Psychology, Public Policy and Law 

About: Psychology, Public Policy and Law is an academic journal published by American Psychological Association. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Adjudication & Child abuse. It has an ISSN identifier of 1076-8971. Over the lifetime, 839 publications have been published receiving 33591 citations.

Thirty years of investigating the own-race bias in memory for faces: A meta-analytic review

Abstract: The current article reviews the own-race bias (ORB) phenomenon in memory for human faces, the finding that own-race faces are better remembered when compared with memory for faces of another, less familiar race. Data were analyzed from 39 research articles, involving 91 independent samples and nearly 5,000 participants. Measures of hit and false alarm rates, and aggregate measures of discriminatio n accuracy and response criterion were examined, including an analysis of 8 study moderators. Several theoretical relationships were also assessed (i.e., the influence of racial attitudes and interracial contact). Overall, results indicated a "mirror effect" pattern in which own-race faces yielded a higher proportion of hits and a lower proportion of false alarms compared with other-race faces. Consistent with this effect, a significant ORB was also found in aggregate measures of discriminatio n accuracy and response criterion. The influence of perceptual learning and differentiation processes in the ORB are discussed, in addition to the practical implications of this phenomenon. She based her identification on Smith's eyes, which she said were greenish-blue and upon his hands which she said were "light and slender" like the holdup man's. Mrs. McCormick testified that Smith's eyes were "different from most colored people ... bright and piercing." Smith's defense attorneys then attempted to parry the state's first thrust in the trial. Mrs. McCormick was handed a picture of a man she couldn't identify. It was a picture of David Charles, with shorter hair, taken while he was in Vietnam. Assistant defense attorney Kitchen asked Mrs. McCormick if she had ever made the statement that all Black people look alike. "Yes, I made that statement," Mrs. McCormick said, "and they do to a certain extent, but there's a difference here" (Lickson, 1974, p. 66). In 1971, five Black men, who became known as the "Quincy Five," were wrongfully indicted for the murder of Khomas Revels during a robbery in Tallahassee, Florida. Although no forensic evidence obtained from the crime scene was ever linked to the men, five White eyewitnesses positively identified them as among the perpetrators. In each of three trials the state argued, "What better evidence can there be than, 'I saw him,' from unprejudiced witnesses? This has been used since time immemorial. This is proof beyond a reasonable doubt. Five eyewitnesses!" (Lickson, 1974, p. 87). Despite the lack of physical evidence against these men, two of the defendants, Dave Roby Keaton and Johnny Frederick, were found guilty on the basis of eyewitness testimony and coerced confessions obtained by investigators . During the third trial involving David

Comparative efficiency of informal (subjective, impressionistic) and formal (mechanical, algorithmic) prediction procedures: The clinical–statistical controversy.

Abstract: Given a data set about an individual or a group (e.g., interviewer ratings, life history or demographic facts, test results, self-descriptions), there are two modes of data combination for a predictive or diagnostic purpose. The clinical method relies on human judgment that is based on informal contemplation and, sometimes, discussion with others (e.g., case conferences). The mechanical method involves a formal, algorithmic, objective procedure (e.g., equation) to reach the decision. Empirical comparisons of the accuracy of the two methods (136 studies over a wide range of predictands) show that the mechanical method is almost invariably equal to or superior to the clinical method: Common antiactuarial arguments are rebutted, possible causes of widespread resistance to the comparative research are offered, and policy implications of the statistical method's superiority are discussed. In 1928, the Illinois State Board of Parole published a study by sociologist Burgess of the parole outcome for 3,000 criminal offenders, an exhaustive sample of parolees in a period of years preceding. (In Meehl, 1954/1996, this number is erroneously reported as 1,000, a slip probably arising from the fact that 1,000 cases came from each of three Illinois prisons.) Burgess combined 21 objective factors (e.g., nature of crime, nature of sentence, chronological age, number of previous offenses) in unweighted fashion by simply counting for each case the number of factors present that expert opinion considered favorable or unfavorable to successful parole outcome. Given such a large sample, the predetermination of a list of relevant factors (rather than elimination and selection of factors), and the absence of any attempt at optimizing weights, the usual problem of crossvalidation shrinkage is of negligible importance. Subjective, impressionistic, "clinical" judgments were also made by three prison psychiatrists about probable parole success. The psychiatrists were slightly more accurate than the actuarial tally of favorable factors in predicting parole success, but they were markedly inferior in predicting failure. Furthermore, the actuarial tally made predictions for every case, whereas the psychiatrists left a sizable fraction of cases undecided. The conclusion was clear that even a crude actuarial method such as this was superior to clinical judgment in accuracy of prediction. Of course, we do not know how many of the 21 factors the psychiatrists took into account, but all were available to

Rehabilitating criminal justice policy and practice.

Abstract: For over 30 years, criminal justice policy has been dominated by a “get tough” approach to offenders. Increasing punitive measures have failed to reduce criminal recidivism and instead have led to a rapidly growing correctional system that has strained government budgets. The inability of reliance on official punishment to deter crime is understandable within the context of the psychology of human conduct. However, this knowledge was largely ignored in the quest for harsher punishment. A better option for dealing with crime is to place greater effort on the rehabilitation of offenders. In particular, programs that adhere to the Risk-NeedResponsivity (RNR) model have been shown to reduce offender recidivism by up to 35%. The model describes: a) who should receive services (moderate and higher risk cases), b) the appropriate targets for rehabilitation services (criminogenic needs), and c) the powerful influence strategies for reducing criminal behavior (cognitive social learning). Although the RNR model is well known in the correctional field it is less well known, but equally relevant, for forensic, clinical, and counseling psychology. The paper summarizes the empirical base to RNR along with implications for research, policy, and practice.

VIOLENCE RISK ASSESSMENT: Getting Specific About Being Dynamic

Abstract: Substantial strides have been made in the field of violence risk assessment. Numerous robust risk factors have been identified and incorporated into structured violence risk assessment instruments. The concepts of violence prevention, management, and treatment have been infused into contemporary thinking on risk assessment. This conceptual development underscores the necessity of identifying, measuring, and monitoring changeable (dynamic) risk factors--the most promising targets for risk reduction efforts. However, empirical investigation of dynamic risk is virtually absent from the literature. In this article, the authors (a) differentiate risk status (interindividual risk level based largely on static risk factors) from risk state (intraindividual risk level determined largely by current status on dynamic risk factors), (b) analyze the relevance of contemporary risk assessment measures for capturing dynamic risk, and (c) distill potentially important dynamic risk factors from the literature in order to facilitate future research. Suggestions for theory development and research design are provided.

DISCLOSURE OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE What Does the Research Tell Us About the Ways That Children Tell

Abstract: The empirical basis for the child sexual abuse accommodation syndrome (CSAAS), a theoretical model that posits that sexually abused children frequently display secrecy, tentative disclosures, and retractions of abuse statements was reviewed. Two data sources were evaluated: retrospective studies of adults’ reports of having been abused as children and concurrent or chart-review studies of children undergoing evaluation or treatment for sexual abuse. The evidence indicates that the majority of abused children do not reveal abuse during childhood. However, the evidence fails to support the notion that denials, tentative disclosures, and recantations characterize the disclosure patterns of children with validated histories of sexual abuse. These results are discussed in terms of their implications governing the admissibility of expert testimony on CSAAS. Although it is widely acknowledged that the sexual assault of children is a major societal concern, it is not known how many children are victims of sexual abuse in the United States (Ceci & Friedman, 2000). There are two major reasons for this lack of data. First, present estimates of the incidence of child sexual abuse (CSA) are primarily based on reports received and validated by child protection agencies. These figures, however, do not reflect the number of unreported cases or the number of cases reported to other types of agencies (e.g., sheriff’s offices) and professionals (e.g., mental health diversion programs). Second, the accuracy of diagnosis of CSA is often difficult because definitive medical or physical evidence is lacking or inconclusive in the vast majority of cases (Bays & Chadwick, 1993; Berenson, Heger, & Andrews, 1991), and because there are no gold standard psychological symptoms specific to sexual abuse (Kendall-Tacket, Williams, & Finkelhor, 1993; Poole & Lindsay, 1998; J. M. Wood & Wright, 1995). Given these limitations of medical and psychological evidence, children’s statements typically represent the central evidence for judging the occurrence of