Showing papers on "Frame analysis published in 2004"
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TL;DR: The authors argue that framing research needs to be linked to the political and social questions regarding power central to the media hegemony thesis, and illustrate this focus by exploring how framing research can contribute to an understanding of the interaction between social movements and the news media.
Abstract: This article provides a critique of recent developments in research examining media frames and their influence. We contend that a number of trends in framing research have neglected the relationship between media frames and broader issues of political and social power. This neglect is a product of a number of factors, including conceptual problems in the definition of frames, the inattention to frames sponsorship, the failure to examine framing contests within wider political and social contexts, and the reduction of framing to a form of media effects. We conclude that framing research needs to be linked to the political and social questions regarding power central to the media hegemony thesis, and illustrate this focus by exploring how framing research can contribute to an understanding of the interaction between social movements and the news media. Examinations of the production, character, and influence of news stories represent an enduring focus of media scholarship. A variety of approaches, including gatekeeping, agenda setting, organizational studies of news work, and analyses of news bias, have explored either the gathering of news or journalism’s political role. In recent decades, a rapidly expanding research literature on news frames has sought to provide a comprehensive perspective on the production, reception, and influence of news texts. This article provides a critique of recent developments in research examining media frames and their influence. We contend that a number of trends in framing research have neglected the relationship between media frames and broader issues of political and social power. This neglect is a product of conceptual problems in the definition of frames, the inattention to frame sponsorship, the failure to examine framing contests within wider political and social contexts, and the reduction of framing to a form of media effects. In keeping with early sociological research on framing (Gitlin, 1980; Tuchman, 1978), we suggest that framing processes need to be examined within the contexts of the distribution of political and social power. We, therefore, call for the integration of framing research with the
682 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that Michel Foucault's "archaeology" and Erving Goffman's interpersonal sociology are complementary for understanding how classifications of people interact with the people classified, and hence for the author's studies of making up people.
Abstract: Michel Foucault's ‘archaeology’ and Erving Goffman's interpersonal sociology are complementary. Both are essential for understanding how classifications of people interact with the people classified, and hence for the author's studies of ‘making up people’. The paper begins by explaining how that project is rooted in an ‘existentialist’ conception of the person. It then uses Goffman's Asylums and Foucault's Folie et deraison - both published in 1961 - to illustrate how these methodologies reinforce each other.
395 citations
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: This methodology attempts in a first step to draw on existing knowledge on metanarratives to avoid a purely inductive identification of frames and allows for a degree of routinization and systematization in frame analysis, whose quality has notoriously depended on the creativity of the framing researchers.
Abstract: Even though frame analysis has become a popular analytical framework in media studies and social movement research, the methodological underpinnings of the empirical identification of frames lack systematization and have consequently remained underdeveloped. This paper consolidates recent advances in the empirical measurement of frames and explores, in how far computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software (CAQDAS) can extend on these methodologies. Because framing has become a fairly widely used but ill-defined concept, the paper will start with a brief delineation of framing theory as it is understood for present purposes. Next, current attempts to measure frames empirically in a systematic fashion will be discussed and a methodology, which synthesizes some of these approaches will be proposed. This methodology attempts in a first step to draw on existing knowledge on metanarratives to avoid a purely inductive identification of frames. Additionally, automatic word mapping tools such as Leximancer, Sphinx Survey Lexica are suggested as interpretative aids. In a second step, the analyst identifies a set of keywords, key phrases, and possibly audial or visual symbols that indicate frames in his data. These indicators are then used in a third step to semiautomatically identify frames in the remainder of the data. Keywords that might acquire different meanings in different contexts are inspected in their contexts by the analyst, who decide on their coding. This method avoids both the rigidities that come with fully automatic keyword clustering, which may lead to the inclusion non-interpretable keywords as well as the exclusion of so-called stop words such as prepositions and articles, which under certain circumstances might indeed be the strongest indicators for certain frames. At the same time it allows for a degree of routinization and systematization in frame analysis, whose quality has notoriously depended on the creativity of the framing researchers. Five CAQDAS – ATLAS.ti, Kwalitan, MAXqda, NVivo, and Qualrus – are examined with respect to their usability in this type of framing research.
32 citations
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TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose that maternal framing, aimed at mothers as well as a broader national and international audience, benefits militaries in at least three ways: (1) channeling maternal grievances, (2) disseminating propaganda through “apolitical” mothers, and (3) evoking emotions and sympathy nationally and internationally.
Abstract: Studies document that in wartime, states often employ maternal imagery and mobilize women as mothers.Yet we know relatively little about when and why states and their opposition do so. This study seeks to build theory for this phenomenon through frame analysis of the Nicaraguan Contra War. The author proposes that maternal framing, aimed at mothers as well as a broader national and international audience, benefits militaries in at least three ways: (1) channeling maternal grievances, (2) disseminating propaganda through “apolitical” mothers, and (3) evoking emotions and sympathy nationally and internationally. This study furthermore explores three underexamined features of both gendered studies of war and frame analysis: (1) It applies frame theory to states, (2) it develops our understanding of crossnational gendered framing strategies, and (3) it introduces gender framing to the study of war.
31 citations
01 Oct 2004
TL;DR: Frame analysis is used to show why virtual environments are not usually considered to be part of reality, although the virtual spaces of phone interaction are considered real, and yields practical suggestions for extending presence within virtual environments.
Abstract: This paper defines presence in terms of frames and involvement [1]. The value of this analysis of presence is demonstrated by applying it to several issues that have been raised about presence: residual awareness of nonmediation, imaginary presence, presence as categorical or continuum, and presence breaks. The paper goes on to explore the relationship between presence and reality. Goffman introduced frames to try to answer the question, “Under what circumstances do we think things real?” Under frame analysis there are three different conditions under which things are considered unreal, these are explained and related to the experience of presence. Frame analysis is used to show why virtual environments are not usually considered to be part of reality, although the virtual spaces of phone interaction are considered real. The analysis also yields practical suggestions for extending presence within virtual environments.
25 citations
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01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: This paper performed a discourse analysis of Pauline Hanson's One Nation (PHON) manifesto and found that Hanson's political style is of the populist type that is increasingly prevalent in Western politics.
Abstract: This thesis offers a sociological explanation for the electoral appeal of Pauline
Hanson's One Nation (PHON) by performing a discourse analysis of the parties
manifesto. This manifesto is comprised of the public speeches, parliamentary
speeches and media releases of PHON delivered during the period of Hanson's term
in the Australian Federal Parliament 1996-1998. The analysis is a synthesis of
methodological approaches originated by Theodor Adorn and Erving Goffrnan.
These approaches are rhetorical analysis and frame analysis. The combination of these
approaches augmented by the simultaneous identification of key thematic domains
allows the discourse analysis to be linked to issues canvassed by the Australian
Election Study 1998 (AES 1998).
It is proposed in the thesis that Hanson's political style is of the populist type that is
demonstrated to be increasingly prevalent in Western politics. It is the paucity of
sociological explanation that focuses on the manifestos of contemporary populist
politics in order to understand the mechanism of appeal of such political movements
that warrants this in-depth analysis of an Australian example of the phenomena. Firstly, the work of Adorno is revisited by considering the historical climate in which
he was working in the 1930s including the development of The Frankfurt School.
During this time, Adorn developed a 'Gallery of Tricks and Devices' for analysing
the radio programs of the fascist Presbyterian preacher, Martin Luther Thomas. The
Gallery is actually a typology of rhetorical devices that Adorn identified in the
speech of Thomas. Thomas employed a populist style and is known for his emotional appeals to his audience. This typology was then applied to the manifesto of 116
documents comprised of public and parliamentary speeches and media releases
produced in Hanson's name from her election to Federal Parliament in 1996 until her
defeat in 1998. The objective of this step of the discourse analysis was to assess the
utility of Adorno's typology. A content analysis was also performed to ascertain the
weighted means of the prevalence of the devices within each of the document
categories. The results suggested that the typology required some revision to enhance
its suitability for the efficient analysis of contemporary populist discourse. A Revised
Typology was formulated and applied. This new typology has the potential to be
useful in the analysis of the manifestos of a variety of political movements.
This rhetorical analysis gives insight into the potential impact on listeners of
particular excerpts of speech. The impact is the transference of messages about
particular issues and is frequently emotive in tone. The incidence of each rhetorical
device is composed of one or more sentences. The key issues identified were grouped
according to theme. Three key thematic domains are identified and are labelled
Cultural, Social and Economic Sovereignty. A contemporary form of Goffman's (1974) frame analysis developed by Snow and
Benford (1986) informs the scrutiny of the discourse. The purpose of this step of the
analysis is to ascertain what the overall potential impact of the collective effect of the
rhetorical devices is on audiences. The term applied by Snow and Benford to describe
the collective impact of the meaning of a particular discourse is Master Frame. It is
asserted that the Master Frame of the PHON discourse is an Identity Frame. It has
been suggested that a factor lacking in frame analysis generally, is the absence of the acknowledgement of the role of emotion in attracting people to political or social
movements. The incorporation into the analysis of the application of a rhetorical
typology addresses this shortcoming. It also serves to identify the emotional
component of the discourse that is associated with the populist political style.
The thesis claims that PHON's appeal is founded on successfully communicating its
master frame to the constituency via its populist style. Furthermore that that this
populist style relies heavily on emotionally charged presentations by the leader. The
identification of the key thematic domains of the discourse is necessary in order to
establish if there is indeed a link between the master frame of the discourse and
PHON's appeal to the constituency. This is achieved by the statistical analysis of the
AES 1998 data set.
The first step of this analysis was to create a reliable scale to measure respondents
'feelings' towards PHON's leader, Pauline Hanson. Ten items were selected from the
data sets that address aspects of respondent's feelings towards Hanson. This scale was
labelled the Emotional Energy Scale following Randall Collins' (1988b) definition of
this concept. The data set was then searched for items that addressed issues encapsulated by the
thematic domains. Section D. Election Issues, E. Social Policy and G. Constitution,
Rights and Minorities were found to contain items that corresponded to the thematic
domains. Section D. related to Economic Sovereignty; Section E. related to Social
Sovereignty and Section G. related to Cultural Sovereignty. Factor analysis was used
to create scales from items within each of these sections that addressed issues that
dominated the PHON manifesto. Regression analysis was then employed. The results
indicate that high levels of positive Emotional Energy for Hanson is predictive of
shared attitudes towards issues by respondents with Hanson.
This suggests that there is a strong correlation between the feelings held for people
towards PHON and the level of support for PHON's position on issues. These
findings indicate that Hanson successfully employed populist rhetoric to achieve a
remarkable level of support for her new political party. However it must be
acknowledged that an audience already existed for whom the PHON message could
resonate.
The demographic characteristics of PHON this audience of voters has been described
at length elsewhere and this work is acknowledged. It must however be appreciated
that though Pauline Hanson has experienced the inevitable decline of the charismatic
leader, those who demonstrated support for her still reside in the electorate. These
people may still be waiting for the right 'style' of voice to emerge on the political
scene to represent them. This thesis provides an innovative approach for
understanding the mechanism of populist appeal in contemporary politics. It proposes
a revised typology for assessing populist rhetoric and it is the first thorough,
systematic analysis of PHON's manifesto.
6 citations
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06 Dec 2004
TL;DR: The recent narrative, if not postmodern, turn within the tradition of ethnographic research has not eased difficult questions concerning how best inequalities can be researched by the social sciences.
Abstract: The recent narrative, if not postmodern, turn within the tradition of ethnographic research has not eased difficult questions concerning how best inequalities can be researched by the social sciences. Whilst important additions have been made to traditional concerns with social class, race and gender, such as age (but not purely gerontology), disability and the rural/urban divide, epistemological questions remain over how theoretical and conceptual concerns about inequality also be met in field research.
3 citations
01 Jan 2004
TL;DR: The authors examined the living wage movement and how frame alignment fits into social work practice and found that women were not only more likely to support a living wage but they were also more likely than men to help organize a live wage movement.
Abstract: The general aim of this study was to examine the living wage movement and how frame alignment fits into social work practice. This research was developed from a limited empirical and theoretical base surrounding the living wage as a social movement. Frame alignment is becoming a tool that more and more people should know how to use. Frame alignment has been a key component in propelling social movements into society in order to effect change. This research is an examination of frame alignment, specifically the living wage movement and how it fits into effective social work practice. The data were obtained from a convenience sample of 487 students from a public university in middle Tennessee. Three different frames were developed and distributed to 500 college students with a 94. 7% response rate. The data were collected from November 2003 to November 2004 through the use of a survey via an experimental design. Three different frameworks were distributed in order to gain insight on framing issues surrounding the living wage. Frame A was an economic justice frame, frame B was a social justice frame and frame C was a control frame. Findings from this study indicate a strong support for the social justice frame. ANOV A and t-tests have shown a statistical significance between Frame B and support for a living wage [F (2,482)= 5.301, p� .006]. In addition it was discovered that women were not only more likely to support a living wage but they were also more likely to help organize a living wage.