Q2. What future works have the authors mentioned in the paper "A socio-spatial analysis of urban transformation at a neighborhood scale: the case of the relocation of kadifekale inhabitants to tokä° uzundere in ä°zmir" ?
It can therefore be asserted that the inhabitants of Kadifekale are likely to face many more problems in the future beyond the severe problems they have already faced concerning their daily practices and social relations in TOK_I Uzundere. Future research in the area would be valuable in providing a more substantial analysis of the longer-term impacts of this relocation. It is certain that deficiencies in the planning of TOKI Uzundere have already had several negative consequences for the residents ’ daily life that may have further implications for their social life.
Q3. What is the effect of verticality on the home?
In addition to the loss of public space, verticality has ‘privatized’ the home space in that the introduction of apartment living has made individual housing units more closed-off.
Q4. What was the EIA Report for TOK_I?
In the EIA Report for TOK_I, 40% of the project site was reserved as green area with the landscape designed accordingly (EIA Report, 2005).
Q5. What did the inhabitants of Kadifekale think of the castle?
Kadifekale’s streets and its historic castle gave the inhabitants a means of visual recognition, from which they developed their feelings of intimacy toward it.
Q6. What was the main place for people to communicate news during the implementation of the transformation project?
The office of the local headman was also the main place for people to communicate news during the implementation of the transformation project, so that it served as one of the main places for critical discussion and public opinion formation.
Q7. What is the significance of the smell of baking in the case of Kadifekale?
In the case of Kadifekale, in terms of olfactory recognition, the public smell of baking on the street and the cooking aromas from houses create a sense of familiarity with the neighborhood and village life back in Mardin.
Q8. What is the importance of smell in the recognition of a neighborhood?
In addition to the importance of sight in the recognition of a neighborhood as a socially intimate space, another sense, smell, should also be considered further as an important factor in contributing to the intimacy of place for its inhabitants.
Q9. What is the main reason why people leave their keys with neighbors when they are away?
Respondents often stated that they leave the keys of their houses with neighbors when they are away so that the neighbors can take care of their houses and warn them of any emergencies.
Q10. What do the migrants love about their house?
What the authors love about their house the most is its location in the city and its proximity to the city center as well as to their relatives.
Q11. Why do children play on the streets?
Due to the sport field, children play on empty green spaces, car-parking areas or the liminal spaces between the apartment blocks in TOK_I Uzundere (Fig. 18).
Q12. What is the significance of the use of outdoor spaces in izmir?
In _Izmir, with its Mediterranean climate of warm winters, the year-round use of these outdoor spaces is apparent to an observer.
Q13. What is the main purpose of the study?
This study will focus on how, as a traditional neighborhood, Kadifekale reflects the socio-spatial qualities of communal living, particularly the role of ‘‘spatial practice’’ at aneighborhood scale through the use of public or semi-public spaces, such as streets, common open grounds, public buildings and gardens.
Q14. Why did Erman say that the house was so close to their neighbors?
As Erman (1997, p. 91, quoted in Akbulut & Bas lık, 2011, p. 4) asserts, ‘‘[t]his is so because of the way of life gecekondu housing provides, for example, close relationship with neighbors and spontaneous relationships with the outside’’.
Q15. What is the main argument of De Certeau?
He argues that, while ‘‘strategies pin their hopes on the resistance that the establishment of a place offers to the erosion of time; tactics on a clever utilization of time’’ (De Certeau, 1984, pp. 38–39).
Q16. Why did children seem reluctant to play in places isolated from their community?
Although some play areas have been created in TOK_I Uzundere, because of the stagnant street life, children seemed reluctant to play in places isolated from their community (Fig. 17).
Q17. What is the main reason for the lack of shops in Kadifekale?
the small gecekondu shops in Kadifekale seemed to be very attractive to the inhabitants and highly visible since the ground floors of many houses are used as shops.
Q18. What is the reason for the change of attitude?
This change of attitude can be explained by the fact that, in Kadifekale, places for celebrating such occasions (e.g. the tea garden located within the walls of Kadifekalecastle) were located at some distance from residential areas, and since every neighbor used to be invited to the celebrations anyway, noise was not considered a problem.
Q19. What is the pattern of use of the common areas in Kadifekale?
the designed play areas are underused, being likely to turn into ‘‘lost spaces’’.13 A similar pattern of use of the common areas is observed for women and elderly people (Fig. 19), with an old man taking his chair to sit in the middle of a car park while a group of women sit on the pavement to chat while doing lacework.