Showing papers in "Journal of Black Studies in 1974"
TL;DR: According to Freud, children repeat, in their play, things which have made impressions on them from real life, "and that in so doing they abreact the strength of the impression and... make themselves master of the situation" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Children's play, games, and toys are particularly illuminating in providing a glimpse of history and echoing the consciousness of a people. According to Freud (1950), children repeat, in their play, things which have made impressions on them from real life, "and that in so doing they abreact the strength of the impression and. . . make themselves master of the situation." At the same time, the play of children reflects a wish to be grown up, to perform as adults do (Freud, 1 950: 16-17).
32 citations
TL;DR: This article pointed out that most of the theories formulated on the music of sub-Saharan Africa have come from western researchers, and that some of these investigators have been trained musicians and musicologists especially in recent years-many have stumbled onto African music through other disciplines or by the happenstance of finding themselves in Africa as missionaries, doctors, explorers, or mere adventurers.
Abstract: It may be worth pointing out right at the outset that most of the theories formulated on the music of sub-Saharan Africa have come from western researchers. Although some of these investigators have been trained musicians and musicologistsespecially in recent years-many have stumbled onto African music through other disciplines or, in some cases, by the happenstance of finding themselves in Africa as missionaries, doctors, explorers, or mere adventurers. The approach to the subject of African music emanates from equally varied perspectives: some come with preconceived ideas into which African music must be made to fit, some dabble into African music as a way out, having failed to make a success in the practice of the music of their own culture or to make a significant contribution in the scholarship of it, and yet some approach things African with disdain or, at best, condescension. One of the best-known scholars in African music, the Reverend Arthur Morris Jones (1949: 18), states that:
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TL;DR: The Autobiography does not involve the further delineation of such well-known paths of development as discussed by the authors, and it is not like Franklin's autobiography because the static concept of the individual and his progressive, predictable growth is absent from Malcolm X's book.
Abstract: Malcolm's place in history looms obscurely ahead of us. His autobiography, while universally acknowledged as a compelling and extraordinary work, shares in the obscurity of Malcolm's essential being. Efforts to understand it have been hampered by comparisons with such standard literary works as Franklin's Autobiography, or the personal narratives of religious leaders like Jonathan Edwards. The Autobiography does not involve the further delineation of such well-known paths of development. It is not like Franklin's Autobiography because the static concept of the individual and his progressive, predictable growth is absent from Malcolm X's book. It is about a spiritual experience, but does not share the
17 citations
TL;DR: A Raisin in the Sun (1959) as discussed by the authors is a play about working-class Blacks who mouth middle-class ideology, and it is the artistic, aesthetic, and class-inspired culmination of the efforts of the Harlem leftwing literary and cultural in-group to achieve integration of the Negro in the arts.
Abstract: Ever since the sixties the reputation and significance of several established Black American writers have become issues in the running ethnopolitical debates on Black American literature. James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, and LeRoi Jones, for example, have been at the center of confrontations between "militants" and "moderates," Black "extremists" and white "liberals," integrationists and Black nationalists, and so on. And it is increasingly evident that Lorraine Hansberry has joined this list of controversial writers, especially on the basis of her first play, A Raisin in the Sun (1959). On the anti-integrationist side, Harold Cruse deplores Raisin as "the artistic, aesthetic and class-inspired culmination of the efforts of the Harlem leftwing literary and cultural in-group to achieve integration of the Negro in the arts." In other words, it is a "most cleverly written piece of glorified soap opera," a "second-rate" play about workingclass Blacks who "mouth middle class ideology." Moreover, the alleged shortcomings of Lorraine Hansberry's integrationist philosophy are linked, somehow, with her supposed
15 citations
TL;DR: The history of Black people since they arrived in the New World, as well as their experiences in Africa, has been treated in this manner as mentioned in this paper, and until recently, the history of Africa has been written as part of the African slave trade and European imperial expansion into the continent during the nineteenth century.
Abstract: A persistent historical misconception has been that Black people have developed no important civilizations, nor have they made any significant contributions to world culture. The history of Black people since they arrived in the New World, as well as their experiences in Africa, has been treated in this manner. Until recently, the history of Africa has been written as part of the African slave trade and European imperial expansion into the continent during the nineteenth century. Hugh Trevor-Roper (1965: 1), Regius Professor of History at Oxford University, wrote:
12 citations
TL;DR: This article examined the relationship between race and research output by examining the productivity of black and non-black holders of the Ph.D. program at the University of Southern California. But they did not consider race as a possible explanatory variable.
Abstract: Throughout the development of the sociology of science, one of the focal points of empirical investigation has been the study of scholarly productivity. A number of variables have been examined in regard to their impact upon productivity including sex (Austin, 1969), age (Pelz and Andrews, 1966), quality of department of doctoral training (Hagstrom, 1971), institutional affiliation (Crane, 1965), college grades (Folger et al., 1971), and professional orientation (Babchuk and Bates, 1962). One factor, however, which has received little attention is race. As Conyers (1968) has pointed out, students of productivity have generally ignored race as a possible explanatory variable. The present study attempts to shed some light upon the relationship between race and research output by examining the productivity of black and nonblack holders of the Ph.D.
11 citations
TL;DR: Despite the moral commitment of many Anglo-Americans to the abolition of slavery, by 1850 it was apparent that freedom from slavery did not mean citizenship and social equality for black men in America as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Despite the moral commitment of many Anglo-Americans to the abolition of slavery, by 1850 it was apparent that freedom from slavery did not mean citizenship and social equality for black men in America. Anti-emigration laws, denial of franchise to free blacks, discrimination in hiring, housing, education, religion, public facilities, transportation, and a generally accepted Jim Crow policy north of the Mason-Dixon line, were all manifestations of racism and Anglo-American unwillingness to tolerate black assimilation.' Quite clearly, even if slavery were abolished, blacks would remain a "nation within a nation."2 Indeed, the federal government's reluctance to issue passports to free blacks, because of implied citizenship, and the enactment of the Fugitive Slave Law, underscored the government's unwillingness to assure free blacks rights of citizenship and due process. In view of such oppressive conditions, it is not surprising to find a new leadership emerged from the black community-an intellectual leadership dedicated to separatism and to rejection of militant assimilationist arguments of people like Frederick Douglass. This new leadership asserted
10 citations
TL;DR: Stokes and Hatcher as discussed by the authors became the first negro mayors of the respective cities in 1967, while Kenneth Gibbson was elected mayor of Newark in 1970.' Many social and political changes, some of which have been in progress for decades, have contributed to such a dramatic climax of black political victories.
Abstract: It was in the turbulent 1960s that blacks in Northern industrial cities became powerful contenders in electoral politics, occasionally capturing the top elective offices in the cities. Carl B. Stokes in Cleveland and Richard Hatcher in Gary won the mayoralty races to become the first negro mayors of the respective cities in 1967, while Kenneth Gibbson was elected mayor of Newark in 1970.' Many social and political changes, some of which have been in progress for decades, have contributed to such a dramatic climax of black political victories. Some of the more salient changes to this effect include the urbanization of black population, voting rights legislation, and the achievement of a remarkable cohesion in black voting behavior. The settlement concentration of black population has shifted drastically from rural areas to urban and from the South to the North during the last fifty years as a result of black migration, most notably during and after World War 11.2 A series of civil rights legislation in the postwar years has successively lowered the barriers disenfranchising many blacks. A vigorous civil rights movement and other varieties
9 citations
TL;DR: The St. Louis Republic asserted that blacks had arranged the killings beforehand, and other local newspapers followed suit, charging the killings were both planned and deliberately provoked as discussed by the authors. But such an admission had come too late. An excited white population already on the verge of riot had been given all the "proof" it needed for a bloody massacre.
Abstract: On the evening of July 1, 1917, in East St. Louis, Illinois, a Ford car (perhaps two) driven by whites fired gunshots into the homes of some blacks. When the whites returned a second time, the residents were better prepared and returned the fire. No action was taken by the police in regard to the white assailants. However, after receiving a report about armed blacks, a squad car-significantly, a Ford make-was sent to the scene and met by gunfire. Two detectives were killed. The next day the St. Louis Republic asserted that blacks had arranged the killings beforehand. Other local newspapers followed suit, charging the killings were both planned and deliberately provoked. Later testifying before a congressional committee, the reporter who covered the story for the Republic admitted the killings could have been a case of mistaken identity. But such an admission had come too late. An excited white population already on the verge of riot had been given all the "proof' it needed for a bloody massacre. By the time the violence was
8 citations
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TL;DR: The authors consider the rhetorical design of art as social protest and find Blake well-deserving of high status, at least in the ante-bellum rhetorical tradition, and judge literature as argument and judged in terms of how the artist supports claims through the medium of his art.
Abstract: If artistic standards were the sole criteria for evaluating the importance of black literature of the nineteenth century, much of what is otherwise informative, frequently interesting and entertaining, and certainly of cultural significance would be excluded from American intellectual history (Bone, 1958: 228). Martin Delany's novel Blake, an important social document, would remain obscure or, worse still, fall prey to unmerciful attacks by literary critics eager to condemn its obvious stylistic and structural flaws. Those less interested in judging the artistic and aesthetic merits of a work, and more intent upon understanding the rhetorical design of art as social protest, ought to find Blake well-deserving of high status, at least in the ante-bellum rhetorical tradition. A "rhetorical tradition" ought to encompass literature viewed as argument and judged in terms of how the artist supports claims through the medium of his art. It should foster examination of literature as a response to social conditions, rather than as merely a mirror of literary canons.
TL;DR: The Ras-Tafarians of Jamaica are, sociopolitically speaking, one of the most interesting protest movements ever to emerge in the West Indies as discussed by the authors. Yet, they are also one the most misunderstood.
Abstract: The Ras-Tafarians of Jamaica are, sociopolitically speaking, one of the most interesting protest movements ever to emerge in the West Indies. Yet, they are also one of the most misunderstood. This paper attempts to throw some light on the sociological and political implications of this bourgeoning social movement by pointing to the fact that it is not possible to fully understand the movement without reference to social stratification, economic deprivation, and neocolonial racism in Jamaican society. Who, then, are the Ras-Tasfarians? And what explanations can we offer for the phenomenal increase in their numbers since they were first noticed in 1930? In this discussion we offer one set of answers to both these questions and open, we hope, an interesting sociological area for discussion and conjecture. In the closing years of the 1920s and the early years of the 1930s economic depression shook the entire Western world. In the West Indies, traditionally a primary producing area, poverty and hunger ran amuck. People philosophized, innovated, withdrew from social involvement, created new goals
TL;DR: The authors assess some of the political and social implications of the extent of progress in this area and determine how the attitudes of black Americans have been affected by progress and failure in civil rights.
Abstract: Efforts to alleviate the conditions of racial inequality in the last fifteen years have produced some considerable progress, especially in voting and public accommodations. In education, employment, and particularly housing, progress has been more modest. While many black Americans have gained substantially from civil rights efforts, the lives of millions of blacks-particularly those living in urban ghettos and rural areas-have probably been affected very little by the limited sweep of this struggle. Additionally, the full promise of change that many blacks perceived in the civil rights bills of the early and mid-1960s, and in the oration of Presidents Kennedy and Johnson and other national leaders, have not been realized by most black Americans. The purpose of this paper is to assess some of the political and social implications of the extent of progress in this area. First, we will attempt to determine how the attitudes of black Americans have been affected by progress and failure in civil rights. Do black Americans evaluate favorably or unfavorably the amount of change in civil rights, and what
TL;DR: On Tuesday September 16, 1969, an army of peasants under the command of such ringleaders as Adegoke Akekuejo, Tafa Adeoye, Folarin Idowu, Mudasiru Adeniran, Tafasiru Popoola, and Tafa Popoola and so on, all of the Agbekoya and R. Oladejo, recruited from Akanran, Akufo, Aransan, Egbeda, Moniya, Olode, and other villages around the city of Ibadan-Nigeria
Abstract: On Tuesday September 16, 1969, an army of peasants (under the command of such ringleaders as Adegoke Akekuejo, Tafa Adeoye, Folarin Idowu, Mudasiru Adeniran, Tafa Popoola, and so on, all of the Agbekoya and R. Oladejo, Mustapha Okikirungbo, Rafiu Isola, Adeniyi Eda, Adeagbo Kobiowu, and Lajide Aremu of Mekunnu Parapo) recruited from Akanran, Akufo, Aransan, Egbeda, Moniya, Olode, and other villages around the city of Ibadan-Nigeria's Western State capital-marched on the city, harried government functionaries, broke into Agodi Federal Prison, and "liberated" the inmates. This event climaxed a long period of Agbekoya outrage and marked the intensification of government reaction-a furious onslaught to suppress the peasant revolt. In a special paper issued by the government on the incident (see West Africa of September 27, 1969: 1165), the Western State's Military Governor Brigadier (now Major-General)
TL;DR: Kunz and Brinkerhoff as discussed by the authors showed that among older women (35-54), childlessness is still greater among non-whites than whites, while the reproductive behavior of younger women is equally important since women cannot have fewer children than they have already.
Abstract: Recently, several articles have appeared on the topic of childlessness (Kunz and Brinkerhoff, 1969; Veevers, 1971 a, 1971 b, 1971 c). These studies have provided new impetus to students of human fertility who, while not altogether ignoring childlessness (Grabill and Glick, 1959), have not devoted the time or attention to this phenomenon that it would appear to warrant. This brief paper is an attempt to extend this research by examining several issues with more recent data than have been available heretofore. Kunz and Brinkerhoff (1969), in a well-criticized article (Kantner and Zelnik, 1970), demonstrated that among older women (35-54), childlessness is still greater among nonwhites than whites. As Veevers (1971a) notes, using only women who have completed (or nearly completed) their childbearing years is a common demographic convention when studying fertility, but when childlessness is the focus, the reproductive behavior of younger women is equally important since women cannot have fewer children than they have already
TL;DR: The major aim of civil rights and black militant groups has been to eliminate two types of racial discrimination faced by blacks: symbolic and material as mentioned in this paper, which reinforce and reflect whites' conception of black inferiority.
Abstract: The major aim of civil rights and black militant groups has been to eliminate two types of racial discrimination faced by blacks: symbolic and material. Symbolic types of discrimination involve statements and actions which define blacks as inferior to whites. Examples of these are such things as riding in the back of the bus, separate public facilities, and the exclusion of blacks in normally accepted activities such as the existence of all-white clubs, all-white churches, and segregated housing and educational patterns. We define these as symbolic, for they reinforce and reflect whites' conception of black inferiority. As such, their nature is primarily symbolic and the direct effect is a psychological one.' Much of the civil rights efforts at racial integration, such as the work
TL;DR: In the 1970s, the civil rights movement and student rebellion dramatized the need for educational reform and the rapidly increasing urban population appeared to be producing a more segregated society with the core of the city becoming more black while the fringe and the suburbs remain white as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Educators have maintained a continued interest and concern in those activities and organizational patterns which maximize the learning experience for children. During the past decade, much attention has been given to alternative organizational models for large metropolitan school districts which would emphasize a redistribution of the decision-making processes. This focus can be attributed to several factors. First, the civil rights movement and the student rebellion dramatized the need for educational reform (Cass, 1970) and second, the rapidly increasing urban population appeared to be producing a more segregated society with the core of the city generally becoming more black while the fringe and the suburbs remain white. According to a study by the National Institute of Mental Health (1969: 2):
TL;DR: This article proposed to delineate several factors that are involved in racism, but it does not follow this articulation with a solution, or a testing of the solution, and the epilogue to the paper does suggest that the geography of the proposed solution(s) can be sketched.
Abstract: John Dewey is well known for his theory of inquiry, which we might summarize in the following five steps: (1) the felt difficulty appears; (2) the problem or difficulty is articulated clearly; (3) solutions to the problem are suggested; (4) consequences of the proposed solutions are investigated; (5) the probable solutions are tested (Dewey, 1938). In applying this conception of inquiry to the topic of this paper, only one aspect of Dewey's five-step methodology can be discussed-the problem or difficulty is articulated clearly. This paper proposes to delineate several factors that are involved in racism, but it does not propose to follow this articulation with a solution, or a testing of the solution. The epilogue to the paper does suggest that the geography of the proposed solution(s) can be sketched. The paper does not give the topography of the map. Starting with Allport's (1958: 10) definition of prejudice in his classic The Nature of Prejudice as "an antipathy based on a faulty and inflexible generalization," the paper divides itself into four distinct parts. The first part concerns the logic
TL;DR: The authors argued that there would not be a black political party in America and that a black single-issue party could not hope for success in the 1960s and 1970s, and that black political scientists agreed with Myrdal and Ranney.
Abstract: Scholars, Black and white, have heretofore told us that Black political parties either did not exist or had no prospects of victory. Cunnar Myrdal (1966: 505) predicted that \"there is riot going to be a Negro Party in American Po!itics.\" By 1952, Black political scientist Robert Brisbane agreed with Myrdal that there would not be a Black party (Brisbane, 1952: 108). In 1965, Austin Ranney wrote that a Negro single-issue party could not hope for success (Ranney, 1966:
TL;DR: It has become almost impossible to write anything about Senegal without making at least an oblique reference to the politics of assimilation introduced and practiced in that country in the nineteenth century as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: It has become almost impossible to write anything about Senegal without making at least an oblique reference to the politics of assimilation introduced and practiced in that country in the nineteenth century. This is understandably so since Senegal was the only country in Africa where the politics of assimilation was systematically applied. The proponents of assimilation assumed that Senegal was a cultural vacuum, and that the Senegalese, like other Africans, were "une race maudite," a damned race, who basked in a jungle of primitive savagery, without any kind of civilization, history, or law. The French therefore adopted a policy of "tabula rasa," and proclaimed themselves the civilizers of Senegal and of those other parts of Africa under their jurisdiction. This was the origin of the mission civilisatrice, the self-imposed colonial task whose primary aim, allegedly, was to sweep the Senegalese from darkness into modernity by making them as culturally French as possible.
TL;DR: In this article, an account of a "Court for Trial of Negroes," Chapter XVI of the American Revolution and its aftermath is described. But it is limited to specialized studies which seldom reach the general reader or the popular press.
Abstract: Most Americans appear to have begun their study of American history with a cursory account of the voyage of the Mayflower, then the Pilgrims' celebration of the First Thanksgiving, and moved rapidly through the French and Indian War to the American Revolution with its slogan of "No Taxation Without Representation," the hardships of George Washington and his troops at Valley Forge, the traitorous behavior of Benedict Arnold contrasted with that of the noble Nathan Hale who regretted that he had only one life to give for his country, Washington's crossing the Delaware River while standing in a heroic pose in a boat, Lafayette's welcome aid, and the British surrender at Yorktown. Of course, historians have found the customs, practices, and beliefs of colonists more and more significant in understanding both the American Revolution and its aftermath. These revelations of details of colonial life, however, tend to appear in specialized studies which seldom reach the general reader or the popular press. Such is an account of a "Court for Trial of Negroes," Chapter XVI of
TL;DR: This paper studied how Afro-Americans view the recent detente in Sino-American relations and found that the Chinese viewed the problems of Afro Americans as their own problems and accordingly showed their concern, while the white dominated government and "monopoly capitalist class" of the United States appeared to be not only the enemy of the Chinese people but also the oppressor of the Afro American minority.
Abstract: This research was motivated by curiosity about how AfroAmericans view the recent detente in Sino-American relations. As it has been known, the People's Republic of China perceives Afro-Americans as being "subjected to the ruthless oppression and exploitation of the United States monopoly capitalist class for a long time" (Peking Review, 1971). The Chinese have long regarded the problems of Afro-Americans as their own problems and accordingly show their concern. In the eyes of the Chinese, the white-dominated government and "monopoly capitalist class" of the United States appears to be not only the enemy of the Chinese people but also the oppressor of the Afro-American minority. However, almost all of a sudden, a ping pong ball cracked open the barrier of hostility between China and the United State. Within this situational context, how do Afro-Americans look upon this relaxation of tension between these two countries?
TL;DR: In this paper, the Yoruba of Nigeria have been subjected to influence by Moslem and Christian missionaries, and nationalist intellectuals, there has been monumental change in traditional culture, which revealed dramatic, colorful, inevitably painful social modifications with persistence and a continuous post hoc ergo propter hoc situational complex as shown in this monograph.
Abstract: Since the Yoruba of Nigeria have been subjected to influence by Moslem and Christian missionaries, and nationalist intellectuals, there has been monumental change in traditional culture. Practical and theoretical research findings on this aspect of sociocultural transition have revealed dramatic, colorful, inevitably painful social modifications with persistence and a continuous post hoc ergo propter hoc situational complex as shown in this monograph.
TL;DR: The former colonial countries in Africa are characterised by unjustifiable inequalities in the ownership of national wealth, the distribution of annual income, and the opportunities for the acquisition of formal education as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Former colonial countries in Africa are predominantly underdeveloped. They are characterised by inadequate economic infrastructure and real capital investment far short of the level necessary for accelerated development. Personal incomes, especially of rural dwellers and the urban wage earners, can barely provide for the needs of the most puritanical existence. These countries are characterised by unjustifiable inequalities in the ownership of national wealth, the distribution of annual income, and the opportunities for the acquisition of formal education. To further complicate matters, the competition for the distribution of meagre national incomes gives rise to ethnic conflicts which seriously endanger national integration and unity. Generally, these countries are heavily dependent on former metropolitan powers for their supply of imports, the disposal of exports, budgetary subventions, capital inflow, and skilled technical manpower. These economies are predominantly controlled by foreign-owned businesses and by minority immigrant groups. The majority groups, accustomed to having all their economic and social needs met by foreigners, develop a resigned attitude to economic participation, and, in some
TL;DR: Powell's "Black Position Paper" as mentioned in this paper was one of the first of the modern Black Power messages and became a staple in his rhetorical diet well into the next year, when twice in less than three months lie had its content extended to the Corigressioiinl Record (1966: 7 175; 12438-1 2439).
Abstract: In a decade which saw the enactment into law of tlie most extensive civil rights legislation in this century, the oratory of tlie American black man was voluminous and eloquent as well. From tlie homiletic to the “hip” style, from Martin Luther King to Stokely Carmichael, countless words were spoken about tlie Negro condition in the United States. Though often overlooked, one of tlie most comprehensive oral expressions of tlie black man’s desire for equality and self-determination was Adam Clayton Powell’s “Black Position Paper,” first delivered May 28, 1965 (Powell, 1967: 9). The relative obscurity of the speech is interesting, considering Powell’s obvious hope tliat it would win a prominent and lasting place in hisfory. He thought so much of tlie paper that it became a staple in his rhetorical diet well into the next year, when twice in less than three months lie had its content extended to the Corigressioiinl Record (1966: 7 175; 12438-1 2439), calling it a summation of “my life’s pliilosopliy.” Though the paper endorsed complete nonviolence, its content supplied many concepts for a speech one year after the Chicago appearance, which Powell and a t least one other source claim to have been the first of the modern Black Power messages (Powell, 1967: 9-10; Stone, 1968: 189).
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The authors pointed out that despite the verbal commitments and the vigor with which some scholars have undertaken research, expounded theories, and suggested practical implications, the fact is blacks have remained conspicuously behind in academic achievement, with little expectation of serious attempts t o modify and ameliorate the factors reported to be related to low achievement.
Abstract: The verbalized commitment to equality of educational opportunities and high academic standards for all Americans has generated an impressive body of interdisciplinary speculations and empirical investigations related t o the putatively poor academic motivation and achievement of blacks. HOWever, despite the verbal commitments and the vigor with which some scholars have undertaken research, expounded theories, and suggested practical implications, the fact is blacks have remained conspicuously behind in academic achievement, with little expectation of serious attempts t o modify and ameliorate the factors reported to be related to low achievement (school segregation, facilitation of access t o broader opportunities, and so on). Major psychological theories that have attempted to account for the putatively poor academic motivation are based on (1) supposed personality and cognitive deficits associated with the notion of cultural deprivation, or (2) possible discontinuities of home and School competency training (Katz, 1969). Receiving considerable attention as a possible contributing determinant JourMl Of WaCh SudlOS, VOl. 5 NO. 1, Septrmbor 1974 0 1 9 7 4 Sago Publlutlons, Inc.
TL;DR: The City is the Black Man's Land was coined by James Boggs as mentioned in this paper, who meant that the city is the place where the vast majority of Black people live, work, and die.
Abstract: James Boggs (1970), a well-known theoretician of the Black liberation struggle, coined the phrase that "the City is the Black Man's Land." By this he meant that the city is the place where the vast majority of Black people live, work, and die. Indeed, the Black experience in the urban age is largely a story of a massive internal migration from the rural South to the urban North (and West). Many of these people migrated to escape the repressive plantation, sharecropper life in the South and to advance themselves in the pattern of European immigrants. The following statistics indicate the massive nature of the demographic change that occurred. In 1910, about 73% of Afro-Americans lived in rural areas, but by 1960 approximately 73% lived in urban regions, with an increasing proportion concentrated in major central cities. This trend is likely to continue, and, by 1985, it is estimated that seven of the ten largest cities in the United States will have majority Black populations. At the present time, there are thirteen cities with more than 250,000 Black people (New York; Chicago; Los Angeles; Philadelphia; Detroit; Baltimore; Houston; Cleveland; Washington, D.C.; New Orleans; Atlanta; St. Louis; and Memphis) and two (New