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Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1978"


Book
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The Dialectic of Enlightenment reveals the paradox of the late eighteenth-century concept of reason: instead of bringing emancipation as it promised, it turned out to be a new form of domination as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Dialectic of Enlightenment reveals the paradox of the late eighteenth-century concept of reason: instead of bringing emancipation as it promised, it turned out to be a new form of domination. Adorno, however, reveals more persistently the paradoxes of new philosophical and theoretical movements of the twentieth century which promise emancipation, ‘the dialectic of humanism’. Adorno and many other German writers of the inter-war period were attracted to an anti-humanist stance.1 They rejected the humanist legacy of historicism, philosophical anthropology, ‘realism’ in art, and epistemology, for these were seen as bankrupt, incapable of providing any analysis of a much-changed historical reality. Adorno held that these varieties of ‘anti-humanism’ were enslaving rather than liberating because they recreated the very evils which they sought to define and eschew. He thus recognised a ‘dialectic of humanism’ and showed how the ‘new’ philosophy, sociology, and literary theory relapsed into the assumptions which they deplored. He attributed this partly to the resurrection of the old ambition of philosophy to establish indubitable grounds for its own endeavour, and partly to the unrealistic attempt to make no concessions at all to the power of the old illusions and their social basis.

53 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Barabas, the Jew of Malta, had two children, Abigail and Karl Marx as mentioned in this paper, who wrote a violently anti-Semitic pamphlet denouncing the essence of his father's religion as huckstering, its basis self-interest, its jealous god money.
Abstract: A fantasy: Barabas, the Jew of Malta, had two children. The eldest, Abigail, sickened by the revelation that her father had murdered her Christian suitor, converted and entered a nunnery. The other child, a son, likewise apostatized; indeed he wrote a violently anti-Semitic pamphlet denouncing the essence of his father's religion as huckstering, its basis self-interest, itsjealous god money. The pamphlet concluded with a call for the emancipation of mankind from Judaism, but, curiously, the son did not convert to Christianity and try to assimilate. On the contrary, he insisted that his father's hated religion was simply the practical essence of Christianity, the thing itself stripped of its spiritual mystifications. The Christians who prided themselves on their superiority to Jews were themselves practicing Judaism in their daily lives, worshipping money, serving egoistic need, buying and selling men as commodities, as so many pounds of flesh. The son's name, of course, was Karl Marx. The purpose of this paper is to read Marlowe's The Jew of Malta in the light of Marx's "On the Jewish Question."' Fantasy aside, this is neither an obvious nor a particularly promising enterprise. There was no "Jewish Question" in Marlowe's England; there were scarcely any Jews.2 Civil society, the rights of man, the political state, the concept of

37 citations



Book
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: The Heritage of Medieval Judaism as discussed by the authors, 1720-1780: Glimmerings of a New Age 3. A Rift Opening, 1720 -1780 4. Era of Revolution 5. Emancipation and its Fruits: Western Europe, 1815-1870 6. Oppression, Expansion, and Reforms: The Jews of Eastern Europe,1815- 1881 7. Outposts 8. Age of Migration and Ideologies 9. From War to War, 1914-1939 10. Havens and National Home 11. Catastrophe,
Abstract: 1. The Heritage of Medieval Judaism 2. Glimmerings of a New Age 3. A Rift Opening, 1720-1780 4. Era of Revolution 5. Emancipation and its Fruits: Western Europe, 1815-1870 6. Oppression, Expansion, and Reforms: The Jews of Eastern Europe, 1815-1881 7. Outposts 8. Age of Migration and Ideologies 9. From War to War, 1914-1939 10. Havens and National Home 11. Catastrophe, Recovery, and Triumph 12. A New Jewish World, 1950-1980 Index

29 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The starting point of a radical sociology is not simply a humanistic faith or a utopian vision; the virtue of a sociology as a feature of the struggle for emancipation is that it sets as its goal the development of knowledge as a means of emancipation.
Abstract: A radical sociology takes as its goal human emancipation. By human eman­ cipation we mean a condition in which each person has the chance to participate consciously in the formulation and direction of the social orga­ nization affecting him or her-and thereby has the chance to maximize his or her potentialities. In a liberated society each person would be able to freely undertake a range of activities that would be self-expressing and fulfilling, while simultaneously contributing directly and intelligibly to the projects and plans that make social life possible. We therefore understand radical sociology to be a contemporary version of that long line of social thought that assumes the "infinite perfectibility" of humanity, that starts from the premise that "the root is man." But the starting point of a radical sociology is not simply a humanistic faith or a utopian vision; the virtue of a sociology as a feature of the struggle for emancipation is that it sets as its goal the development of knowledge as a means of emancipation. What kind of knowledge is emancipatory? Most fundamentally, it is knowledge that helps persons locate their experiences, discontents, and troubles as aspects of processes that are subject to human

20 citations




Book
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: In this article, the Awakening of Russian Interest in America and Russian Commercial Interests in the New World are discussed, as well as the initial response to political change in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires.
Abstract: Preface Transliteration Table Chapters 1 Introduction 2 The Awakening of Russian Interest in America 3 The Continental System and Russian Commercial Interests in the New World 4 The Russian Presence in America 5 Initial Responses to Political Change in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires 6 Colonial Pacification and the Dilemma of Intervention 7 The Final Years: Russian Responses to Colonial Emancipation Notes Bibliography Index

9 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: “What are the minimum requirements to be fulfilled before the authors can say that the road ahead of us is open?”
Abstract: “What are the minimum requirements to be fulfilled before we can say that the road ahead of us is open? There is only one, but it is everything. It is that we should be assured the space and the chance to fulfill ourselves, that is to say, to progress till we arrive (directly or indirectly, individually or collectively) at the utmost limits of ourselves.” (Teilhard de Chardin, 1959)

8 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the West Germany of the 1990s, the notion of "pluralism" was defined as the attempt to sum up all the forms of emancipation movements and their counterforces in the concept of group, thus equalizing them, and to line up the cleavage lines which developed at different times of modern history as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THERE IS NO OTHER WEST EUROPEAN DEMOCRACY AS HIGHLY SUSPECT throughout the world so far as the extent of its tolerance towards deviant marginal groups is concerned. This is one of the reasons why West Germany is a good case for testing certain propositions about the theory of pluralism in general. In political science terminology pluralism has mostly been used in the restricted way of a certain stage of public philosophy, i.e. in the sense of ‘interest group liberalism’ propagating and perpetuating the faith that a system built primarily upon group bargaining must be perfectly selfcorrective and must have confidence in the balancing impacts of ‘overlapping memberships’ and contervailing powers. The ‘bias of pluralism’ in political science2 included a restriction of the notion ‘pluralism’ to interest groups. It was the highly disputable attempt to sum up all the forms of emancipation movements and their counterforces in the concept of ‘group’, thus equalizing them, and to line up all the cleavage lines which developed at different times of modern history (movements for religious autonomy, nationalism, conflicts between cities and countryside, class struggles etc.) and which had some impact on the formation of party systems, to compete in one arena.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The early arguments (white initiated, but, in part, black endorsed) ran: slavery is not the best of conditions, and it is, indeed, trying to be considered a cipher in the eyes of both social convention and the law as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: From the outset of the Black experience in America there has existed a plethora of interpretations of what role blacks do have in the operation and values of the country, as well as of how blacks should respond to the country and its laws and institutions-and ambivalence has always prevailed. The early arguments (white initiated, but, in part, black endorsed) ran: slavery is not the best of conditions, and it is, indeed, trying to be considered a cipher in the eyes of both social convention and the law, but there is an opportunity to have a religious experience [read: Christian experience] which otherwise would be lacking in black lives. It never was a good argument, of course, and it broke down for most people, black and white, who could think at all by the turn of the nineteenth century. But later a more perplexing ambivalence emerged-made more perplexing by the fact that, following Emancipation, blacks did seem to have some options-oppression (social, political, economic, and legal) on one hand, as against the promise (and occasional actuality) of opportunity in all of those areas, on the other. Was open revolt still called for? If so, to what specific end? Or should America and her various corruptions simply be abandoned? If so, in favor of what new geographical location? Or was perpetual "in-house" agitation against injustice the most practical course of action? Obviously, given the relatively few revolts and the relatively few blacks who have abandoned America-historically, most black Americans have chosen this last option. It is probably equally accurate to say, however, that many of the best black minds have argued, with conviction and logic, the wisdom of the other positions. Two such thinkers and writers were Martin R. Delany, a physician and social theorist, and Sutton Griggs, a Baptist minister and race lecturer. What these men have in common is that they wrote the only two revolutionary novels written by black Americans in the nineteenth century, Delany's Blake; or, The Huts of America (published serially, intermittently, between 1859 and 1862), and Griggs's Imperium in Imperio (1899). The theories of black revolution in the novels, however, take substantially different directions. Delany, writing before the Emancipation Proclamation,


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1978
TL;DR: In this article, fashion, emancipation, reform, and the rational undergarment are discussed in the context of fashion, emancipation, reform and women's empowerment, respectively.
Abstract: (1978). Fashion, Emancipation, Reform, and the Rational Undergarment. Dress: Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 24-29.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the half-century from the Emancipation Act of 1829 to the Restoration of the Hierarchy in 1878, the Catholic Church in Scotland experienced changes more profound and more enduring than anything it had known since the unexpected triumph of the Calvinist faction in the sixteenth-century religious revolution.
Abstract: During the half-century from the Emancipation Act of 1829 to the Restoration of the Hierarchy in 1878, the Catholic Church in Scotland experienced changes more profound and more enduring than anything it had known since the unexpected triumph of the Calvinist faction in the sixteenth-century religious revolution. The emancipation legislation of 13 April 18291 had given to Scots Catholics, as well as to the Catholics of England, the security of a recognised place in the national life for their corporate existence, something which had been denied them for two and a half centuries and, in consequence, a new mood of optimism and expansion became apparent, which found expression in new churches, schools, religious orders, societies and institutions, a renewal of devotional and liturgical life and other manifestations of vitality. The large-scale development of the industrial belt which stretched across Scotland from the Clyde estuary to Angus, Fife and the Lothians, attracted men and women from the traditionally Catholic districts in the north-east, the north-west and the south-west of Scotland and, in vast numbers they came from across the Irish Sea. The geographical distribution and balance of Scottish Catholicism, which had remained largely unaltered for more than two centuries was now radically changed. The main centres of Catholic life in Scotland would



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It is often found surprising that Indian conservatism, as an organized political force, appears very weak, despite the country's ancient and well-rooted traditions as mentioned in this paper, despite the self-declared conservative, the Maharajah of Rewa, remarked: 'it must seem strange... that in a country whose ways of life are so dominated by custom and tradition as India, there should be no political party which calls itself conservative.' But nothing has come of his prediction that with emancipation from British tutelage 'a strong party of experienced and responsible politicians will emerge, which will call
Abstract: It is often found surprising that Indian conservatism, as an organized political force, appears very weak, despite the country's ancient and well-rooted traditions. For example, in the 1930s a self-declared conservative, the Maharajah of Rewa, remarked: 'it must seem strange ... that in a country whose ways of life are so dominated by custom and tradition as India, there should be no political party which calls itself conservative.' Nothing has come of his prediction that with emancipation from British tutelage 'a strong party of experienced and responsible politicians will emerge, which will call itself the Conservative Party.'" Well after independence two leading students of Indian affairs wrote that

Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: The employment of married women can be an important means of emancipation and can hence directly influence the changing social position of women within the family as discussed by the authors, and the woman's professional activity appears to be one of the main variables of differential fertility.
Abstract: The employment of married women can be an important means of emancipation and can hence directly influence the changing social position of women within the family. Moreover, the woman’s professional activity appears to be one of the main variables of differential fertility.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the author was able to discover through his investigation that about 80% of Nigerian women are still at the idealization period of their development in sports, and women's teams were coached by men who used the same training and the same programme as they did for men.
Abstract: The four periods: idealization, emancipation, socialization and participation seem to be applicable to the emancipation of women in the field of sports in various socie ties in the world. Although it could be said that through empirical and scientific research more and more women are now participating in sports, there are many women in developing countries who are yet to get their liberation to mix with their colleagues. The author was able to discover through his investigation that about 80% of Nigerian women are still at the idealization period of their development in sports. They are confined by culture to be gentle, shy, fragile and subordinate to the male sex. Sport is still considered the prerogative of the male.Besides, women's teams were coached by men who used the same training and the same programme as they did for men. The concept of unisex which has led men and women to wear long and short pants has sparked off ill feelings among the traditionalists and the elite. The attitude to dampen women'...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a review article on Jewish assimilation in European society in the nineteenth century, Dr Michael Marrus discussed two aspects of this historical development: the external pressures of the environment on Jews to acculturate by neglecting their own heritage and the desire of the Jews themselves to barter their identity for civil rights.
Abstract: In his review article on Jewish assimilation in European society in the nineteenth century, Dr Michael Marrus discussed two aspects of this historical development: the external pressures of the environment on Jews to acculturate by neglecting their own heritage and the desire of the Jews themselves to barter their identity for civil rights' Marrus described the negative attitudes that many of the European Jews developed toward Judaism in an attempt to accommodate themselves to the secular modem culture of their host country In response to Marrus's argument, I would like to emphasize the importance of the first cause in shaping the attitude of Jews toward integration By comparing the assimilation in eastern and central Europe with that in England and the United States, one can get a wider perspective on the impact of external pressures on the nature of assimilation Jewish concepts of modernity and acculturation were radical, as they were in Germany, Italy, and France, because of the pressure exerted on Jews to conform to their host societies But when cultural, linguistic, religious, and ethnic particularisms were recognized, as in the liberal English and American societies, Jews preferred to retain their Jewish loyalties This pattern can be seen very clearly in England, where the assimilation of Jews resembled the French and German model prior to the predominance of liberalism (in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries), but took a different course during the mid-nineteenth century, the period of emancipation and triumph for English liberalism During the Georgian period, the upper strata of Anglo-Jewry secularized while losing their Jewish identity The Jewish gentry was clean shaven, well dressed, English speaking (Yiddish was abandoned), and secular minded The well-to-do attended the opera and the theatre, gossiped and played cards in coffee houses of the City or took the water at Bath and visited the seashores at Brighton They spent their leisure time in lavish entertainments and grand dinner parties Some of them acquired estates in the country and adopted there the habits of the local gentry Anglo-Jewry in the Georgian period was in a rapid process of secularization at the expense of Jewish loyalties: Jews neglected Sabbath observance, rarely attended synagogues, and were lax in performing religious duties They lacked traditional education (there was not even a single yeshiva in existence during the eighteenth century), disregarded dietary laws, and rarely appealed to rabbinical author-



Dissertation
01 Dec 1978
TL;DR: The connection between the philosophies of Kant and Feuerbach and the ideology of contemporary bourgeois society is demonstrated in this paper, as is the organic, if antagonistic, unity between the alienated consciousness of Western Marxism and that of its bourgeois opponent.
Abstract: Ideology is interpreted broadly in this study as consciousness, where consciousness is the relation of knowledge to its object. This thesis investigates the connection between Hegel’s theory of consciousness and society and Marx’s political and social thought. It shows that many discoveries, previously considered to be those of Marx alone, like surplus-value and the transition from capitalism to communism, were first developed and employed by Hegel. The study also demonstrates that key concepts, which remain only implicit in Marx, such as social class, alienation, revolutionizing praotice, contradiction and dialectic are given full theoretical form only In the works of Hegel. It examines and shows the strong similarities between Hegel’s and Marx’s theory of religion, capitalism and the state, and stresses that their theory details not the conditions for the emancipation of a class, but rather the liberation and freedom of the social individual. The dissertation explores the writings of the young Marx and Feuerbach and shows that Western Marxism, to its theoretical detriment, owes much more to them than it does to Hegel and the mature Marx. The connection between the philosophies of Kant and Feuerbach and the ideology of contemporary bourgeois society is demonstrated, as is the organic, if antagonistic, unity between the alienated consciousness of Western Marxism and that of its bourgeois opponent. Contemporary Marxist theory is subjected to critical analysis within the framework of a comprehensive account of dialectic method and exposition. The thesis concludes that social thought and political action might be enriched and extended through a new synthesis of Marx with Hegel.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the wake of the decolonization, from time to time the world still faces the legal and political problems which result from the process of political emancipation of hitherto non-self-governing territories as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the wake of the “decade” of decolonization – roughly the fifties and early sixties of this century – from time to time the world still faces the legal and political problems which result from the process of political emancipation of hitherto non-self-governing territories.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In America there has always been a certain deference for education as discussed by the authors, which has often been coupled with distrust, but respect for education has, to some degree, cut across class, race, ethnicity, sex, and religion.
Abstract: If any one thing has represented the hope of Black America, it has been education. Frederick Douglass recalled in his autobiography that his master forbade his mistress to teach him reading because it would make him "unfit to be a slave."-1 It was illegal in most of the slave states to teach Blacks to read and write. As the Southern Literary Messenger pointed out in 1851, the prevention of literacy among Negroes was "a measure of police essential to the tranquility, nay to the existence of Southern society."2 Despite the vigilance of whites, a substantial number of slaves did learn to read and write.3 The desire for learning did not abate after emancipation; Booker T. Washington characterized Blacks at that time as a whole race trying to go to school." In America there has always been a certain deference for education. Granted, the deference has often been coupled with distrust, but respect for education has, to some degree, cut across class, race, ethnicity, sex, and religion. When the doctrine of white racial supremacy was officially removed from public policy, it was replaced with an unwritten doctrine of white educational and cultural supremacy. From Booker T. Washington to the present, Black leaders have urged the masses to "get an education." The Black struggle has