Showing papers in "Modern Asian Studies in 1967"
TL;DR: In this paper, it was shown that the Malays have lagged behind the immigrant communities in respect of economic development in Malaya, where the average annual income of the adult male in the Malay community was $2,031 in the Indian.
Abstract: Malaya has a plural society in which Malays form 49·8 per cent of the total population, Chinese 37·2 per cent and Indians 11·2 per cent. Apart from this racial diversity, there is the added fact that the Malays tend to live in the rural areas whereas the immigrant groups tend to live in the urban areas or on the plantations, and only to a much lesser extent in the rural areas. For example, of the rural population of Malaya, Malays form 70 per cent, Chinese 17 per cent and Indians 11 per cent. In the urban areas of Malaya, Malays make up 23 per cent of the population, Chinese 65 per cent and Indians 10 per cent. In 1957 the average annual income of the adult male in the Malay community was $2,031 in the Indian. From these figures it is clear that the Malays have lagged behind the immigrant communities in respect of economic development.
45 citations
TL;DR: For example, this paper argued that the current Chinese view of their relation to the rest of the world appears to represent little change from the traditional Sinocentric image. But as the character of the new order has become clearer with time and as an analysis both more detailed and less concerned with short-term matters has become possible, many scholars have been as much impressed by continuities with the pre-Communist past as by discontinuities.
Abstract: After nearly two decades of revolutionary rule in China, the break with the past which Communist direction has seemed to represent is increasingly being seen in a wider perspective. Few scholars would attempt to argue that the Communists have not brought a genuine revolution or that their ascendancy is merely the equivalent of a new dynasty. But as the character of the new order has become clearer with time and as an analysis both more detailed and less concerned with short-term matters has become possible, many scholars have been as much impressed by continuities with the pre-Communist past as by discontinuities. To take perhaps the clearest example, the current Chinese view of their relation to the rest of the world appears to represent little change from the traditional Sinocentric image. Ideological absolutism is also not new to China with Mao Tse-tung, nor is the conception of individual subsevience to public good, the unquestioned rightness of close social limits on individual actions. And contemporary China retains, for all its professed egalitarianism, a strongly elitist and hierarchial pattern.
42 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored the background and the British response to an earlier but equally volatile situation, the 1907 rural disturbances in the Punjab, and showed graphically how the Government of India manipulated Gandhi's first and second civil disobedience campaigns to its own political advantage.
Abstract: Two major factors determined the growth of Indian nationalism: developments within Indian society and indigenous political organizations and the British response to agitation and the demands of Indian politicians and interest groups. Current studies of Indian nationalism generally focus upon the former, while the relation of British rule to political development is either ignored or misunderstood. Frequently the British are portrayed as inept bureaucrats, or the government as a monolithic structure run on inflexible bureaucratic principles and bent upon a policy of repression. While the shoe often fits, this caricature ignores the basic fact that, despite mounting pressure from 1904 onwards, the British rulers managed to keep order and to choose their hour of departure. They were able to continue governing primarily because they were adroit in handling agitation, minimizing serious grievances, and retreating from policies or measures which threatened to inflame the subcontinent. Professor Anthony Low of the University of Sussex has shown graphically how the Government of India manipulated Gandhi's first and second civil disobedience campaigns to its own political advantage. This paper explores the background and the British response to an earlier but equally volatile situation, the 1907 rural disturbances in the Punjab.
34 citations
TL;DR: The authors presented Natsagdorj's work in Russian at the XIV International Congress of Orientalists at New Delhi in 1964 and translated it here from the Russian text rather than the underlying Mongol original.
Abstract: This paper was first presented by Academician Natsagdorj at the XIV International Congress of Orientalists at New Delhi in 1964. As it was presented in Russian, one of the internationally recognized languages at the conference, I have translated it here from the Russian text rather than the underlying Mongol original. The translation has been approved by the author.
24 citations
TL;DR: A Member of Parliament, representing Orissa State, once said in the course of a debate: ‘My first ambition is the glory of Mother India. I know it in my heart of hearts that I am an Indian first and an Indian last as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A Member of Parliament, representing Orissa State, once said in the course of a debate: ‘My first ambition is the glory of Mother India. I know it in my heart of hearts that I am an Indian first and an Indian last. But when you say you are a Bihari, I say I am an Oriya. When you say you are a Bengali, I say I am an Oriya. Otherwise I am an Indian’ (cited in Harrison, 1960). The same words could plausibly be spoken by a Ceylonese or Burmese with other labels substituted. If we succeed in unravelling the meaning of this statement we shall understand a major aspect of South Asian politics.
20 citations
TL;DR: The journal of Modern Asian Studies as mentioned in this paper provides a good opportunity to review the progress being made in these studies in the universities of the United Kingdom by the Hayter Asian Centres in cooperation with the School of Oriental and African Studies.
Abstract: The launching of this journal of Modern Asian Studies , on the initiative of the Hayter Asian Centres in co-operation with the School of Oriental and African Studies, provides a good opportunity to review the progress being made in these studies in the universities of the United Kingdom. We have nearly reached the half-way stage of a ten-year programme of development which was put forward in the Hayter Committee Report of 1961, and are approaching the new quinquennium in which what has already been started should be consolidated and the new pattern for the future established.
11 citations
TL;DR: This article studied the Japanese electoral process from the perspective of national issues and evaluation of their popular appeal, description and analysis of voting behavior patterns, and identification of the support mobilization efforts and campaign postures of individual candidates.
Abstract: Research on the Japanese electoral process has quite legitimately focused on a broad range of topics. Elections in Japan have been studied from the perspective of national issues and evaluation of their popular appeal, description and analysis of voting behaviour patterns, and identification of the support mobilization efforts and campaign postures of individual candidates. Of the various kinds of electoral contests, those of the House of Representatives and local elections have received the greatest attention.
11 citations
TL;DR: In the opinions of J. A. Hobson and Lenin European imperial expansion during several decades following 1870 was caused by the need to export surplus capital, and aimed at expediting this process.
Abstract: In the opinions of J. A. Hobson and Lenin European imperial expansion during several decades following 1870 was caused by the need to export surplus capital, and aimed at expediting this process. Hobson saw this necessity as arising from over-production (or under-consumption), a curable defect of capitalism; Lenin as an inherent quality of ‘monopoly-capitalism’ which was directed principally by bankers and was heading for revolution.
10 citations
TL;DR: The death of Nehru did less to change the Indian political system than the talk about his charismatic leadership might have led us to expect as mentioned in this paper. But one simplification is not to be replaced by another; the assessment of his influence is a matter of real difficulty.
Abstract: The death of Nehru did less to change the Indian political system than the talk about his charismatic leadership might have led us to expect. But one simplification is not to be replaced by another; the assessment of his influence is a matter of real difficulty. Most delicate of all the tasks perhaps is that of distinguishing between his influence on the actual behaviour of political actors and institutions and his influence on the views taken by observers of such behaviour. How much, that is, of what appears novel in the post-Nehru period is merely the coming to light of features which were already present but obscured or unnoticed by virtue of the attention focused on the great man himself? In no area of the Indian political system is this question more important than in the Congress Party.
9 citations
8 citations
TL;DR: The Indian Christians in the communal conflict that preceded independence as discussed by the authors have been the subject of a close study, however, for a number of reasons, such as the fact that they played a less important role in the conflict than the other communities.
Abstract: Discussion of the minority problem in India has been largely concerned with the relations between the two major communities of Hindu and Muslim, an emphasis justified by the less important part played by non-Muslim minorities in the communal conflict that preceded independence. The Indian Christians repay close study, however, for a number of reasons.
TL;DR: Sukarno has provided the most flamboyant example of the "charismatic leader" who, by personifying the aspirations of a formerly subject people, enables them both to establish and project their identity as a nation as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Throughout the twenty years which followed 17 August 1945 when, as President of the newly proclaimed Republic of Indonesia, Sukarno first stepped into the limelight, he has provided the most flamboyant example of the ‘charismatic leader’ who, by personifying the aspirations of a formerly subject people, enables them both to establish and to project their identity as a nation. During this time Western well-wishers of the Indonesian people have been increasingly fascinated by his performance, which they have watched, often at first with sympathy and even admiration, later with disappointment and anxiety, and finally with astonishment verging upon incredulity.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that one decisive factor in the overthrow of the Tokugawa Bakufu was the alignment against it in 1867 of several of the great domains (han), and the failure of the Shōgun to rally any comparable support among the rest.
Abstract: All historians would agree that one decisive factor in the overthrow of the Tokugawa Bakufu was the alignment against it in 1867 of several of the great domains (han), and the failure of the Shōgun to rally any comparable support among the rest. In the wider sense the reasons for this are complex, as well as being a matter of some controversy. Nevertheless, the proximate causes are obvious enough. In the anti-Bakufu domains, notably Satsuma and Chōshū, power had fallen into the hands of samurai groups which sought the destruction of the regime. In a number of others, similar groups wielded sufficient influence to prevent the daimyō or his senior officials from giving whole-hearted backing to the Tokugawa. Clearly, therefore, the study of how this came about, that is, of the nature and processes of domain politics, is important to an understanding of the Meiji Restoration.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a sociological field survey of the existence of a class of "entrepreneurs" in Sri Lanka and find out where this particular class has its roots within the traditional Ceylonese society.
Abstract: represents an entirely new stage in the development of most of these countries. The present study, which is called a 'sociological field survey', aims at research into the existence of a 'class' of 'entrepreneurs' in Ceylon, as well as at finding out where this particular class has its roots within the context of the traditional Ceylonese society. The author's findings are summarized in a number of statistical tables. There is no doubt about the interest with which a survey like the one presented here will be welcomed: industrialization, in particular that undertaken by private persons, is something so entirely new in societies which are still largely moulded on a caste or even a tribal basis that the development—if it succeeds—will undoubtedly affect the traditional structure profoundly. The author himself emphasizes that a certain restriction on the evidence of this survey lies in the comparatively short time during which it has been possible to speak of a process of industrialization worthy of the name; it may therefore be still a little early to expect lasting conclusions.
TL;DR: Golay and Agiccuicni as discussed by the authors focused on the psychological aspects of the relationship between the United States and the Philippines and found that the problems of the Philippine-American relationship derive from its inherent inequality.
Abstract: Because of the more recent expressions of strident nationalism directed against the United States, an attitude which itself derives from a belief that America takes the Philippines for granted, the authors pay considerable attention to the psychological aspects of the relationship. Hence the soul searching, particularly on the part of the American academics who appear somewhat anxious to expiate the past sins of their governments. The separate essays provide some valuable insights not only into the many aspects of the Philippine-American relationship but also into the more specific Philippine scene. However, the theme which serves as the title for the book rarely slips beneath the surface, and what emerges is a general consensus that the United States Government has erred both in terms of attitudes and specific policies. The Filipino writers, although critical, are prepared to give credit for American achievements during the colonial period but are particularly scathing in surveying the course of post-colonial history. The issues which are constantly debated are parity rights in economic development, payments to war veterans, and the question of jurisdiction over American servicemen for civil offences. However, the significance of such issues lies in emotive symbolism rather than in substantial grievance. In actual fact, as some of the authors point out, outstanding issues of this kind are being negotiated out of existence. The question of jurisdiction over American servicemen was settled in mid-1965, and the United States has no plans for extending the principle of parity Vvhcn the Laurel—Liaiiglc/ Agiccuicni. expires in 1974. The problems of the Philippine-American relationship derive from its inherent inequality. As Golay remarks, Filipinos are frustrated by the suspicion that their success in demanding steady revision in the special relationship may have resulted from paternalistic indulgences on the part of the United States rather than from aggressive diplomacy on their part. One is left with the feeling that, although the United States can do much to better its relations with the Philippines, a substantial improvement can only develop as the Filipino feels a greater sense of respect for his own accomplishments.
TL;DR: In this article, Narain showed that price movements are the main determinant of the distribution of areas under cash-crops, but very much less important in deciding what is sown to which subsistence crop.
Abstract: THE blurb suggests that this valuable pioneering work 'should be studied not only by economists, economic geographers and social historians for whom it is primarily intended, but by all who are interested in problems of underdevelopment' In fact it is very much a book by and for the economic theorist, though its conclusion-that price movements are the main determinant of the distribution of areas under cash-crops, but very much less important in deciding what is sown to which subsistence crop-has wider policy implications While, as we shall see, Dr Narain's graphical methods do not prove as much as at first appears, his conclusions are decisive for cotton and jute, and highly suggestive for sugar In each case, the farmers in each main growing region of India varied the proportion of land sown to the crop in the same direction as last year's price change (relative to the prices of other agricultural products),' in almost every year Dr Narain takes this to show 'price responsiveness', and most economists equate this with reasonableness But should they? The March 1965 number of the Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics showed that the various tests of responsiveness have used different sets of stimuli-last year's price or this year's, the weighted average of several years' prices, etc, deflated in widely differing ways for competing crops And, according to the index of 'stimuli' used, widely differing conclusions about the responsiveness or 'rationality' of farmers' behaviour have emerged Hardly anyone has asked: 'To what index ought a rational, even in the sense of narrowly profit-maximizing, farmer to respond?'-and Dr Narain, alas, is no exception He does, however, provide valuable material for the answer
TL;DR: In the late autumn of 1868 political events in Japan were no longer focused exclusively on Edo, Ōsaka and the lands of the south-western han; all of which could be easily visited by British sailors and diplomats.
Abstract: In the late autumn of 1868 political events in Japan were no longer focused exclusively on Edo, Ōsaka and the lands of the south-western han; all of which could be easily visited by British sailors and diplomats. The Imperial armies had won important victories at Fushimi and Ueno but they had still not gained control of the whole of Japan. The last Shōgun had retired from the conifict but his supporters still mounted stubborn military resistance in Northern Honshū. At this stage it was important for Britain to know the state of this civil war and its likely outcome.
TL;DR: In the twenty years from I192I to 1940o, the monasteries in Mongolia were completely destroyed by state appropriation of its sources of revenue, and the Monasteries may be expected to disappear even more quickly in Tibet as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: pletely destroyed in Mongolia in the twenty years from I192I to 1940o, and may be expected to disappear even more quickly in Tibet-partly by state appropriation of its sources of revenue, and partly by just withering away. How did it happen? Until recently there was no answer, unless one resorted to cliches about the ruthlessness of atheistic communism. European scholarship had been more concerned with doctrine, mysticism, and iconography than with the crass details of the money needed to build and maintain monasteries.
TL;DR: A detailed account of the negotiations preceding the first alliance can be found in this paper, where a case study of the decisive way in which the Japanese Genro, or Elder statesman, interceded between politicians and diplomats and the Emperor on the other in the Japanese political system of the late Meiji period.
Abstract: its sources, for both the depth of its treatment and the processes it reveals hold much of interest alike for the student of diplomacy and the specialist in Japanese affairs. This study is far more than an authoritative account of the diplomacy of this period, for it pushes well back into the domestic political scene in both 'island empires' and shows something of the public and press reaction which rippled out from the decisions of diplomats and military advisers. Moreover, in the discussion of the negotiations preceding the first alliance, one is given an excellent case study of the decisive way in which the Japanese Genro, or Elder statesman, interceded between politicians and diplomats on the one hand and the Emperor on the other in the Japanese political system of the late Meiji period. At the beginning of this study Japan, though victorious over China, was too weak to withstand the joint veto of Russia, France and Germany to her claims on Port Arthur, and for some years she concentrated on modernization and on strengthening herself militarily. Britain meanwhile preferred Russian expansion in the Far East to rumblings on the frontier of her Indian Empire. With the seizure of Chinese ports by Russia and Germany and the subsequent Boxer rising the danger of Russian expansion at the expense of China became ever more menacing. Germany seemed indifferent, and this, combined with the South African entanglement, made Britain feel increasingly exposed. Japan on the other hand, helped to drive the Boxers from Peking, while she herself could gain no suitable accord with Russia over Korea. All these factors helped to set conditions fair for Anglo-Japanese agreement, and in the face of the Franco-Russian alliance and Britain's need for a Far Eastern naval ally the negotiations of 1901 -1902 came to fruition. This treaty provided for joint action against a two power aggression and a considerable degree of naval co-operation. Within this setting Japan could safely go to war with Russia to establish her position in Korea. Simultaneously Britain again came to fear for the security of her Indian colonies and, with the issue of the Russio-Japanese war still unclear, a new agreement was signed widening the alliance to include India, providing for collaboration against a single attacker and giving British acquiescence in the ending of Korean independence. With Japan's defeat of Russia and Britain's movement towards the 'triple entente', the anti-Russian basis of the alliance and the idea of Japanese help on the Khyber disappeared.
TL;DR: Kumar et al. as mentioned in this paper studied the agricultural conditions of the Madras Presidency at the beginning of the nineteenth century and compared them with those in the latter half of the same century, concluding that despite the usual assumptions about their complete security within a caste framework, these labourers were not always able to exercise their rights to a share of the produce of the land.
Abstract: In the face of a growing body of historical and anthropological evidence to the contrary, the notion persists that the traditional Indian village was a self-sufficient community, populated entirely by small landowners cultivating their own holdings. Once this idyllic construct is accepted, it is then only a small step to the argument that during the century following the establishment of British rule in India, a large class of landless agricultural labourers was created which signalled the breakdown of traditional village society. Surprisingly, among the contemporary proponents of such a view are to be found some of India's leading economists and historians. It is therefore only fitting that Dr Kumar, herself a prominent Indian scholar, should provide a welcome antidote to this somewhat simplistic picture of pre-British rural India. Taking the area of the Madras Presidency as her unit of study, the author compares agricultural conditions obtaining at the beginning of the nineteenth century—when the Presidency effectively came under foreign domination—with those in the latter half of the same century. By the judicious employment of available census data, Dr Kumar makes a convincing case for her thesis that by the beginning of the period agricultural labour castes already comprised between 12 and 20 per cent of the population. Moreover, she demonstrates that the great majority of the members of these castes were in fact practising their traditional occupations, and constituted the main source of agricultural labour in the Presidency. Additional evidence for the existence of agrestic servitude prior to the arrival of the British is provided by the facts of caste structure, which meant that Brahmin landowners had either to lease their fields to tenants or hire labour for cultivation tasks which they were unable to discharge themselves because of caste prohibitions on manual labour. Unfortunately, Dr Kumar is constrained by the poverty of her census data to lump together under the rubric 'landless labourers' all those who cultivated the lands of others, whether as tenants, tied or casual labourers, and whether or not they were at the same time small proprietors. She attempts to overcome the difficulty by suggesting that all these categories of cultivators were in any case functionally similar because of their abject poverty. On the crucial question of the status of landless labourers at the beginning of the nineteenth century, Dr Kumar presents strong testimony to show that despite the usual assumptions about their complete security within a caste framework, these labourers were not always able to exercise their rights to a share of the produce of the land and invariably were the first victims during times of agricultural crisis. This carefully argued book gives students of India cause for re-examining many of their treasured misconceptions about village communities prior to imperialist rule.
TL;DR: The major failure of the Martial Law'revolt' lies in the field of foreign policy as mentioned in this paper, and it seems to have been quite unable to bring about a fundamental change in the nature of Pakistan's relations with India, soured by the intractable question of Kashmir.
Abstract: needs of the twentieth century, in creating the system of Basic Democracies which, it was hoped, would give Pakistan some measure of representative government without at the same time bringing back the turbulence and instability which had been such a feature of the country's first decade of existence. All this Mr Feldman is undoubtedly correct in describing as a 'Revolution', albeit one rather mild and as yet far from complete. Perhaps the major failure of the Martial Law 'Revolution' lies in the field of foreign policy. However much President Ayub Khan could give fresh impetus to internal social and economic reform, he seems to have been quite unable to bring about a fundamental change in the nature of Pakistan's relations with India, soured as they were by the intractable question of Kashmir. Changes, of course, there were. The old alliance with the United States grew weaker. An experiment was made in Sino-Pakistani rapprochement. Kashmir, however, remained a running sore in the body politic of Pakistan, a drain on the economic and social resources of the country. Mr Feldman wisely treats Kashmir and its associated issues but briefly. His main interest, and the great value of Revolution in Pakistan, lies in the chronicle of domestic policy during what must have been one of the most moderate and sane episodes of military government in modern history.
TL;DR: Agarwal and Lambkin this paper described and analyzed within a rigidly MarxistLeninist framework the agrarian system in Indian villages as it was on the eve of land reform; the land reforms themselves; and, in a chapter entitled "Reform of the System of Cultivation", such ancillaries as tenancy legislation and consolidation of holdings.
Abstract: Agrarian Reforms in India. By GRIGORY KOTOVSKY (Trans. K.J. Lambkin). People's Publishing House: New Dehli, 1964. Pp. xiv + 182, Rs. 12.50, 25*. The author of this book is a lecturer in Indian history at Moscow University and is associated with the Institute of the Peoples of Asia, U.S.S.R. Academy of Sciences. His book, based on field experience and on the study of a wide range of sources, official and otherwise, was first completed in Russian in 1959, but has been revised for this edition to take some account of later developments. He describes and analyses within a rigidly MarxistLeninist framework the agrarian system in Indian villages as it was on the eve of land reform; the land reforms themselves; and, in a chapter entitled 'Reform of the System of Cultivation', such ancillaries as tenancy legislation and consolidation of holdings. Given the framework of this study it is not surprising that it is more concerned with (to use the author's own words) 'the class nature of the reforms and . . . the changing class structure of rural India as a result of their implementation' than with the effect (if any) on productivity; nor is it surprising that the motives behind the Indian land reform programme are seen as the containment of the peasant's 'class struggle' and the furtherance of an alleged movement towards capitalist farming. Many will see the rigid ideological framework as a grave handicap. The book is also marred by typographical errors, by an irksome repetitiveness, and by certain mis-statements of fact (Koraput District of Orissa for example, was not formerly a princely State, p. 124). But the book does bring together a great deal of information from scattered sources; provides fundamental (if wrong-headed) criticism of a sort lacking in so many Indian works (which take the principles behind the land reform for granted); and supplies, in its plentiful footnotes, a bibliographical guide of considerable utility.
TL;DR: Yan Yang Tian (Bright Skies) as discussed by the authors is a novel about the Chinese countryside of which Part One was brought out by the author's Publishing House, Peking, in late 1964 and Part Two by the People's Literature Publishing House in March 1966.
Abstract: There are several reasons for taking a special interest in Hao Ran's Yan Yang Tian (Bright Skies), a novel about the Chinese countryside of which Part One was brought out by the author's Publishing House, Peking, in late 1964 and Part Two by the People's Literature Publishing House in March 1966. The third and final part has yet to be issued. It is the first published novel by Hao Ran, a writer born in 1932 and chiefly known for his short stories. It shows that gloom about the state of contemporary Chinese writing is not always justifiable and, perhaps more significantly, gives a reasonably full and frank account of some critical days in the history of a Chinese village. In providing a very detailed record of the behaviour of a number of peasants in the collectivization movement, it does much to supplement the official reports in the Chinese press and the interpretations of outside observers. Not the least of the book's achievements is the creation in the village boss, Ma Zhiyue, of one of the most significant villains in modern Chinese fiction.
TL;DR: In 1963, with the formation of Malaysia, British military establishments situated on either side of the Johore Straits were brought within the compass of a single polity, and within less than two years the Malaysian union was put asunder and those military establishments were divided by national frontiers as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In September 1963, with the formation of Malaysia, British military establishments situated on either side of the Johore Straits were brought within the compass of a single polity. Within less than two years the Malaysian union was put asunder and those military establishments were divided by national frontiers. Such a situation was viewed with displeasure by the British Government which had supported the establishment of Malaysia in part to avoid such a prospect. To add to the problem of dealing with two governments, there was the complicating factor of the unhappy relationship between them and with it the danger of Britain being caught up in the interplay of differences to the extent of prejudicing the value of her military presence.
TL;DR: Gupta et al. as mentioned in this paper studied the changing balance of trade along the Malabar coast during sixty crucial years of the eighteenth century, focusing on the decline of the Dutch East India Company at Cochin and the political and economic expansion of the state of Travancore following the accession of Martanda Varma seven years later.
Abstract: Malabar in Asian Trade 1740-1800. By ASHIN DAS GUPTA. Cambridge University Press: London and New York, 1967. Pp. xii + 204, sketch map, 55*., Si0.50. This handsomely produced monograph, the third in the series published under the auspices of the Cambridge University Centre for South Asian Studies, traces the changing balance of trade along the Malabar coast during sixty crucial years of the eighteenth century. Central to the study is a detailed examination of the declining position of the Dutch East India Company at Cochin, due partly to the turning of the northern trade after the overthrow of the Safavi dynasty in 1722, but largely to the political and economic expansion of the state of Travancore following the accession of Martanda Varma seven years later. Also briefly examined are the effects of Mysore's intrusion into the Malabar coastal areas beginning with Haider Ali's invasion in 1766, and the extension of the English East India Company's influence in the region leading to the capture of Cochin from the Dutch
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors studied the Party's policies and organization during the period of political freedom from December 191 I to August 1913 and found that through its widespread membership and its newspaper Min-ch'iian pao the Party had a powerful political influence in many cities and towns.
Abstract: period of political freedom from December 191 I to August 1913. There are at least three justifications for its study. It was considered important at the time; Sun Yat-sen, Huang Hsing, Hu Han-min, Wang Ching-wei and Ch'en Ch'i-mei all associated themselves with the Party.2 Through its widespread membership and its newspaper Min-ch'iian pao the Party had a powerful political influence in many cities and towns. Furthermore, study of the Party's policies and organization gives an insight into radical thought and action during a crucial period in the development of modern China.