Freedom Without Idealization: Non-Ideal Approaches to Freedom of Communication
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Citations
A Theory of Freedom.
Protecting Democracy from Disinformation: Normative Threats and Policy Responses:
Distributed Readiness Citizenship: A Realistic, Normative Concept for Citizens’ Public Connection
Expanding the Periphery and Threatening the Core: The Ascendant Libertarian Speech Tradition
References
Women and Human Development: The Capabilities Approach
The Idea of Justice
Creating Capabilities: The Human Development Approach
Related Papers (5)
Frequently Asked Questions (12)
Q2. What is the main argument for the critique of the conventional conceptions of freedom?
Drawing on thinkers like Cornelius Castoriadis and Michel Foucault, Kioupkiolis criticizes the conventional, modern conceptions of freedom for essentialism, tying freedom to unchanging universal laws and definite conditions of realization, and for failing to address the constrained nature of human agency.
Q3. What is the role of the capabilities approach in the realization of other basic capabilities?
Access to information and communicative resources can also be seen as having animportant, facilitative role in the realization of other basic capabilities (Gelber, 2012).
Q4. What would Honneth need to do to assess the value of freedom?
Through normative reconstruction, research would need to assess how actors justify and ground these values, and what limits and constraints they involve in current institutions and practices.
Q5. What is the common implication of the three approaches?
Their common implication, however, is that freedom of communication should not be understood as an absolute, foundational ideal, or a state of affairs that can be unambiguously achieved, but more as a matter of degree, subject to a range of empirical constraints and limits.
Q6. What is the implications of the capabilities approach for media and communication studies?
Although the implications of the approach have not been fully and systematicallydeveloped, its potential relevance for media and communication studies has beenobvious implication of the approach is that it rejects the formal, procedural focus of much free speech thinking, and instead focuses on the distribution of social resources that enable or constrain individuals’ communicative capabilities.
Q7. What is the prominent use of the capability approach?
one of the most prominent policy uses of the approach is in the development of comparative country rankings, such as the Human Development Index (HDI).
Q8. What is the need to compare different options within the feasible set?
Sen emphasizes the need to normatively compare different options within the feasible set, rather than a transcendental approach, which involves assessing those options in the light of an ideal theory generated under idealized assumptions.
Q9. What is the role of critical research in promoting freedom?
radical-democratic theorists like Mouffe (2000, pp. 33–34) have emphasized that, while concepts such as democracy and freedom are always indeterminate and open to a multitude of interpretations, it is the role of critical research itself to offer these interpretations, and thus provide a basis for real political alternatives.
Q10. What is the purpose of the capabilities approach?
The capabilities approach thus provides a useful framework for comparative work on how different media systems or policies promote people’s real communicative opportunities, or for studying communicative inequalities with regard to access or voice between individuals or groups within societies.
Q11. What does Honneth mean by “freedom is not an abstract, transcendental ideal?
Freedom is thus not seen as an abstract, transcendental ideal, but a practical achievement that can only befreedom” is therefore not only an individual right, but a social condition that involves mutual recognition and acting together so that “individuals’ intentions are ‘interlaced’ in a way that constitutes a form of cooperation” (Honneth, 2014, p. 125).
Q12. What is the main argument of Mouffe’s 2000 essay?
As Mouffe (2005, p. 51) argues, “without grasping the structure of the current hegemonic order and the type of power relations through which it is constituted, no real democratisation can ever get off the ground.