Showing papers in "Millennium: Journal of International Studies in 2002"
TL;DR: The linguistic turn in the social sciences has been fruitful in directing attention towards the preconditions for action, as well as those actions understood as speech acts as mentioned in this paper. But to the extent...
Abstract: The linguistic turn in the social sciences has been fruitful in directing attention towards the preconditions for action, as well as those actions understood as speech acts. However, to the extent ...
483 citations
TL;DR: The intersection between the two worlds of PR and IR theory is explored in this paper, where the authors study how and why territorial entities have decided to jump on the ''brandwagon''.
Abstract: The practice of 'branding' has invaded all aspects of public and private life. Increasingly, cities, regions and states are using the services of PR and branding consultants to strengthen their ties with so-called stakeholders, aiming to achieve economic and political benefits. This essay studies the intersection between the two worlds of PR and IR theory; two epistemic communities that have little real contact with each other, despite the fact that they share an interest in concepts such as globalisation, identity and the changing nature of power in international politics. This essay offers numerous concrete examples of the phenomenon of location branding to describe how and why territorial entities have decided to jump on the `brandwagon'. It relates the trend of location branding with some strands of constructivist thinking and explores the possible consequences for the study of nationalism and democracy. In this, it sketches the outlines of a potential new research agenda.
162 citations
TL;DR: This paper used Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's Empire, one of the most widely read accounts of international politics in recent years, as a vehicle to rethink International Relations' engagement.
Abstract: This essay uses Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri's Empire, one of the most widely read accounts of international politics in recent years, as a vehicle to rethink International Relations' engagement...
138 citations
TL;DR: The authors provided a pragmatic constructivist approach for progressing study in International Relations (IR) that sidesteps the ontological differences between major IR approaches, and that is, a pragmatic approach for progress in IR.
Abstract: This article provides a pragmatic constructivist approach for progressing study in International Relations (IR) that sidesteps the ontological differences between major IR approaches, and that is c...
118 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a heterodox understanding of ''construction'' as a way of theorising European integration is presented. But this approach does not reveal the broad dynamics or processes of European integration, and it certainly does not explain policy outcomes.
Abstract: This article advances a heterodox understanding of `construction' as a way of theorising European integration. The first section sets out this version of construction, which is derived from the work of Bruno Latour and which emphasises the techne of inscription. This new view of construction is contrasted with the typical understandings of construction and deconstruction within European Union studies. The article then demonstrates the value of a focus on inscription in terms of a case study: the construction of Justice and Home Affairs as a sp h ere of EU competence. A concern with inscription does not amount to anything like a new theory of European integration. Instead, it gestures towards a microsocial engagement with some of the materials of integration. This undertaking does not reveal the broad dynamics or processes of European integration, and it certainly does not explain policy outcomes. Instead, it suggests a series of local and situated accounts concerning some of the myriad ways in which Europ...
77 citations
TL;DR: The authors investigates the question of whether global society has a constitution, and gives a twofold answer: while global society can be said to have a constitution with respect to constitutive core elements of equal rights, it lacks a strong public as well as a democratic constitution.
Abstract: The usefulness of Dewey's conception of a public for contemporary International Relations (IR) theory lies in its explication of an expanding network of problem-solving communities (`deliberative democracy'). The idea of a weak and deliberative public endowed with growing moral influence fits well with the globalisation of communicative media and attention to human rights. Still, inclusive discussion and deliberation combined with political protest movements do not amount to egalitarian democracy. The latter presupposes not only the right to free expression but also constitutional access to processes of representation and decision making. Against the emerging background of global law, this article investigates the question of whether global society has a constitution, and gives a twofold answer. While global society can be said to have a constitution with respect to constitutive core elements of equal rights, it lacks a strong public as well as a democratic constitution. However, the existing global weak ...
73 citations
TL;DR: In this article, a multiperspectival International Relations theory is proposed to understand the relationship between social facts and norms, where facts are understood in the Deweyean sense of a ''problematic situation'' that contains factors that both inhibit and enable the realisation of normative ideals.
Abstract: Pragmatism and critical theory share a practical and pluralist orientation to social inquiry. On this account, social inquiry is practical not simply by being instrumentally useful but by being oriented toward the realisation of normative ideals, most especially those of democracy. Central to such an enterprise is the relationship between social facts and norms, where facts are understood in the Deweyean sense of a `problematic situation' that contains factors that both inhibit and enable the realisation of normative ideals. Social facts in this sense can best be analysed by `multiperspectival theories' that take into account all the dimensions of the problem as well as the perspectives of all relevant actors. When understood as practical social inquiry, a multiperspectival International Relations theory could contribute to the task of realising new democratic possibilities, especially now given the `fact' of uneven globalisation.
63 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional (EZLN) movement, active in the southern state of Chiapas, Mexico, is analyzed.
Abstract: This article develops an analysis of the Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional, active in the southern state of Chiapas, Mexico. Taking recent reflections on neoliberal globalisation and resistance as its point of departure, questions are raised about how the EZLN movement is a response to specific historical circumstances in Chiapas; how the EZLN is a response to the restructuring of the capitalist system on a global scale; and how it is probing the social and political found ations of a future order by challenging the legitimacy and authority of the Mexican state. The article proceeds along two main lines of inquiry in order to emphasise the past, present and future dimensions of the EZLN movement. Firstly, the roots of the rebellion are situated within changing relations of production that affected Chiapas in the 1970s, which led to a grow th of radical peasant organisations. The more immediate context of the rebellion is also discussed in relation to the restructuring of capital in Mexico represented by the rise of neoliberalism and increased coercion throughout the 1980s and 1990s. Secondly, the innovative methods of struggle developed by the EZLN are analysed within the categories of counter-hegemonic resistance developed by Antonio Gramsci. Overall, these various aspects of the EZLN are discussed to show how the movement has mounted a critique of social power relations within Mexico as well as the conditions of world order by contesting and resisting neoliberal globalisation.
60 citations
TL;DR: The authors explores the conditions under which international relations might become a meaningful political site for indigenous peoples' struggles against colonisation, through an engagement with disciplinary struggles within international relations, and a reading of the politics of indigeneity.
Abstract: What are the conditions under which international relations might become a meaningful political site for indigenous peoples' struggles against colonisation? This paper explores this question through an engagement with disciplinary struggles within international relations, on the one hand, and a reading of the politics of indigeneity, on the other It traces the disciplinary mechanisms through which the gesture of inclusivity by scholars of international relations towards indigenous peoples functions to re-inscribe colonial relationships and, given this, considers whether and under what conditions indigenous peoples might find any relevance in the study and practice of `international relations' as inscribed through the discipline This analysis in turn suggests two questions: one about the limits of and inscribed by the discipline read against claims to represent `world politics', the other about the strategic potentialities of `international relations' as a political site for `marginal' peoples
58 citations
TL;DR: The appeal of positivism within International Relations (IR) hinges on the belief that it represents the application of science to the study of world politics as discussed by the authors, and this article presents Deweyan pragmatism.
Abstract: The appeal of positivism within International Relations (IR) hinges on the belief that it represents the application of science to the study of world politics. This article presents Deweyan pragmat...
57 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a dialogical understanding of international relations within the meta-theoretical field of constructivism is developed, where the social world is constructed through an interweaving of mutually-responsive discourses between several agents.
Abstract: Trying specifically not to fall into either eclecticism or redundancy, this paper is an attempt to develop a dialogical understanding of international relations within the meta-theoretical field of constructivism. Dialogism holds that the social world is constructed through an interweaving of mutually-responsive discourses between several agents. Further, it provides an interpretative tool, the hermeneutical locus, to understand agents' identities as a factor in international relations by discerning their expressivity, contextuality and relationality. Dealing more closely with the questions of identity and identity formation within the discipline of International Relations, the paper further regards national identity as a factor which is expressed in a particular aspect of foreign policy: the politics of alterity. Grounding my approach in the works of the Russian intellectual Mikhail Mikhailovitch Bakhtin, in the first part of the paper I define what is to be understood by dialogism and its constitutive notion of transgredience. The second part is dedicated to the actual integration of dialogism within the discipline of International Relations. An example drawn from Japanese domestic and foreign policy prior to the Second World War further facilitates the comprehension of the theoretical argument concerning the link between the national and the international in a politics of alterity.
TL;DR: Barkawi and Laffey as discussed by the authors argue that the post-imperial character of contemporary American and Western power, and recognise a much wider range of contemporary quasiimperial forms.
Abstract: Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey highlight an emerging consensus that‘empire’ is a neglected category of International Relations (IR), indeed of the social sciences. However, while the two authors are largely correct in
their critique of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Empire, this paper identifies limitations in their own argument. It develops a broader conception of the relevance of empire to contemporary IR than that of continuities in American power. It examines the scope of the concept and the transformations and reconstitutions of imperial forms in recent modern
history. The paper argues that we must take seriously the post-imperial character of contemporary American and Western power, and recognise a much wider range of contemporary quasi-imperial forms. Its central argument is that imperial power relations are a common feature of many non-Western states, considered ‘Westphalian’ nation-states or ‘postcolonial’ states in previous IR classifications of contemporary statehood.
TL;DR: The authors argue that the search for criteria that may be used to judge the legitimacy and efficacy of humanitarian intervention may be a futile one and propose a politics of legitimate humanitarian intervention based on three key insights drawn from pragmatism: the dialogic construction of moral knowledge, the fallibility of knowledge, and the priority of democracy over philosophy.
Abstract: The theory and practice of humanitarian intervention in the 1990s has produced a series of seemingly intractable dilemmas. Why do states act in some cases and not others? How are we to evaluate the legitimacy of particular acts? This article introduces a new perspective on these questions informed by a combination of pragmatism and solidarism. It argues that although the search for criteria that may be used to judge the legitimacy and efficacy of humanitarian intervention may be a futile one, it is possible to think about a politics of legitimate humanitarian intervention. Such a politics may be based on three key insights drawn from pragmatism: the dialogic construction of moral knowledge, the fallibility of knowledge, and the priority of democracy over philosophy. The article discusses how such a pragmatic solidarism may be used to interrogate the quest for legitimising criteria and to build a new politics of humanitarian intervention.
TL;DR: The authors compare and contrast the moral grammar that structures the meaning of these two events as they circulate in popular representations and the codes of gender and sexuality upon which these moral grammars rely.
Abstract: In the immediate aftermath of the 11 September attack on America, a parallel was repeatedly drawn between this event and the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. The two events seem to have the same meaning in American discourse on 11 September because the two events seem to follow a similar sequencing: surprise attack leading to loss (again) of American innocence at a time when the rhetoric of isolationism was in play. Looking beyond superficial accounts of sequencing, this paper compares and contrasts the moral grammar that structures the meaning of these two events as they circulate in popular representations (the film Pearl Harbour and the official and mediatic representation of Attack on America) and the codes of gender and sexuality upon which these moral grammars rely. It concludes that the two events/representations of events abide by very different codes of gender and sexuality. Pearl Harbor and Pearl Harbor employ the codes of gender, sexuality and morality traditionally applied to sovereign nation—...
TL;DR: In this article, a shift has occurred from military definitions of security to those articulated in terms of culture and values, but that this cultural definition works not against but in tandem with the binary oppositions of inside/outside and us/them.
Abstract: This article investigates how the notion of security is used in Estonia both to legitimise and delegitimise international integration. It outlines the assumptions, claims and modes of analysis that underpin security narratives, specifying what are constructed as threats to Estonia and what are framed as appropriate countermeasures to these threats. The article scrutinises in particular whether this discourse is undergoing a transformation from exclusive confrontational to inclusive cooperative conceptualisations. I argue that a shift has occurred from military definitions of security to those articulated in terms of culture and values, but that this cultural definition works not against but in tandem with the binary oppositions of inside/outside and us/them. The transition has been not from exclusive to inclusive operationalisations of security but from exclusions based on the notion of military threat to those invoking culture and values. This diffuse cultural discourse enables the selective deployment o...
TL;DR: Hardt and Negri's Empire is to welcome for, among other things, introducing a distinctive Marxist voice into the debate about globalisation, but it is seriously weakened by its claim that interstate conflict is being supplanted by the impersonal, decentred network of Empire.
Abstract: Hardt and Negri's Empire is to welcomed for, among other things, introducing a distinctive Marxist voice into the debate about globalisation, but it is seriously weakened by its claim that interstate conflict is being supplanted by the impersonal, decentred network of Empire. Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey in `Retrieving the Imperial' rightly criticise the apologetic tendencies in Hardt and Negri's analysis, though they argue that International Relations as a discipline fails sufficiently to attend the imperial, conceived as a transnational dimension of domination and competition. The point is well-taken, but they are mistaken in claiming that an American-dominated `international state' is in process of constitution. The world of imperialism, as it was portrayed by Lenin and Bukharin during the First World War—an anarchic struggle of unequal rivals—still exists, with the United States as first among unequals.
TL;DR: The authors argues that debates on, as well as practices of, global and European governance reflect a "non-capital-p-pragmatism" in international relations, and that attempts to provide comprehensive accounts of governance beyond the nation-state are necessarily characterised by failure, because they do not engage the meta-theoretical problem of analysing an era in which the constitutive rules of the game of global politics are undergoing a dramatic shift.
Abstract: This essay argues that debates on, as well as practices of, global and European governance reflect a `pragmatist attitude' in international relations. This pragmatist attitude is hardly avoidable if global and European governance are seen as evolutionary processes in which a semantics apt for coming to grips with a `post-Westphalian' world is developing. The article considers how the pragmatist attitude of global and European governance discourses is evident in their refusal to fix the contours of the political beyond the nation-state in its analytical, synthetic, and normative dimensions. It further argues that attempts to provide comprehensive accounts of governance beyond the nation-state are necessarily characterised by failure, because they do not engage the meta-theoretical problem of analysing an era in which the constitutive rules of the game of global politics are undergoing a dramatic shift. After establishing some contours of this `non-capital-p-pragmatism' in international relations, the artic...
TL;DR: Barkawi and Laffey as mentioned in this paper connect a claim about immanence in the philosophical struggles of early-European modernity with the imminence of a new form of political order arising from a process of internalisation of the interstate system.
Abstract: Barkawi and Laffey engage with Hardt and Negri's Empire as a reminder of what an institutionalised Anglo-American tradition of international relations theory misses or misconstrues when it focuses on the logic of the modern states system. Like Barkawi and Laffey, I am unpersuaded by the claim that `a global order, a new logic and structure of rule—in short, a new form of sovereignty' has emerged. However, Barkawi and Laffey avoid engaging with the primary theoretical moves enabling this claim. These moves connect a claim about immanence in the philosophical struggles of early-European modernity with a claim about the imminence of a new form of political order arising from a process of internalisation of the interstate system. It is because this relationship is not placed under suspicion that Hardt and Negri over-interpret many important observations within an updated but conventional, and unsatisfactory, account of a universalising history.
TL;DR: In this paper, a re-orientation of International Relations (IR) in terms of the pragmatist ethos sketched in the work of John Dewey is presented, where the pluralism characteristic of contemporary IR is reconceived in a mutual agonism in the service of practical reasoning and judgement.
Abstract: This essay presents the case for a re-orientation of International Relations (IR) in terms of the pragmatist ethos sketched in the work of John Dewey. It argues that contemporary IR theory is characterised by the threat of theoreticism and that this danger is heightened by the confusion between pictures and theories. The essay goes on to indicate how a pragmatist orientation to issues of government in terms of a processual ethic could provide a framework within which the pluralism characteristic of contemporary IR is reconceived in terms of a mutual agonism (rather than antagonism) in the service of practical reasoning and judgement. Viewing IR as a form of practical philosophy oriented to the government of the common affairs of humanity, this orientation stresses the distinct roles that accounts directed to world-disclosure and those directed to action-coordination play in IR and argues that the former are crucial to reflection on problem constitution, while the latter are vital to reflection on problems.
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TL;DR: The authors define a doença as a "ausência de saúde" and a saúdia as "aus áncia do ença", definições that não eram esclarecedora.
Abstract: Num passado ainda recente a doença era frequentemente definida como \"ausência de saúde\", sendo a saúde definida como \"ausência de doença\" definições que não eram esclarecedoras. Algumas autoridades encararam a doença e a saúde como estados de desconforto físico ou de bem-estar. Infelizmente, perspectivas redutoras como estas levaram os investigadores e os profissionais de saúde a descurar os componentes emocionais e sociais da saúde e da doença (Bolander,1998). Definições mais flexíveis quer de saúde quer de doença consideram múltiplos aspectos causais da doença e da manutenção da saúde, tais como factores psicológicos, sociais e biológicos (ibidem). Contudo, apesar dos esforços para caracterizar estes conceitos, não existem definições universais. Por outro lado, e apesar de todos os avanços na pesquisa biomédica, o nosso sonho de atingirmos ou mantermos uma saúde física e mental permanece exactamente isso um sonho que, além de tudo, vale a pena prosseguir face aos efeitos da doença nos indivíduos e na sociedade (Diener,1984). Isto é, a presença ou ausência de doença é um problema pessoal e social. É pessoal, porque a capacidade individual para trabalhar, ser produtivo, amar e divertir-se está relacionado com a saúde física e mental da pessoa. É social, pois a doença de uma pessoa pode afectar outras pessoas significativas (p.ex.: família, amigos e colegas).
TL;DR: Despite the recent profusion of historical scholarship in International Relations (IR), there has been little questioning of the positivist assumptions upon which much of that work is premised.
Abstract: Despite the recent profusion of historical scholarship in International Relations (IR), there has been little questioning of the positivist assumptions upon which much of that work is premised. Thi...
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that pragmatism possesses useful resources for thinking about the status of borders, if understood in the right way, by positing four core commitments: holism, fallibilism, anti-scepticism, and the primacy of practice.
Abstract: The core, and arguably constitutive, problem confronted by an international political theory is that of the status of borders. This paper argues that pragmatism possesses useful resources for thinking about this issue, if understood in the right way. I begin by positing pragmatism as defined by four core commitments: holism, fallibilism, anti-scepticism, and the primacy of practice. The paper then examines four ways of endowing these basic commitments with more determinate political content: anti-revisionism, social holism, Richard Rorty's `ethnocentric' conception of political philosophy, and Deweyan democratic inquiry. The article rounds off by outlining a well hedged defence of this last perspective, as both normatively attractive and capable of addressing some of the problems posed by boundaries.
TL;DR: The increasing globality of threats to human security suggest that international relations is in constant need of new tools in order to cope with the dynamic nature of its object of study.
Abstract: International Relations is in constant need of new th eor etical tools in order to cope with the dynamic nature of its object of study. The increasing globality of threats to human security suggest...
TL;DR: The authors explores the ethical implications of the United States' ongoing search for the bodies of 1,907 servicemen unaccounted-for in Southeast Asia as a result of the Vietnam War.
Abstract: This paper explores the ethical implications of the United States' ongoing search for the bodies of 1,907 servicemen unaccounted-for in Southeast Asia as a result of the Vietnam War. The essay begi...
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