Children Playing and Lear ning:
Crafting Ceramics in Ancient Indor Khera
JAYA MENON AND SUPRIYA VARMA
introduction
Several years ago when we were writing chapters for ancient Indian
history school textbooks, a colleague asked if there was any archaeological evi-
dence on children that could be included in these chapters. We thought hard but
were unable to come up with any archaeological work that actively engaged with
children in ancient India. We wondered why there was no work and realized that
we ourselves had actually thought little about the issue until then. In the summer
of 2007, while we were excavating at the ancient site of Indor Khera, we started
finding miniature vessels and began to speculate as to who could have made
them. Several months later when we began a more detailed study of terracotta
finds, the attributes of these miniature vessels suggested to us that these could
have been made by children. In trying to substantiate this hypothesis we under-
took the exercise to see how children as ‘‘novice crafters’’ (taken from Baxter
2008) had been studied elsewhere.
It is only in the last decade that a considerable body of research has focused on
children through material culture. Interest in children has to an extent emerged a s
an o¤sh oot of studies on gender and archaeol ogy, the latter it self having received
attention only within the last two decades. Some of t he ways that children have
been made visible by archaeologists is through representation, bioarchaeological
data, and the identification of some miniature objects as toys. Among the several
themes that have been investigated are identifying stages of childhood, aspects of
health and nutrition, child raising practices, socialization into adult roles, lear ning,
children at work, and the meaning of childhood (Ardren 2006; Ardren and Hut-
son 2006; Baxter 2005, 2006, 2008; Kamp 2001a, 2001b, 2002, 2006; Kamp et al.
1999; Park 1998, 2006; Smith 2006).
1
Often, minia ture objects are associat ed with children as t oys, whic h may or
may not always be valid. Miniature objects can be used in other ways, such as
grave o¤erings, as ritual and votive artifacts, or as containers for u nguents and
Jaya Menon is an Associate Professor in the Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh, India. Supriya Varma is an Associate Professor at the Center for Historical Studies, School
of Social Sciences at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, India.
Asian Perspectives,Vol.49,No.1( 2011 by the University of Hawai‘i Press.
pigments ( Baxter 2005 : 47 –48; Park 1998, 2006). The term ‘‘miniature’’ itself has
been debated, with one definition being ‘‘a smaller version of another object dif-
ferentiated only by size and often the resulting lack o f a commensurate f unction
with the l arger object’’ (Baxt er 2005 : 47). However, another study discusses how
miniatureformscouldservethesamepurpose as full-sized objects (Park 2006). It
has also been reiterated that small objects that do not have larger size counterparts
should not be categorized as miniatures ( Baxter 2005). Yet , rather than limiting
the term miniature to smaller reproductions alone, we feel that it can be extended
to the smallest in a range of sizes even when they are not imitations of full-sized
ones. This could well be the case with a craft working area wherein we may find
vessels of di¤erent sizes that may represent learning stages within the ceramic craft
(Kamp 2001b).
Much of the work that has been initiated on gender and children has not
found resonance so far within South Asian archaeology, although some issues of
gender, particularly through representation in the form of Harappan terracotta
human figurines, have had nuanced readings (Clark 2003). Archaeologically,
infants and children are visible directly through burials. Raczek’s (2003) study of
burials in the context of the late Deccan Chalcolithic suggests that while the prac-
tice of infant burials continued throughout at Inamgaon from Malwa to Late
Jorwe (1600–700 b.c.), at other sites it was not the case. The persistence of infant
burialsatInamgaonhasbeensuggestedtoindicate the need of families to uphold
certain traditions in the face of considerable subsistence and societal changes.
However, at the other late Deccan Chalcolithic sites such as Chandoli, Daimabad,
Nevasa, Songaon, and Walki, burial practices for infants and children were prob-
ably followi ng those o f adults, wh ere either buri als were l ocated o¤si te or what
may instead have been practiced were exposure of bodies or cremation combined
with the immersion of ashes in the nearby river. More indirectly, the presence
of children has been visualized through toys. Practically every excavation report
of Neolithic, Chalcolithic, Bronze Age, and Iron Age sites i n the subcontinent
includes categories of artifacts that are invariably interpreted as children’s toys
such as marbles, ‘‘toycarts,’’ ‘‘hopscotches,’’
2
andsoforth.However,children
have rarely been considered active agents in the production of material culture.
There is little discussion about the way toys would have been used by children,
the spaces/places of children’s activities, a s well as how these would have im-
pacted the distribution patterns of artifacts in general.
In t he context of ch ildren, two particular aspects will be explored here based
on the evidence from the site of Indor Khera in the Upper Ganga Plains in India,
which is being currently excavated by the authors. This article, framed in three
parts, will deal with lear ning frameworks within craft production and the social
spaces specific to children’s activities and things. The first section will discuss
some of the archaeological work that has been done on children as lear ners in
craft. In the second section, we will sketch out the excavations in a particular
part of the mound of Indor Khera where deposits from between 200 b.c. and
a.d. 300 were exposed. The basis for this chronological frame will be referred to
as well as the evidence for houses and terracotta fi nds from this area. This in turn
has allowed us to elucidate children’s activities, spaces, and lear ning patter ns with-
in ceramic manufacture, which is dealt with i n the final section.
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children as novice crafters
One of the promising areas for studying children in arc haeology ha s been thro ugh
craft working. Largely, the discussion in this section will f ocus on the ceramic
craft; compared to other crafts, much more archaeological, ethnoarchaeological,
and ethnographic work has been done on ceramics. Moreover, this particular craft
is also directly relevant for our study. It is well recognized that craft knowledge
and traditions are transmitted from one generation to the next. This would be
thecasewithproductionsbothinworkshopsituations as well as that taking place
at the household level where craft techniques would be disseminated from m aster
crafters to apprentices. It is in both contexts that children as lear ners and novice
crafters become significant.
Largely, there are two major mechanisms of learning a craft. One comprises
the imparting of formal verbal instructions and demonstrations while the other
consists of observation and imitation (Kamp 2001b). Early stages of learn ing may
also start with auxiliary activities in the craft. When most ceramic production, for
example, takes pla ce within the house, one sees the involvement of the p otter’s
family, including women and young children, who help with the decoration of
unglazed ware and other tasks such as preparing clay, carrying, and shifting vessels
at various stages of the manufacturing process (Kamp 2002 : 28; Rye and Evans
1990 :168). Several ethnographic studies in South Asia focusing on ceramic pro-
duction at the household level concentrate on the male crafter with women and
children performing the subordinate but necessary tasks such as clay procurement
andpreparation,decoratingfinishedvessels,andsoforth.Often,whenmolding
of vessels is required, this is a task that is done by women ( Roux and Corbetta
1989 : 8). Similarly, the molding of ceramic figurines is a technology that would
have permitted crafters of various ages, including children, to participate in their
production (Lopiparo 2006 : 169). A specific case study on apprenticeship in ce-
ramic manufacture focusing on the stages by which small boys began to use the
wheel for making ceramics found that boys began lear ning between the ages of
eight and eleven, due to the physiological reason of being able to reach the center
of the wheel by then. However, they were actively helping in the craft even in
early childhood with clay preparation, beating operations, and moving t he pots
during the drying process (Roux and Corbetta 1989 : 10).
It has also been suggested that ‘‘craft lear ning may be sequential, starting
with easier forms then proceeding to more complex, may occu r in quite unstruc-
tured contexts, apparently viewed to some extent as play, and may start in the
guise of fun at a young age’’ (Kamp 2001b : 430). It is possible that children as
young as two to five years old could start the lear ning process (Kamp 2001a : 13).
While many of the aspects regarding lear ning processes may not be visible in ma-
terial culture, what in fact may be identifiable are artifacts made by beginners in
that particular craft. While the role of children in ceramic manufacturing, stone
tool knapping and weaving has been studied, relatively much more work has
been done in relation t o cera mics. W e have found the studies by K amp (2001a,
2001b) and Kamp et al. (1999) to be particularly useful in identifying novices
in ceramic manufacture at Indor Khera and which need to be discus sed in some
detail.
menon and varma
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children playing and learning 87
A reasonable assertion has been made that since novices may not have the req-
uisite conceptual knowledge or motor skills for ceramic production, this may
thenresultinimperfectproductsorunusualformsordecoration.Novicesmay
perhaps be unable to make l arge, regular, or evenly walled vessels. Lack of mas-
tery by beginners in the techniques of clay preparation and tempering, drying,
and firing may also show up in some of the end products. Several criteria have
been listed to illustrate the di¤erence in skills between novices and experts. Small
size of vessels, the pinch pot technique, asymmetry in vessel profiles, uneven
thickness o f vessel walls, rough finish, and small drying cracks may be associated
withnovices.Incontrast,largevessels,well-coiled or beaten vessels, symmetry of
vessel profiles, even wall thicknesses, smoothened and bur nished surfaces, and
lack of cracks suggest the work of experts (Kamp 2001b : 430 –431).
Similarly, the products of novices may di¤er in shape f rom those usually man-
ufactured. These may reflect the lack of inter nalization of cultural expectations or
incomplete ‘‘ conceptual mastery of style forms o r principles.’’ The products of
learners may show a lack of access to high-quality raw materials or the technolog-
ical inability to process the raw materials. It is also important to realize that while
children lear ning a craft would be beginners, not necessarily all novices are chil-
dren. Further, identifying the gender of beginners may be di‰cult in the archae-
ological record.
Theageofcraftersmaybeproblematicbutispossibletoassessarchaeologi-
cally. Kamp (2001b) has pointed out that certain errors may be age related, such
as inexpert workmanship, inadequate sealing of coils, and asymmetry of designs.
Another way by which the age of crafters can be assessed is from the fingerprints
left on ceramics and terracotta figurines. Kamp shows that with age, because the
surface area of the finger expands, this can be measured through ridge breadth
measurements, defined as ‘‘the width of a single ridge and valley pair.’’ Her study
involved an experimental work conducted on individuals of di¤erent ages to
investigate t he relationship between ridge breadth and age (Kamp 2001b;Kamp
et al. 1999). Several criteria were then used to ascertain the age of producers of
ceramics and terracotta figurines dated between a.d. 1100–1250 from the Sinagua
region of northern Arizona (Kamp 2001b : 434–447). The parameters of small
size, crudeness and lumpiness, inexpert workmanship as seen fr om lack of surface
smoothness, the presence of fingerprints and nail marks, asymmetrical profiles,
and l ack of proportion and missing limbs for animal figurines were used in the
case of figurines.
As far as ceramics are concer ned, size variation was used as one criterion to
distinguish t hree categories of full-size, small size, and miniature vessels. Other
criteria used were cracks, finishes, rim and wall thicknesses, as well as fingerprint
measurements. Full-sized vessels indica te the work of experts as listed above. In
contrast, miniatures suggest the work of novices, particularly when combined
with character istics of low-skilled work.Small-sizedvesselsshowedabitofboth
high-quality and low-quality workmanship. These may suggest a gradual process
of learning from miniature t o small to large vessels. Thus, figurines and miniature
vessels served as toys as well as steps to initiate children into technical processes of
working with clay, such as adding tempering materials, shapi ng vessels and figu-
rines, drying them, and firing. Adults may also have assisted with some of these
steps, particularly with firing.
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Most archaeologists agree with the criteria,suchassmallsize,andimperfect
forms and decorations, which have been used to identify the work of c hildren.
An interesting point raised by Smith (2006) is that deviations from the norm in
decorations need not necessarily imply a lack of conceptual mastery, but may in
fact reflect innovation on the part of children. Her argument is that children
as lear ners, when introducing innovations in decorative motifs, should not be
viewed as passive imitators, but as active participants in the lear ning process. In
her study of the prehistoric matrilineal Huron society in Canada, Smith (2006: 71)
suggested that while children would have lear ned from their mothers and grand-
mothers, they also influenced each other. Kamp (2001a : 27) has also made the
point t hat children can learn from other children.
Children as innovators can also be seen ethnographically in the craft of weav-
ing, as in the case of the Maya community in Honduras, from the 1970s to the
1990s. Often with larger societal changes, such as incorporation into a market
economy, shifts can take place in lear ning frameworks, from being highly super-
vised and focusing on replication to crafting more or less independently and
through trial and error. The shift was thus from conservatism in designs and tech-
niques to innovation (Baxter 2008 : 168 –169).
Other crafts where children have been identified as lear ners include lithic pro-
duction and weaving. The evidence of poor-quality worked flint pebbles found
alongside fine blade production suggests the presence of crafters of varying abili-
ties. Archaeological evidence for novice lithic crafters can be seen from the loca-
tions of craft where poorly worked lithics are found peripheral to the work of
master crafters and from the use of poor-quality raw materials. Often, the work
of inexpert knappers does not result in usable tools (Baxter 2008 : 168). Thus, the
products of beginners may be identified as those that show inexpert craftwork or
deficienciesinmanufacture,areoftensmallinsize,usesimpletechniquesand
poor-quality raw mater ials, show v ariability or a lack of standardization, and may
skip certain technological steps.
This discussion has shown the potential of searching for children in the context
of craft working. While much archaeological as well as experimental and ethno-
archaeological work has been done in South Asia, on techniques, locations of
craft, as well as the issue of specialization, this has mainly been done in the con-
text of Harappan craft. For other periods, much less work on craft is available and
what is st riking is t hat children themselves have so far remained invisible. In this
context, the excavations at Indor Khera have provided an opportunity to initiate
studiesonlocatingchildrenincraftwork.Inthefollowingsection,anoverview
of recent excavations at Indor Khera is given, so as to contextualize children as
learners in ceramic manufacture.
indor khera
The excavations undertaken at Indor Kherainthesummerof2007willbedis-
cussed in this section. Summary information on the site, its location, the chronol-
ogy, and the evidence in the form of structures and terracotta finds will be pre-
sented. However, a more detailed discussion can be seen in Varma and Menon
(n.d.). The discovery o f craft quarters at the northwester n edge of this settlement,
menon and varma
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children playing and learning 89
