, that the degree of attachment to mother during the last two years of college was less close, that the mother's opinions had been most influential for them during freshman and sophomore years, and that they depended on the mother a lot to not at all for advice. Such percentage differences for dating versus single status also showed up for interaction with fathers with the exception of one item. A greater percentage of those who were dating indicated that they communicated few to none of their personal problems to fathers. The chi square value for this difference is 9.035. This is in sharp contrast to the chi square value for mothers on this same item. It is interesting to note that there is a relative degree of consistency in these percentages for both statuses, "single" and "dating" especially on types of interaction with fathers. Table II suggests a number of ideas for the measurement of interaction in families with young adult offspring and for the analysis of dating status using longitudinal designs. What appears of interest in Table II is the possibility of developing a unidimensional interactional scale for the study of dating status as a predictor of interactional patterns. This table perhaps illustrates a change in interactional patterns with father for those college women occupying the status of dating. It shows that: (1) 64% seldom to never confided inner thoughts and feelings with father; (2) 64% communicated few to none of their personal problems to father; (3) 73% stated that the relationship had become less close during the last two years of their college experience; (4) 82 % indicated that their father's influence had been greatest during their freshman and sophomore years; and (5) 73% stated that they depended a little to not at all on fathers for advice. These percentages are contrasted with those for the women seniors who were single in the population studied. In Table II, for those who were single: (1) 79% sometimes to always confided inner thoughts and feelings with father; (2) 83% communicated some to all of their personal problems to father; (3) 79% stated that the relationship had become closer during the last two years of college; (4) 58% indicated that their fathers' influence still existed, i.e., that the father was influential in their junior years and in their senior years; and (5) 57% stated that they depended quite a bit to completely on their fathers for advice. These percentage differences are also noted for interaction with mothers especially on items A, C, and D. Table I shows that for those college women of dating status: (1) 55% seldom to never confided inner thoughts and feelings with mother; (2) 82% stated that the relationship had become less close during the last two years of college; and (3) 82% indicated that the mother was influential in freshman to sophomore years. All of these percentage differences are significant at the .05 level. Perhaps, as studies have shown, some of the differences for the various types of interaction for "single" versus "dating" statuses, with mothers, may reflect the involvement of mothers in expressive role relationships with their daughters despite these statuses. That is, in contrast to the role played by the father in families, mothers tend to continue a kind of social-emotional involvement in the lives of their offspring with each role-status change. Although the nature of interaction between parents and their young adult children obviously changes as one moves throughout the life cycle, it is the task of Family Sociology to determine which kinds of variables serve to speed up the process of interactional change and it is the suggestion of this brief inquiry that dating status may be a major predictor of changing interactional patterns with both parents. A more adequate conceptualization of dating status may be warranted in future studies. Further, the data suggest a number of questions and research hypotheses for students of sociology interested in status changes, general family interaction, and related areas. Space does not permit the presenting of these in discussion form. Three basic assumptions are therefore listed with the expectation that future systematic analyses will delve into these areas moreso than has been done in this brief exploratory investigation: 1. Dating status functions as a structural and emotional alternative to the middle class family. It may not be a complementary function but a total substitute. 2. Interaction with parents remains relatively constant if the offspring continue to occupy a "single" status, despite perhaps the age and sex roles and statuses of these offspring. 3. Dating status or courtship with its concomitant role changes is associated with a steady or progressive decline in various types of interaction with both parents, though the interactional change is more noticeable with mothers as a consequence of the expressive role relationship developed in earlier stages of childhood. Of particular importance is an adequate operational measure of the strategic dimensions of interaction within the family accompanying various role-status changes. The present study is offered only as an initial step in this direction and as such has a number of limitations. For example, the measure of the interactional dimensions was in terms of a limited number of variables. Secondly, the study consisted of a very small number of subjects and suggests the need for a much wider sampling of college women about to be launched into marital and career roles before conclusions can be drawn about other such populations. Nevertheless, it is hoped that the conception of interaction patterns and changes offered herein will bring forth suggestions which ultimately may produce more refined concepts and methods of study in the areas suggested and lead to a more exacting set of data pertaining to young adult-parent interaction especially in terms of differential statuses occupied by the young adult. Focusing upon dating status as a transitional position and a potential vacancy within the family may permit the development of a predictive model for this status as it relates to various types of interaction with mothers and fathers. It is suggested in the findings that dating status, whatever its nature and intensity, brings with it a number of emotional and structural changes in the middle class family and the various interactional sub-systems comprising the family complex. Using college women as a focal point has proved of value in further grasping the impact of dating status upon the various dimensions of interaction. Finally, the concept of interactional decline has been implicit in terms of how the items differentiate between single and dating college women and in terms of frequency and changes over time as shown in categories A-E of the two tables.