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Showing papers on "Expansionism published in 2014"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In contrast with a widespread perception of Russia as an expansionist power in the Arctic, the authors argues that Moscow does not seek military superiority in the region, and argues that the Russian military modernization programs are quite modest and aim at upgrading the Russian armed forces in the High North rather than providing them with additional offensive capabilities or provoking a regional arms race.
Abstract: In contrast with a widespread perception of Russia as an expansionist power in the Arctic, this article argues that Moscow does not seek military superiority in the region. Rather, Moscow's military strategies in the Arctic pursue three major goals: first, to demonstrate and ascertain Russia's sovereignty over its exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the region; second, to protect its economic interests in the High North; and third, to demonstrate that Russia retains its great power status and still has world-class military capabilities. The Russian military modernization programs are quite modest and aim at upgrading the Russian armed forces in the High North rather than providing them with additional offensive capabilities or provoking a regional arms race. The Russian ambitions in the Arctic may be high, but they are not necessarily implying the intentions and proper capabilities to confront other regional players by military means. On the contrary, Moscow opts for soft rather than hard pow...

36 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines how The Wealth of Nations (1776) was transformed into an amorphous text regarding the imperial question throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, and examines how Adam Smith had left behind an ambiguous legacy on the subject of empire: a legacy that left longterm effects upon subsequent British imperial debates.
Abstract: This article examines how The wealth of nations (1776) was transformed into an amorphous text regarding the imperial question throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Adam Smith had left behind an ambiguous legacy on the subject of empire: a legacy that left long-term effects upon subsequent British imperial debates. In his chapter on colonies, Smith had proposed both a scheme for the gradual devolution of the British empire and a theoretical scheme for imperial federation. In response to the growing global popularity of protectionism and imperial expansionism, the rapid development of new tools of globalization, and the frequent onset of economic downturns throughout the late Victorian and Edwardian eras, turn-of-the-century proponents of British imperial federation formed into a formidable opposition to England's prevailing free trade orthodoxy – Cobdenism – a free trade ideology which famously expanded upon the anti-imperial dimensions of The wealth of nations. Ironically, at the turn of the century many advocates for imperial federation also turned to Smith for their intellectual inspiration. Adam Smith thus became an advocate of empire, and his advocacy left an indelible intellectual mark upon the burgeoning British imperial crisis.

35 citations


BookDOI
15 Oct 2014
TL;DR: In this paper, the Specters of Recognition and the Prose of Counter-Sovereignty in the Court of the Conqueror are discussed, as well as a history of the U.S. Colonial Present.
Abstract: Introduction. Toward a Genealogy of the U.S. Colonial Present / Alyosha Goldstein 1 Part I. Histories in Contention 1. The Specters of Recognition / Joanne Barker 33 2. Colonizing Chaco Canyon: Mapping Antiquity in the Territorial Southwest / Berenika Byszewski 57 3. The Prose of Counter-Sovereignty / Manu Vimalassery 87 4. A Sorry State: Apology Politics and Legal Fictions in the Court of the Conqueror / J. Kehaulani Kauanui 110 Part II. Colonial Entanglements 5. Missionaries, Slaves, and Indians: Fragmented Colonial Exchanges in the Early American South / Barbara Krauthamer 137 6. American Empire, Hispanism, and the Nationalist Visions of Albizu, Recto, and Grau / Augusto Espiritu 157 7. Becoming Indo-Hispano: Reies Lopez Tijerina and the New Mexican Land Grant Movement / Lorena Oropeza 180 8. Seeking New Fields of Labor: Football and Colonial Political Economies in American Samoa / Fa'anofo Lisaclaire Uperesa 207 9. The Kepaniwai (Damming of the Water) Heritage Gardens: Alternative Futures beyond the Settler State / Dean Itsuji Saranillio 233 Part III. Politics of Transposition 10. Our Stories Are Maps Larger Than Can Be Held: Self-Determination and the Normative Force of Law at the Periphery of American Expansionism / Julian Aguon 265 11. Governmentality and Cartographies of Colonial Spaces: The "Progressive Military Map of Porto Rico," 1908-1914 / Lanny Thompson 289 12. "I'm Not Running on My Gender": The 2010 Navajo Nation Presidential Race, Gender, and the Politics of Tradition / Jennifer Nez Denetdale 316 13. Translation, American English, and the National Insecurities of Empire / Vicente L. Rafael 335 Bibliography 361 Contributors 399 Index

35 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors investigated the dynamics of the international organisation's "resettlement expansionism" within the UNHCR as well as its impact on policy-making and discussed potential implications of this research in regards to the evolution of the global refugee regime and, more conceptually, to the study of knowledge production and expertise in migration and refugee policy.
Abstract: Since the late 1990s, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has been a key actor in the resurgence of refugee resettlement in global debates on asylum and refugee policies. This article investigates the dynamics of the international organisation's ‘resettlement expansionism’ within the UNHCR as well as its impact on policy-making. Firstly, it analyses how the UNHCR has increased its expertise production and dissemination as well as its operational focus on resettlement. Secondly, it assesses the policy-making impact of the UNCR's ‘resettlement expansionism’ in two distinct contexts: the elaboration of the EU's new joint resettlement scheme and the recent increase of resettlement places by 40% in Australia, a traditional country of resettlement. Lastly, it discusses potential implications of this research in regards to the evolution of the global refugee regime and, more conceptually, to the study of knowledge production and expertise in migration and refugee policy.

28 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A re-evaluation of the notorious Statute of Kilkenny by placing it within a broader context of English state development in the fourteenth century is presented in this article.
Abstract: This article offers a re-evaluation of the notorious Statute of Kilkenny by placing it within a broader context of English state development in the fourteenth century. It argues that the Statute needs to be understood as part of a wider political and legislative programme shaped by military expansionism and the upheaval of the Black Death. Although racially motivated, at least in part, the Statute should not be seen as attempting to engineer a form of apartheid in Anglo-Ireland. Rather it was representative of a broader governing culture and compares closely with legislation enforced not only in the other Plantagenet dominions but also in England itself.

21 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The importance of commercial expansionism and cultural exchange in maritime Southeast Asia as both were foundational to Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British encounters with Islamic traders and regional ports of trade circa 1500-1700 is discussed in this paper.
Abstract: This paper addresses the importance of commercial expansionism and cultural exchange in maritime Southeast Asia as both were foundational to Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British encounters with Islamic traders and regional ports of trade circa 1500–1700. Portuguese conquest of the Islamic sultanate of Melaka in 1511 and their subsequent imposition of restrictions on Straits of Melaka transit set in motion the relocations of numbers of multiethnic Islamic, South Asian, Chinese, and Southeast Asian traders and seafarers to emerging regional Islamic and Buddhist ports of trade. Local conversions to Islam and alternative developments of networked Buddhist institutions paired with that era’s economic and political opportunities in support of functional regional polities (represented in case studies of Banten, Ayutthaya, and Banjarmasin), which negated initial European East India Company ambitions to dominate regional trade.

11 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines the reasons behind the Aquino administration's instantaneous support for the Obama administration's pivot to Asia as the Philippines negotiated and signed a framework agreement on enhanced defense cooperation with the United States.
Abstract: The article examines the reasons behind the Aquino administration’s instantaneous support for the Obama administration’s pivot to Asia as the Philippines negotiated and signed a framework agreement on enhanced defense cooperation with the United States. This outright backing stems from President Aquino’s determination to counter China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. The 2012 Scarborough Shoal stand-off between the Philippines and China has validated the immediacy of this security arrangement which jibes with the U.S. strategic policy. In conclusion, the article contends that a small power like the Philippines-when confronted by an emergent and potentially expansionist power-is not necessarily helpless since it has foreign policy choices, as well as the power to chart its own destiny.

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early 1840s, Teage's colony was poised to declare itself an independent republic, and he mockingly wished potential colonizers success in securing territory on the coast but warned them that eventually "we or some of our brethren will surely possess them" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In 1847, Hilary Teage, an African American settler in Liberia, published an editorial that commented on the encroachment of Europeans upon the western coast of Africa. Just as Teage's colony was poised to declare itself an independent republic, he mockingly wished potential colonizers success in securing territory on the coast but warned them that eventually "we or some of our brethren will surely possess them." He suggested that "sacrifice of money and life" would soon dissuade the Europeans from colonizing the continent and implied that his nation was the beginning of an Africa governed solely by people of African descent. Teage urged them to "yield the direction of affairs" and allow "the hands of intelligent colored men" to transform their colonies "from a European dependence into an African Government." Shortly after the article's publication in Liberia, the influential Daily National Intelligencer republished it in the United States and remarked that in the colony a "germ" of "future growth is planted" because Liberia's settlers "have imbibed the rudiments of civilization and Christianity; and they now go back to the country from which they came to infuse some touch of Caucasian energy into the torpid body of old Africa which may arouse her from the sleep of ages."1Hilary Teage's insistence on the inevitable proliferation of black-led governments in Africa re-appropriated the notion that nationhood should be aligned with racial identity, which had been endorsed by colonization supporters in United States who long rejected African Americans as citizens within a white republic. Despite the abstract parity between an emerging black nation-state in Africa and white nationhood in the United States, Teage's U.S. commentator was quick to identify "Caucasian energy," rather than black self-determination, at the root of Liberian success. For this reason, such appeals would be largely rejected by African American audiences in the United States who critiqued the manner in which an independent Liberia was attached to the symbols of U.S. nationhood and shaped by U.S. interests. Indeed, for many observers in the United States, Liberia reasserted the hierarchies of race by reproducing the features of the U.S. nationalism within a purportedly benevolent imperial context.Although Teage would have certainly dismissed the racial assumptions of the white editorialist, their basic agreement on the significance of Liberian nationhood reflected the fact that many black settlers and their supporters in the United States shared a similar vision for Africa that drew from the ideology of U.S. expansionism. In his article, Teage asserted a familiar model of settler colonialism that positioned Liberia against the empires of Europe by holding up the former colony as the embodiment of U.S. republican ideals and a seed of settler expansion in Africa. Over the course of the early nineteenth century, the United States had developed this idea into the ethos behind its own national expansion that rhetorically distanced itself from the methods of European empires while enhancing the nation's security against rivals within the Western Hemisphere and acquiring North American territory through the displacement of indigenous populations.2During the high tide of Manifest Destiny, colonizationists emphasized how Liberia could reflect a variation on the expansionist ethos of the era. While the historian Nicholas Guyatt has argued that the early proponents of "benevolent colonization" had long imagined that black colonists would "create their own versions of the United States beyond the borders of a white republic," his work has focused on the early colonization movement when this was merely one of many speculative claims marshaled on behalf of the fledgling colony. However, by the late 1840s both the expansionist mood of the era and Liberia's status as an established republic elevated the stakes of this argument, and in doing so suggested a new way of envisioning U. …

10 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The historical dynamic that forged the British territory's permanent de facto sovereign border with Spain during the third quarter of the nineteenth century has been explored in this paper, showing that the transformation of a loosely defined neutral zone into a clearly marked line had little to do with statecraft or expansionism, as typically assumed, but rather was a local response to a series of external challenges that increasingly militated for some agreement among local authorities on a precise demarcation.
Abstract: The Anglo-Spanish controversy over Gibraltar has generated a good deal of research in international law and diplomatic history, but little insight into the historical dynamic that forged the British territory's permanent de facto sovereign border with Spain during the third quarter of the nineteenth century. The transformation of a loosely defined neutral zone into a clearly marked line had little to do with statecraft or expansionism, as typically assumed, but rather was a local response to a series of external challenges that increasingly militated for some agreement among local authorities on a precise demarcation. These included broad administrative and fiscal reforms on the part of the British Empire and Spain's liberal governing coalition, the rise of revolutionary Republicanism in Spain, a dramatic uptick in human mobility and migration in the Mediterranean, and the third cholera pandemic.

8 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper analyzed broader sociocultural and political patterns that inflect migratory flows, and considered the significance of how migratory historiography bears upon social memory of Chinese female migrants.
Abstract: This paper broadens the analytical contours of Chinese migration by employing the paradigm of histoire croisee. By comparing three connected episodes within the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: (1) British expansionism; (2) Kuomintang activities and British migratory legislation; and (3) the interconnection of the slump in China's silk industry, the anti-marriage movement, and the intertwinement of historiographies of China and Singapore – the entangled histories approach offers analytic purchase for which Chinese migration can be scrutinised with attention paid to the interpellations of historical contingencies and economic relations. The paper therefore analyses broader sociocultural and political patterns that inflect migratory flows, and considers the significance of how migratory historiography bears upon social memory of Chinese female migrants.

7 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the links and synergies between the Ecole mondiale of King Leopold II of Belgium, the Plans du College of Pierre du Coubertin and the establishment of the Belgian Olympic Committee.
Abstract: In this article, we focus on the links and synergies between the Ecole mondiale of King Leopold II of Belgium, the Plans du College Leopold II of Pierre du Coubertin and the establishment of the Belgian Olympic Committee in 1906. A firm belief in the advantages of international cooperation undercut these three projects that were planned in Belgium. Always accompanying the internationalist discourse was the conviction that they should also strengthen Belgium's international position. Consequently, they focused strongly on physical education and sport, emphasising the great expansionist assets. All in all, however, the outcomes of the projects were less than expected. While the Belgian Olympic Committee had a difficult start, Coubertin's project only existed on paper, and the Ecole mondiale never rose above its foundations because of serious practical and political issues. Nonetheless, the expansionist discourse did facilitate the creation of the Higher Institute of Physical Education at the State Universit...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Wang et al. as discussed by the authors argue that Chinese artists are adopting diversified media forms and artistic/design characteristics as timeless fantasies within the context of crude economic expansionism, urban transformation and censorship politics.
Abstract: This article addresses the emerging world of modern subjectivities represented by the artwork of 12 renowned contemporary Chinese artists, including CAO Fei, SONG Tao, WANG Qingsong and ZHANG Dali, amongst others Following the January 2008 discussion by media activist Brian Holmes of the role of art in China's new economy, the author argues that Chinese artists are adopting diversified media forms and artistic/design characteristics as timeless fantasies within the context of crude economic expansionism, urban transformation and censorship politics Particularly in the light of China's opening-up policy following its accession to the World Trade Organization early this century, the author finds it meaningful to investigate how these artists take up or resist the lure of Western or other foreign art trends, and to examine how the new Asian economy is kindling artistic vibrancy and expressionism The engendered chaos and restlessness are taken by the author as a realisation of the Chinese glocalisation dream

Book
07 Oct 2014
TL;DR: Gagiano as discussed by the authors collects a range of discrepant engagements with literary texts as diverse as Hendrik's Khoisan Dwaalstories (retold by Eugene Marais, and originally published in 1921 in Huisgenoot), the eruptive postmodern ruminations of Dambudzo Marechera, the literary-archival projects of A.C. Jordan, and novels by Bessie Head, Wole Soyinka, Unity Dow, Damon Galgut, Mandla Langa, Mongane Serote and Nuruddin Farah.
Abstract: This collection of essays by one of South Africa’s most admired postcolonial critics collects a range of discrepant engagements with literary texts as diverse as Hendrik’s Khoisan Dwaalstories (retold by Eugene Marais, and originally published in 1921 in Huisgenoot), the eruptive postmodern ruminations of Dambudzo Marechera, the literary-archival projects of A.C. Jordan, and novels by Bessie Head, Wole Soyinka, Unity Dow, Damon Galgut, Mandla Langa, Mongane Serote and Nuruddin Farah. The essays – without exception – are persuasive, each combining a close reading of the intersection of text and context in order to demonstrate some of the ways in which African writers “lay claim to a shareable truth and sphere of experience and to a border-crossing aesthetic power” (x). The variety of engagements is united by this conviction, which is quite at odds with the precepts of postmodernism: that the range of writers discussed engage evils – apartheid, colonialism, but also the tendrils of violence snaking through their own communities – with a discursive dexterity that permits them to elaborate meaningful portraits of social complexities, and through which the social and political imaginary can be invigorated. In a world of academic modesty that often masks a diminishing faith in the power of literature, Gagiano continues to stand out as a strident defender of African expressive cultures as contending meaningfully with power and its history. In relation to the Dwaalstories, for instance, she suggests that her focus might ‘be a small contribution to the reconfiguration of the past (even, perhaps) the present of South African society’ (7). Few critics continue to be this unabashed in the claims they make for the potential impact of the literary and its interpretation. It is impossible to do justice to the thirteen essays comprising this volume. Let me trace the argument in three, which should give some sense of the critical and ideological project of the collection. In “Marecheran Postmodernism”, Gagiano, like many critics before her, takes Conrad’s Heart of Darkness as the “archetypical European modernist text” (28), which engages doubt at two levels: in relation to European epistemological supremacy and with respect to the legitimacy of European expansionism. She goes on to argue that even if we concede Conrad’s acknowledgement of these limits, we have to recognize – with Achebe – that he reiterates the Manichean representational economy on which colonial racism depends. The modernist novel, then, staging itself as critique, in fact reinforces the very discursive and hence political dynamics it would seem to oppose. An African postmodernist, like Marechera, Gagiano suggests, scrambles – in a performance of Rabelaisian excess – the very symbolic economy on which the modernist novel (with its inherent contradictions) depends. Marechera’s vitriolic play cuts across the ordering of the world through which a politics of subjugation is perpetuated, at the same time as it unravels the simplistic binaries intrinsic to nationalistic versions of African modernity. In order to apprehend the import of challenges such as Marechera’s, she concludes “African scholars need to work hard to focus more attention on the intellectual contributions of the continent, whereas Western scholars need to make more effort not only to make the acquaintance, but to pay sufficient attention to African authors in order to respect and understand their insights and their art” (41). In another essay, Gagiano identifies a particular feminist bravery in Unity Dow’s Screaming of the Innocent, a novel that investi-

DOI
09 Jul 2014
TL;DR: This article argued that democratic and republican forces did not use the minority problem as a direct tool for German expansionism in Eastern Europe, while acknowledging that certain revisionist objectives were indeed pursued by Weimar governments.
Abstract: The protection of minorities in Central Europe became a deeply controversial issue in the aftermath of World War One. The presence of a sizeable German minority in what had become Polish territory following the Versailles settlement played into the hands of political extremists on both sides when the German anti-Weimar right and Polish nationalists saw an opportunity to use the minority issue as a tool for revisionism. Whilst acknowledging that certain revisionist objectives were indeed pursued by Weimar governments, this article argues that democratic and republican forces did not use the minority problem as a direct tool for German expansionism in Eastern Europe.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: In contrast with Western perceptions of Russia as an expansionist power in the Arctic, the authors argues that Russia does not seek military superiority in the region and that the Russian military modernization programs are quite modest and aim to upgrade the Russian armed forces in the High North.
Abstract: In contrast with Western perceptions of Russia as an expansionist power in the Arctic, this chapter argues that Moscow does not seek military superiority in the region. Moscow’s military strategies in the Arctic pursue three major goals: first, to ascertain Russia’s sovereignty over its exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the region; second, to protect its economic interests in the North; and third, to demonstrate that Russia retains its great power status and still has world-class military capabilities. The Russian military modernization programs are quite modest and aim to upgrade the Russian armed forces in the High North rather than providing them with additional offensive capabilities or provoking a regional arms race. Moscow favors soft rather than hard power strategy in the Arctic.

Journal Article
TL;DR: The United States and Pakistan established diplomatic relations in 1947 and the US agreement to provide economic and military assistance to Pakistan and the latter's partnership in the CENTO and SETO strengthened relations between the two nations as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The United States and Pakistan established diplomatic relations in 1947 the US agreement to provide economic and military assistance to Pakistan and the latter's partnership in the CENTO and SETO strengthened relations between the two nations. However, that US suspension of military assistance during the 1965, 1971, 1975, generated a white spread feeling in Pakistan that the United States was not a reliable ally. The soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 highlighted the common interest of Pakistan and the United States in peace and stability in South Asia. The purpose of this paper is to analyze Pakistan US relationship in historical perspective, highlighting lesson that Pakistan should learn from its past's experiences with the US and recommended a viable strategy for the future.Key Words Cento, Seto, Taliban, War on TerrorIntroductionThe United States' and Pakistan established diplomatic relations in 1947 The U.S. agreement to provide economic and military assistance to Pakistan and the latter's partnership in the Baghdad Pact/CENTO and SEATO strengthened relations between the two nations. However, the U.S. suspension of military assistance during the 1965 lndo- Pakistan war generated a widespread feeling in Pakistan that the United States was not a reliable ally. Even though the United States suspended military assistance to both countries involved in the conflict, the suspension of aid affected Pakistan much more severely. Amongst the masses, the U.S. lost all credibility in the wake of 1971 war and the, ers1 Wag_ tragic bifurcation of Pakistan."On October 1, 1990, however, the United States suspended all military assistance and new economic aid to Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment which required that the President certify annually that Pakistan 'does not possess a nuclear explosive device.'The decision by India to conduct nuclear tests in May 1998 and Pakistan's matching response set back U.S. relations in the region, which had seen renewed U.S. Government interest during the second Clinton Administration. A presidential visit scheduled for the first quarter of 1998 was postponed and under the Glenn Amendment, sanctions restricted the provision of credits, military sales, economic assistance, and loans to the government" (books.google.com.pk/books?isbn=0739711946).The United States has stepped up its economic assistance to Pakistan, providing debt relief and support for a major effort at education reform. However, the mistrust seems to persist on both sides and this marriage of convenience is not professed by many to outlast our previous courtships.PART - IPak-US. Relationship in historical PerspectiveThe Initial Years (1947-1952)After the creation of the two dominions of the British raj in 1947, "Pakistan needed financial support for its infrastructure development and modernization of its armed forces it is not known as to when the government of Pakistan decided to ask for military aid from the United States; Field Marshal Ayub Khan was definitely their living along these lives in August 1951" (Muqeem, 1963). As a US ally in the region, Pakistan could provide a foot hold for the US in the region against any Soviet expansionist efforts in South Asia."From the US perspective, the United States was more occupied in the post war reconstruction in Western Europe and Japan, its containment efforts in South East Asia and the Middle East. The United States in the initial years of Pakistan was less interested in getting involved in the emerging conflicts of South Asia" (Mahmud, 1991)The Evolving Period & Ayub's Era (1952-1969)Regional Defence Organizations"The United States regards as vital to the national interest and world peace the preservation of the independence and integrity on the nations of the Middle East. To this end, if the President determines the necessity thereof, the United States is prepared to use armed forces to assist any such nation or group of nations requesting assistance against armed aggression from any country controlled by International Communism" (White House Press Release,5 January1957, Text also in United States Department of State Bulletin, 1957) . …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper followed the transpacific process of race-making and urban redevelopment in the Japanese Cultural and Trade Center in San Francisco and found that Japanese Americans carved out spaces for themselves in the Center's development by mediating between city representatives and Japanese interests and culture.
Abstract: This article follows the transpacific process of race-making and urban redevelopment in the Japanese Cultural and Trade Center in San Francisco. Japanese Americans carved out spaces for themselves in the Center’s development by mediating between city representatives and Japanese interests and culture. Their role built on their professional skills as well as contemporary racial thinking about Japanese Americans and U.S. expansionism in the Pacific. As the United States sought out connections with a nation understood as particularly alien, Japanese Americans rearticulated contemporary perceptions of their foreignness toward their inclusion. This story helps us better understand how Japanese Americans moved from “alien citizens” through World War II to “success stories” just decades later, as well as some of the connections of the postwar Pacific world.

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this article, Suny argues that the search for an identity commensurate with the country's history as a great power makes for an unpredictable foreign policy motivated by enduring notions of territorial entitlement.
Abstract: INTRODUCTIONVladimir Putin's presidency has coincided with a shift in perception towards Russia's international role. Enthused with fresh confidence driven by rising energy prices, the leadership is routinely accused of conducting a neo-imperialist policy in its backyard and attempting to reconstitute the Soviet Union on informal terms. Contemporary Russia is seen as the authoritarian former superpower bent on regaining its rightful status on the world stage, and its actions in the region often presented in international media and academic literature in ways that reflect this view. A recidivist expansionism narrative appears to have emerged as the orthodoxy in analyses of post-Soviet Russia.1Russia is seen as having several tools at its disposal in projecting this agenda on the international stage. Some focus on its status as the region's primary energy supplier, citing its use of the "gas weapon" as a means of blackmailing former dependencies and maximising the economic benefits of possessing resources upon which most cannot help but rely (see Balmaceda 2013; Orban 2008; Goldman 2008a). Neorealist approaches have identified a positive correlation between rising energy prices and Russian foreign policy belligerency, drawing direct parallels between the 2008 intervention in Georgia and the eight years of impressive economic growth that preceded it. Such accounts also point to the enduring salience of military power in Russia's foreign policy, seeing the 2008 invasion as testament to the country's will and readiness to use any means it deems necessary to maintain regional hegemony (see Mankoff 2011; Szrom and Brugato 2008). Recently, a growing body of literature has emphasised Russia's use of soft power as a new tool for covertly spreading influence abroad, pointing to programmes aimed at diffusing Russian culture and language throughout the post-Soviet space and appealing to the large Russian diaspora spread throughout the region (Hill 2004; Myers 2004). Whether placing the focus on Russia's projection of regional dominance through soft power means or military and economic manoeuvres, such accounts see these foreign policy vectors not as instruments for ensuring stability but for the coercive spread of influence across post-Soviet space. While acknowledging history's role in shaping mindsets, the assumption of pathdependence from which such analyses proceed assumes a black-and-white notion of national interest while ignoring ongoing internal processes of identity-formation which preclude a collective sense of purpose from emerging.2Nevertheless, the elusive "post-Soviet identity" remains a major theme in scholarly literature on modern Russia. Such identity-based, Constructivist approaches often centre on Russia's attempts to regain its status as a great power on the world stage while failing to account for periods of cooperation with the international community and the basic economic priorities that drive them (see Laenen 2012; Thorun 2009). In the context of Russia's regional policy, Suny (2007) argues that the search for an identity commensurate with the country's history as a great power makes for an unpredictable foreign policy motivated by enduring notions of territorial entitlement. Determined to regain influence, Russia is likely to remain a regional presence for "simple geopolitical reasons," he concludes (Suny 2007:66). The search for identity is thus divorced from the domestic arena upon which it plays out. Correspondingly, both the Neorealist or recidivist expansionism narrative on the one hand, and the Constructivist, great power identity school on the other interpret Russia's global reassertion campaign as an end in itself, a goal placed over and above competing and more tangible domestic and international concerns. As a result, the former narrative internationalises the economic dimension as a tool for expansionism and coercion, overlooking its role in shaping domestic politics and incentivising inter-state cooperation; the latter, conversely, treats Russia's search for identity as a framework for aggressive conduct abroad rather than a hindrance to achieving the level of foreign policy cohesion required for its execution. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 2014, Russia invaded Crimea, and two weeks later it annexed the region, and it is up to the international community to deliver a decisive, punitive response that seeks to limit Russian influence in Europe and the rest of the world over time.
Abstract: In February 2014, Russia invaded Crimea, Ukraine. Two weeks later it annexed the region. This gross violation of international laws and agreements cannot be tolerated—and it is up to the international community to deliver a decisive, punitive response that seeks to limit Russian influence in Europe and the rest of the world over time. In order to counter Russian expansionism, US and European leaders must work to bolster the democracies of the Eastern Partnership states, develop a safe and secure energy supply for European countries, strengthen the defences of the front-line NATO states of Central and Eastern Europe, and re-evaluate the exchange of goods between Europe and Russia. In addition, international support for the new Ukrainian government will be essential in the coming years. Failure to deliver an appropriate response will have grave consequences for the future world order.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A critical evaluation suggests that unless the church carefully reviews its strategy, it risks abandoning NT mission for structural growth and expansionism which could have negative impact on the mission it sets out to promote as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The New Testament Church was born for mission and by it the gospel has reached different parts of the world today. Through the activities of the CMS, the gospel reached the shores of Nigeria and the Anglican Church of Nigeria was subsequently born. The Church in Nigeria has also employed various methods in furthering the mission of the Church. However, a critical evaluation suggests that unless the church carefully reviews its strategy, it risks abandoning NT mission for structural growth and expansionism which could have negative impact on the mission it sets out to promote. As well as reflect on biblical missions we shall reflect on the development of mission work in Nigeria with appropriate references to available materials while some will also include first- hand knowledge and information with no written document.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The International Brigades as discussed by the authors were the volunteers from around the world who came to the defence of the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939, and their creation, composition, and role in the war itself have all been hotly debated, with critics arguing that they were primarily a 'Comintern Army', a tool of Soviet expansionism, in which any form of dissent was ruthlessly eliminated.
Abstract: Ever since the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939, myths and misconceptions have surrounded the International Brigades, the volunteers from around the world who came to the defence of the Spanish Republic. Their creation, composition, and role in the war itself have all been hotly debated, with critics arguing that the International Brigades were primarily a ‘Comintern Army’, a tool of Soviet expansionism, in which any form of dissent was ruthlessly eliminated. Therefore, the discipline problems and consequent heavy-handed responses from the I.B. leadership are often seen as politically rather than militarily driven, despite the manifestly demoralizing nature of the war. Yet while a small number of volunteers were undoubtedly brutally treated, there was a much greater tolerance in the Brigades—certainly within the English-speaking battalions—than has often been suggested.


BookDOI
14 Jan 2014
TL;DR: The authors surveys the history of U.S. territorial expansion from the end of the American Revolution until 1860 and explores the concept of "manifest destiny" and asks why, if expansion was'manifest', there was such opposition to almost every expansionist incident.
Abstract: This new Seminar Study surveys the history of U.S. territorial expansion from the end of the American Revolution until 1860. The book explores the concept of 'manifest destiny' and asks why, if expansion was 'manifest', there was such opposition to almost every expansionist incident. Paying attention to key themes often overlooked - Indian removal and the US government land sales policy, the book looks at both 'foreign' expansion such as the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, and the war with Mexico in the 1840s and 'internal' expansion as American settlers moved west .Finally, the book addresses the most recent historiographical trends in the subject and asks how Americans have dealt with the expansionist legacy.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A growing body of scholarship has addressed the social question and European expansionism in the work of the German philosopher of history as mentioned in this paper, and they have focused on his philosophy of history, discussing its Eurocentrism or racist distortions.
Abstract: A growing body of scholarship has addressed Hegel's analysis of the social question and of European expansionism. An equally significant literature has focused on his philosophy of history, discussing its Eurocentrism or even his racist distortions. Study of the link between Hegel's political economy and his philosophy of history reveals the centrality of labor and of historical evolution in his work. This permitted Hegel to overcome, in part, the naturalizing approach of the classical economists and to identify some contradictions of the system. As he also ended up by naturalizing it, however, Hegel promoted European expansionism on the basis of a Eurocentric vision that clashes with the universalist perspective of the Philosophy of Right.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: In this article, the authors synthesize the main features of Hungarian expansionist projects in 1914-1918 and emphasize the importance of war-time separatist scenarios, intending to ensure the territorial integrity of Hungary.
Abstract: The question of WWI aims of the Kingdom of Hungary, constituting a distinct State within the Habsburg Monarchy, remains almost unexplored. This paper tries to reduce this gap. First, it synthesizes the main features of Hungarian expansionist projects in 1914–1918. Second, it emphasizes the importance of war-time separatist scenarios, intending to ensure the territorial integrity of Hungary. This way, the Hungarian strategic thought during the war appears to have constantly balanced between perspectives of territorial enlargement (in case of a victory of Central Powers) and independence (in case of the Entente’s success). Both alternatives had a common goal – to maximally secure the political freedom and territories of Hungary. The paper is based on the analysis and synthesis of available sources in Hungarian, Slovak, English, French and Russian (relevant historiography, published and archives documentation and memoirs).

Book
31 Mar 2014
TL;DR: In Transit as mentioned in this paper examines the creation of an East Asian cultural sphere by the Japanese imperial project in the first half of the twentieth century and explores an area of colonial experience that straddles the public and the private, the national and the personal, thereby revealing a new aspect of the colonial condition and its postcolonial implications.
Abstract: This work examines the creation of an East Asian cultural sphere by the Japanese imperial project in the first half of the twentieth century. It seeks to re-read the "Greater East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere" not as a mere political and ideological concept but as the potential site of a vibrant and productive space that accommodated transcultural interaction and transformation. By reorienting the focus of (post)colonial studies from the macro-narrative of political economy, military institutions, and socio-political dynamics, it uncovers a cultural and personal understanding of life within the Japanese imperial enterprise. To engage with empire on a personal level, one must ask: What made ordinary citizens participate in the colonial enterprise? What was the lure of empire? How did individuals not directly invested in the enterprise become engaged with the idea? Explanations offered heretofore emphasize the potency of the institutional or ideological apparatus. Faye Yuan Kleeman asserts, however, that desire and pleasure may be better barometers for measuring popular sentiment in the empire--what Raymond Williams refers to as the "structure of feeling" that accompanied modern Japan's expansionism. The negative impact of Japanese imperialism on both nations and societies has been amply demonstrated and cannot be denied, but In Transit focuses on the opportunities and unique experiences it afforded a number of extraordinary individuals to provide a fuller picture of Japanese colonial culture. By observing the empire-- from Tokyo to remote Mongolia and colonial Taiwan, it explores an area of colonial experience that straddles the public and the private, the national and the personal, thereby revealing a new aspect of the colonial condition and its postcolonial implications.

01 Jan 2014
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined four cases of the U.S.-Soviet/Russian conflict on the Bering Sea, Norwegian-Russian dispute on Barents Sea, Svalbard issue and the Russian claim on the extension of its continental shelf in the Arctic Ocean.
Abstract: The territorial disputes in the High North are seen by Russian strategists as a significant threat to the country’s security. Some of these conflicts were successfully settled down while others are still waiting for their resolution. This study examines four cases – the U.S.-Soviet/Russian dispute on the Bering Sea, Norwegian-Russian dispute on the Barents Sea, Svalbard issue and the Russian claim on the extension of its continental shelf in the Arctic Ocean. The paper argues that currently Russia’s Arctic strategy represents a mixture of the expansionist/revisionist and soft power policies. On the one hand, Moscow is quite assertive as regards its claims on the Arctic continental shelf as well as demonstration of its sovereignty over the Russian part of the Arctic and military presence in the region. On the other hand, the Kremlin underlines that all territorial disputes should be resolved peacefully – through negotiations and on the basis of international law and institutions

Posted Content
TL;DR: The authors argue that the EU's development as a constitutionalized transnational administration has proceeded side by side with an expansionist vision of the EU constitutional order, and that the new world order, in which individual legal regimes are presumed to be following the EU on the path toward constitutionalization, may move in the direction of inter-regime constitutional conflict.
Abstract: One aspect of the EU experience especially has caught the eyes of scholars of global governance: the way in which its nation states interact with each other reveals a solution to potential constitutional conflicts within postnational inter-regime relations. This paper provides critical reflections on this optimistic projection of the EU experience onto the world order. I argue that the EU’s development as a constitutionalized transnational administration has proceeded side by side with an expansionist vision of the EU constitutional order. In view of this tendency toward a constitutional expansionism accompanying the EU’s constitutionalization, the new world order, in which individual legal regimes are presumed to be following the EU on the path toward constitutionalization, may move in the direction of inter-regime constitutional conflict. In conceiving inter-regime relations in the postnational world, we need to take account of the disparity in the extent of constitutionalization between individual constitutional orders.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors review the sense of place and border in nineteenth century narratives of American expansionism and trace back the historical imprints of today's American notion of frontier with reference to John O’Sullivan's essay "The Great Nation of Futurity" (1839), Frederick Jackson Turner's thesis "Significance of the Frontier" and Washington Irving's travel writing, A Tour on the Prairies (1835), Walt Whitman's poem “A Passage to India” (1871); autobiography of William Apes, A Son of the Forest (1829), the paintings
Abstract: Since its discovery, the New World has had a lasting impact on Western mind. While the geographical explorations of fifteenth century were progressing as an outcome of economic and political competition in Western Europe, transatlantic voyages transformed the feudal darkness of the Middle Ages and the concept of borderline. Beginning with the thirteen colonies in the Eastern sea board of North America, the Anglo Saxon dominance started its course of expansionism with the foundation of the United States of America. In this era, frontiersmen’s diaries, pamphlets, works of literature, political articles and various other cultural products of folk and high art were highlighting American patriotism, which gained momentum within Westward expansion. This study aims to review the sense of place and border in nineteenth century narratives of American expansionism and trace back the historical imprints of today’s American notion of frontier with reference to John O’Sullivan’s essay “The Great Nation of Futurity” (1839), Frederick Jackson Turner’s thesis “Significance of the Frontier” (1893), Washington Irving’s travel writing, A Tour on the Prairies (1835), Walt Whitman’s poem “A Passage to India” (1871); autobiography of William Apes, A Son of the Forest (1829), the paintings of Emmanuel Gottlieb Leutze’s Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way (1861) and Albert Bierstadt’s Valley of Yosemite (1865).