Showing papers in "Political Science Quarterly in 1972"

Every War Must End.

Abstract: Mission accomplished," George Bush famously proclaimed in reference to the defeat of Saddam Hussein's military organization. However, as recent events in Iraq have once again demonstrated, it is much easier to start a war than it is to end it. Every War Must End, which Colin Powell credits in his autobiography with having shaped his thinking on how to end the first Gulf War, analyzes the many critical obstacles to ending a war--an aspect of military strategy that is frequently and tragically overlooked. This book explores the difficult and often painful process through which wars in the modern age have been brought to a close and what this process means for the future. Ikl considers a variety of examples from twentieth-century history and examines specific strategies that effectively "won the peace," including the Allied policy in Germany and Japan after World War II. In the new preface to his classic work, Ikl explains how U.S. political decisions and military strategy and tactics in Iraq-the emphasis on punishing Iraqi leaders, not seeking a formal surrender, and the failure to maintain law and order-have delayed, and indeed jeopardized, a successful end to hostilities.

American City Planning since 1890.

Abstract: This work examines the beginnings of urban planning, and traces its gradual emergence as a guiding influence at all levels of government. It includes detail drawn from numerous original documents and extensive interviews with pioneers of the profession. Political movements, the people, the institutions, civic crises and legislative struggles are all described and investigated. Originally published in 1971 and commissioned to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the founding of the American Institute of Planning, this is a reprint of the original text.

On the Costs of Realism

Abstract: Political Realism dominated the discipline of international relations throughout the 1950s. There were occasional complaints that it went "too far" or that it did not properly value some things which should be properly valued, but there was very little fundamental disagreement with its interpretation of what international politics was all about. Even the liberal Left joined the chorus, perhaps out of guilt for opposing rearmament against Hitler in the 1930s or perhaps for fear of being branded naive again in the face of a new threat. Realism is, of course, no longer in style in academic circles. It has been under continuous attack for something over a decade-and the worst sort of attack, for it has simply been ignored as an anachronistic remnant of the discipline's early years. Its staying power, albeit in a less formal and coherent fashion, however, has been much greater and more persistent outside academia. This is not especially surprising, since there is normally a gap between the period when a doctrine is articulated in intellectual circles and accepted by men working in the field-and, of course, a gap between the period when it is rejected by the theorist and by the practitioner. The inconsistencies and the anomalies which trouble the theorist, and which make him more receptive to new doctrines, always appear less salient to men working on daily problems: the erosion of the

The Angolan Revolution, Vol. I: The Anatomy of an Explosion, 1950-1962.

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The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Study of Its Strategic Context

Abstract: The Cuban missile crisis has been analyzed by a variety of authors and from a variety of viewpoints. This study is based on the assumption that no crisis can be understood without considering also the forces and policies which preceded and which flowed from it. Consequently, in addition to analyzing the role of strategic power during the Cuban missile crisis itself, we shall attempt to show in what way the interaction of United States and Soviet strategic policies in the early 196os served to precipitate, the crisis and how the crisis affected in turn the subsequent strategic policies of both sides and ultimately influenced the current strategic balance. During the 1960 presidential campaign, much was made of the "missile gap." Kennedy administration officials took office in the genuine belief that the U.S. might soon be placed in an unfavor-

Roads to Freedom : Essays in Honour of Friedrich A. von Hayek

Abstract: Introduction by Erich Streissler Laudatio: Un Message Pour Le Siecle Jacques Rueff Development Economics: The Spurious Consensus and Its Background Peter T. Bauer Is Economics the Science of Choice? James M. Buchanan Wage-Push Inflation Once More Gottfried Haberler Will Market Economies and Planned Economies Converge? George N. Halm Methodological Individualism and the Market Economy Ludwig M. Lachmann On Neutral Money Friedrich A. Lutz Liberalism and the Choice of Freedoms Fritz Machlup The Control of Demand Frank W. Paish The Determinants of Social Action Michael Polanyi A Pluralist Approach to the Philosophy of History Karl R. Popper A Behavioural Approach to Monetary Theory Gunter Schmolders Hayek on Growth: A Reconsideration of his Early Theoretical Work Erich Streissler The New Theory of Corporations Gordon Tullock

Invasion of Privacy: A Clarification of Concepts

Abstract: Those who follow scholarly literature and legal developments on the subject of privacy have noted an unevenness in the pace of doctrinal evolution. Occasionally there has been a leap forward. In 1890, Warren and Brandeis identified privacywhich they defined, in overbroad but meaningful terms, as the right "to be let alone"-as a significant value that deserved, and indeed had to a large extent received, legal protection by the courts.' In 1965, five members of the United States Supreme Court joined in a remarkable opinion by one of their numberJustice William 0. Douglas-in which, extrapolating from the several Bill of Rights safeguards of particular aspects of privacy (such as the privilege against self-incrimination, the immunity from unreasonable searches and seizures, and the prohibition against the quartering of troops in civilian homes in peacetime), he postulated the existence of a general right of privacy which the Constitution itself protects.2 And in 1967, only two years thereafter, Professor Alan F. Westin undertook to offer a conceptual system broader than that of his predecessors in two major * Copyright ? 1972, by Louis Lusky. This article, somewhat expanded, also appears in the Columbia Law Review, LXXII (1972). 'Samuel D. Warren and Louis D. Brandeis, "The Right to Privacy," Harvard Law Review, IV (1890), 193. 2 Griswold v Contnecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965).

Who Governed the Nation's Cities in the "Era of the Common Man"?

Abstract: The second quarter of the nineteenth century has long been known as the Era of the Common Man, largely because of the supposedly great political power commanded by person,s of little or no property. The astute French visitor Michel Chevalier, observing that poor men in most states had the right to vote, concluded that in the United States the propertyless masses "rule[d] the capitalists, merchants, and manufacturers."3 It was widely as-

Israel and the Third World

Abstract: A new dimension has been added during the past two years to the tortuous drama of peacemaking in the Middle East with the decision by the Organization of African Unity, represented by four distinguished heads of state-Leopold Senghor of Senegal, Ahmadou Ahidjo of Cameroon, Joseph Mobutu of Zaire, and Yakubu Gowan of Nigeria-to take an active role in the attempts to find a solution to the Arab-Israel conflict. While the attempts have not thus far borne fruit, they have drawn attention to the growing importance of Israel's relations with that amorphous group of nations (almost 70 per cent of humanity) known as the Third World. When Israel came into existence in 1948, the concept of a Third World was just being born out of the travail of Yugoslavia's bold defiance of Stalinist domination and India's first steps to establish her own identity as an independent nation. Since then the ranks of Third World countries have swelled greatly, but so have the differences among them, leaving as their major common characteristic a passion for rapid development. For Israel the emergence of the Third World has presented both a challenge and an opportunity. Gaining the acceptance and if possible the friendship of these nations provided the challenge; the opportunity lay in transforming Israel's own quest for speedy

Soldiers in Politics: New Insights on Latin American Armed Forces

Abstract: In Latin America the 196os was a period of widening military roles in politics and renewed concern with military behavior in political life. As the armed forces took a larger share in government, there arose a corresponding pressure for explanations and interpretations of military behavior. Historians, however, had barely started basic studies of military institutions in the national politics of individual countries and political scientists had only begun to roll up their guns. In the absence of much information about national military establishments, the studies undertaken in the 196os had to be based on guesses or incomplete information in some important areas. Under the pressure for quick results, the process of appraising and explaining military behavior was also subject to the pull of contrary forces because of the highly controversial nature of the subject. As a result, explanations and judgments of military behavior became influential when they had value as arguments either for or against the legitimacy of the military's roles in politics. Once a stereotype of military behavior was formed, gained currency, and became widely accepted, it gave rise to a countering stereotype in the continuing debate. Consequently the dominant theories used to explain, interpret, and judge military behavior in politics and to provide a basis for analysis and recommendations