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Showing papers on "International relations published in 1980"


Book
01 Jan 1980
TL;DR: The War Ledger as mentioned in this paper provides fresh, sophisticated answers to fundamental questions about major modern wars: Why do major wars begin? What accounts for victory or defeat in war? How do victory and defeat influence the recovery of the combatants? And are the rules governing conflict behavior between nations the same since the advent of the nuclear era?
Abstract: "The War Ledger" provides fresh, sophisticated answers to fundamental questions about major modern wars: Why do major wars begin? What accounts for victory or defeat in war? How do victory and defeat influence the recovery of the combatants? Are the rules governing conflict behavior between nations the same since the advent of the nuclear era? The authors find such well-known theories as the balance of power and collective security systems inadequate to explain how conflict erupts in the international system. Their rigorous empirical analysis proves that the power-transition theory, hinging on economic, social, and political growth, is more accurate; it is the differential rate of growth of the two most powerful nations in the system-the dominant nation and the challenger-that destabilizes all members and precipitates world wars. Predictions of who will win or lose a war, the authors find, depend not only on the power potential of a nation but on the capability of its political systems to mobilize its resources-the "political capacity indicator." After examining the aftermath of major conflicts, the authors identify national growth as the determining factor in a nation's recovery. With victory, national capabilities may increase or decrease; with defeat, losses can be enormous. Unexpectedly, however, in less than two decades, losers make up for their losses and "all" combatants find themselves where they would have been had no war occurred. Finally, the authors address the question of nuclear arsenals. They find that these arsenals do not make the difference that is usually assumed. Nuclear weapons have not changed the structure of power on which international politics rests. Nor does the behavior of participants in nuclear confrontation meet the expectations set out in deterrence theory.

1,274 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a student of international systems uses events singularly or in the aggregate to study foreign policy outputs and inputs, which are useful information which allow a student to use events to analyze foreign policy output and inputs.
Abstract: As students of politics and political science, we should and we do care about the events which lead to war, instability, and international tension as well as about events which lead to equitable interdependence, integration, peace, improvement of quality of life, reduction of colonialism, and so on. Because we care about these matters, we try to advance procedures and theories about systematizing our observations and improving our skills of analysis. Recent developments in international relations have tended to (a) emphasize the exploration of more specific problems and testing of hypotheses with quantified data and (b) deemphasized the search for general theories of internation behavior. This trend appears to be undergoing slight modification for many reasons. Events contain useful information which permit a student of foreign policy to use events singularly or in the aggregate to study foreign policy outputs and inputs. A student of international systems uses events singularly or in the aggregate to stu...

311 citations


Book
01 Jan 1980
TL;DR: In this article, the classical Eastern question - 1774-1923: when did the Eastern question begin, the turbanned humpty dumpty, major regional power bids in the Greater Ottoman World, 1774 to1923 - Ali Pasha, Muhammad Ali, the Serbs, the Greek revolt the pattern of national liberation movements non-nationalist Muslim challenges to the Ottoman system established Middle Eastern political authority facing the eastern question conclusion - stability and flux.
Abstract: Part 1 The classical Eastern question - 1774-1923: when did the Eastern question begin?, the turbanned humpty dumpty, major regional power bids in the Greater Ottoman World, 1774-1923 - Ali Pasha, Muhammad Ali, the Serbs, the Greek revolt the pattern of national liberation movements non-nationalist Muslim challenges to the Ottoman system established Middle Eastern political authority facing the Eastern question conclusion - stability and flux. Part 2 New wine, old bottles: old/new Eastern question - the fertile crescent - Balkans of the twentieth century, continuing great power rivalries Britain's Arab policy - the Ottoman background, moving toward the Arabs, Franco-British rivalry and the emerging Arab policy, the interwar illusion of Hegemony, World War II, pinnacle of success?, Palestine, decline and fall Arabism in the Eastern question context Arabism in the Eastern question context - the politics of Arab nationalism, fertile crescent Arabism, basic characteristics of interwar Arabism, Palestine and Arabism, the Nasser era, why did Nasserist Arabism fail?, Nasser and the Soviet Union, Nasser's failure - the Eastern question answer after Britain's "moment" - the great power pattern in the Middle East conclusion - stability and flux. Part 3 The Eastern question system at work: the myth of the great power puppeteer and regional puppets - twentieth-century examples, Eisenhower, 1953, Johnson, 1967, Nixon, 1970, Zumwalt, 1976 nineteenth-century examples - Hunkar Iskelesi, the second Syrian crisis, the Crimean war, the Eastern crisis, 1875-1878, the continuing game with new players Eastern question systemic durability - an agenda for future research - the outside manipulator, the arms nexus, the Arab-Israeli confrontation in the Eastern question perspective, from concert of Europe to UN conclusion: changes in the rules of the Eastern question game? present policy options in the light of the Eastern question experience the distinctive Middle Eastern diplomatic culture - a bibliographical essay. Appendices: Eastern question chronology 1774-1923 dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire 1774-1923 major regional power bids in the Greater Ottoman world from the beginning of the Eastern question to the outbreak of the First world War established authority and the Eastern question - Ottoman Empire, Tunisia, and Egypt Middle Eastern politics and international relations, 1919-1982.

123 citations


Book
21 Mar 1980
TL;DR: The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Bruce Kuniholm takes a regional perspective to focus on postwar diplomacy in Iran, Turkey, and Greece and efforts in these countries to maintain their independence from the Great Powers. Drawing on a wide variety of secondary sources, government documents, private papers, unpublished memoirs, and extensive interviews with key figures, he shows how the traditional struggle for power along the Northern Tier was a major factor in the origins and development of the Cold War between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R.Originally published in 1980.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

79 citations





Journal ArticleDOI

64 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors suggest that some of the theories attacking big government are equally applicable in the realm of international organization (IO) and suggest that the arguments against big government can be applied to international organizations as well.
Abstract: A specter haunts the world's bureaucrats: the specter of small government. Skepticism about the expanding role of government in most industrial nations has encouraged political economists to go back to some fundamental questions about what we really need government to do for us, whether it be for reasons of efficiency or equity. The aim of this paper is to suggest that some of the theories attacking “big” government are equally applicable in the realm of international organization (IO).

61 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: After the break-up of western Christendom following the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, a number of historical changes took place in customary international law as discussed by the authors and the emergence of the nation-state and the political philosophy to which it gave rise, that is to say, the theory of political sovereignty as the cornerstone of the rights and duties of the various states that came into existence.
Abstract: After the break-up of western Christendom following the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, a number of historical changes took place in customary international law. One of the most important changes, if not the most important, was the emergence of the nation-state and the political philosophy to which it gave rise, that is to say, the theory of political sovereignty as the cornerstone of the rights and duties of the various states that came into existence. The political sovereignty of states resulted in the gradual replacement of the old international relations within Christendom, which were based upon a theocratic system of law, by a wider legal system that later embraced nations outside Christendom and engendered a universalization of international relations and, therefore, of international law.

Book
01 Jan 1980
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a single nation survey of agriculture, education, and health care in the United States, with a focus on the following issues: Agriculture Business and Industry Crime and Justice Economic Affairs Education Energy Environment Government Health and Medicine International Relations Labor Marriage and Family Media of Communication Military Affairs Nation States Politics Recreation and Entertainment Religion Science and Technology Social Issues and Problems Status and Role Transportation Multinational Surveys Legend Europe Far East North America World Surveys Bibliography Indexes
Abstract: Preface Introduction Single Nation Surveys Legend Agriculture Business and Industry Crime and Justice Economic Affairs Education Energy Environment Government Health and Medicine International Relations Labor Marriage and Family Media of Communication Military Affairs Nation States Politics Recreation and Entertainment Religion Science and Technology Social Issues and Problems Status and Role Transportation Multinational Surveys Legend Europe Far East North America World Surveys Bibliography Indexes

Book
01 Apr 1980
TL;DR: The third edition of Perspective on World Politics as discussed by the authors provides a fresh set of readings within this framework: power and security, dependence and globalization, domination and resistance, and independence and dependence.
Abstract: Perspectives on World Politics has been essential reading for students of international relations since the 1980s. This new edition fully updates this key text for the twenty-first century. Focusing on the main competing analytical perspectives, the first and second editions established an authoritative sense of the conceptual tools used to study world politics, as well as reflecting on the major debates and responses to changes in the world arena. This third edition builds on the success of its predecessors by presenting a fresh set of readings within this framework: power and security interdependence and globalization dominance and resistance. It also includes a much-expanded fourth section, ‘World Politics in Perspective’, which reflects the methodological and normative debates that have developed since publication of the previous edition. This is an essential text for all students and scholars of politics and international relations.

Book
01 Jan 1980
TL;DR: Theories of International Relations in the West and in the East are discussed in this paper, with a focus on Marx and Engels on International Relations and Engels and Marx on International relations in East.
Abstract: 1. Introductory: Basic Assumptions of Theories of International Relations 2. Marx and Engels on International Relations 3. Theory of International Relations in the East 4. The East and Marx 5. International Relations Theory in the West and in the East 6. International Relations Theory in the West: Marx and Lenin. Conclusion, Appendices.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper studied the antecedents, events, and consequences of the 1954 American intervention in Guatemala, which led to the overthrow of Jacabo Arbenz Guzman's constitutionally elected government.
Abstract: With the increasing accumulation of interpretive scholarship on international relations following World War II, most episodes in the cold war have been written and rewritten, evaluated and reevaluated. One striking exception, however, is the 1954 American intervention in Guatemala, which led to the overthrow of Jacabo Arbenz Guzman's constitutionally elected government. This article studies the antecedents, events, and consequences of that coup. Analyses of hitherto unavailable archival data and of interviews with American participants in the coup who were privy to the covert aspects of the operation suggest that this event was a significant link in the unfolding chain of cold war history. Writings to date on the overthrow of Arbenz tend to be short on detailed documentation and analysis and to treat the coup illustratively. These accounts depict the United States intervention in Guatemala either as a background incident in the escalating cold war, as an example of the inordinate influence of economic interests (in this case the United Fruit Company [UFCOI) on American foreign policy, or as a way station in the evolution of the Central Intelligence Agency. These treatments fail to emphasize sufficiently that the coup typified the foundations of cold war diplomacy, providing a model to be emulated, and resisted, in subsequent years.'

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Sep 1980-Polity
TL;DR: Heller as discussed by the authors shows the misleading implications of the analogy between the human condition in the state of nature and that of the Hobbesian logic of the human being in the Leviathan.
Abstract: The near anarchy of international relations has led many students to look to the national society for remedies on the assumption that the condition of the state is analogous to that of man in the state of nature. Not surprisingly, the search for a solution has frequently turned to the logic of Hobbes's analysis of the human condition in the Leviathan and his prescription for moving into organized society. In this article Mark Heller shows the misleading implications of that analogy. Not only does it distort the Hobbesian logic, but it is bound practically to raise unrealistic expectations ending in frustration.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The need for a continuing transnational dialogue on basic methods, approaches, interpretations, and research opportunities and needs is pressing as discussed by the authors, which should be done on a transnational basis.
Abstract: The study of international relations is becoming more truly international and is developing new dimensions and new approaches. It is not “an American social science,” although it has been more extensively pursued in the United States than in any other country. There is no distinctive American approach, but a multitude of approaches. The gulf between the scholar and the practitioner is still wide, but there are many “intermediaries.” Dominant trends over half a century and significant contemporary themes, concerns, and contributions are briefly analyzed. The beginning of the 1980s is an appropriate time for an overall review of “the state of the art.” This should be done on a transnational basis. The need for a continuing transnational dialogue on basic methods, approaches, interpretations, and research opportunities and needs is pressing.

Book
01 Feb 1980
Abstract: This volume completes the biography of Peter Struve (1870-1944), one of the most remarkable and influential Russian intellectuals of this century. More than anyone else in his time, Struve was the master of history, journalism, economics, international relations, and practical politics. A scholar and activist, he helped found the Marxist movement in Russia, initiated Marxist Revisionism there, and launched Lenin's career, and he was the theoretician and a cofounder of the Constitutional Democratic Party. After 1905--the years covered in this self-contained volume--Struve became the principal critic of the Russian intelligentsia and the main political ideologist of the anti-Bolshevik opposition during the Civil War and in emigration. His life was a part of the life of Russia as he struggled to craft a liberal democracy and wound up defeated and faced with an emerging totalitarian state. In writing about Struve, Richard Pipes turns biography into history. He lays bare the split soul of the Russian intellectuals--their irresponsibility, unwillingness to compromise, intolerance. Struve, the liberal turned conservative, preached to his countrymen physical and spiritual freedom based on law. He was a Westerner in his championing of social reform, legality, private property, and a vigorous state and foreign policy. This long and rich tradition of liberal-conservatism is recounted against the background of a "monstrous growth of political claims on the individual that caused intellectual and moral independence increasingly to be punished with ostracism, confinement, exile, and death."



Book ChapterDOI
Adeed I. Dawisha1
01 Jan 1980
TL;DR: The study of international relations generally and foreign policy in particular has suffered, until recently, from an excessive concentration on the external activities of the great and medium powers, neglecting in the process the foreign policy behaviour of the countries of the third world as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The study of international relations generally and foreign policy in particular has suffered, until recently, from an excessive concentration on the external activities of the great and medium powers, neglecting in the process the foreign policy behaviour of the countries of the third world.1 Not only does this undue emphasis on the large, industrialised and organisationally complex states reveal an obvious parochialism on the part of Western scholars, but it also carries an implicit assumption that states with different attributes (e.g. size, population, level of development, etc.) exhibit similar traits in their foreign policy behaviour—that for example an understanding of British foreign policy should by definition, lead to an appreciation of, say, Burmese or Jordanian external relations.

ReportDOI
01 Feb 1980
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of Russian intervention in the Somali-Ethiopian conflict in 1977 and 1978, concluding that it was the most impressive exercise of Soviet politico-military diplomacy since Angola.
Abstract: : Moscow's involvement in the Somali-Ethiopian conflict in 1977 and 1978 culminated in the most impressive exercise of Soviet politico-military diplomacy since Angola. An analysis of that involvement then can help us approach those questions that have been asked regarding Soviet policy formulation in Third World crises. In regard to motivation in Soviet policy, these questions include: To what extent is Soviet crisis behavior purposive? To what degree is Soviet policy reactive? Concerning the modality of Soviet policy: Is Soviet 'crisis policy' activist or cautious? In regard to Soviet performance in these crises: How well have the Soviets done during crises in light of their policy objectives? Before evaluating Soviet foreign policy in the Ogaden War in terms of these questions, it is first useful to summarize the salient events in the Horn in 1977 and 1978. After doing so, we will discuss Soviet involvement in terms of the questions raised above.

Book
01 Jan 1980
TL;DR: Wandycz as mentioned in this paper presents a comprehensive picture of the changing relationships between the United States and Poland over two hundred years, and speculates on the future between the two countries as detente unfolds and surprising happenings like the election of a Polish Pope occur.
Abstract: The United States and Poland adds a new dimension to the scholarship of America's international relations. Piotr Wandycz presents a comprehensive picture of the changing relationships between the United States and Poland over two hundred years. This work is, as Wandycz writes, both a survey and a synthesis. Because he believes that an understanding of the history of Poland is necessary in order to appreciate the complex nature of its involvement with the United States, he provides a thorough analysis of Poland's internal development, concentrating on the twentieth century. He also carefully places American-Polish history in the broader context of changing East-West relations. Finally, he speculates on the future between the two countries as detente unfolds and surprising happenings like the election of a Polish Pope occur. Ultimately, Wandycz acknowledges, the American-Polish relationship has been one-sided, even more so than is normal in contacts between great and small powers. "One must not imagine," he writes, "that Poland has been on the minds of American foreign policy makers consistently...but if one thinks of Poland in the context of East Central Europe, her significance increases dramatically." This book provides a necessary history and evaluation of a nation state once dominant in Europe and now searching for an appropriate role.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the importance of the international organization as a regulatory instrument should be substantiated by defining not only its potentialities, but also its limitations, and the conditions which make it possible, and preferable, to root new efforts towards multilateral co-operation in existing international organizations, or to create new international organizations for this purpose, or, again, to avoid or postpone the structure of an international organization.
Abstract: The Final Act of Helsinki and the pattern of international relations based upon it lend themselves very well to some reflections on the conditions which make it possible, and preferable, to root new efforts towards multilateral co-operation in existing international organizations, or to create new international organizations for this purpose, or, again, to avoid or postpone the structure of an international organization. Indeed, the importance of the international organization as a regulatory instrument should be substantiated by defining not only its potentialities, but also its limitations.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors surveys the obstacles to demilitarization in the former Soviet Union and analyzes both internal and external factors of Soviet militarism, the role of Russian political/military tradition, and the centrality of the defense sector to Soviet society.
Abstract: This paper surveys the obstacles to disarmament in the Soviet Union, and analyses both internal and external factors of Soviet militarism, the role of Russian political/military tradition, and the centrality of the defense sector to Soviet society. Although the sources of militarism are strong, the author argues that they are not absolute, and that there is scope for demilitarization initiatives. Most of the demilitarizing tendencies will come from internal influences and the working out of internal contradictions, such as that between declining economic growth and an increased military burden. Nevertheless, the West should not foreclose through their own policies the possibility of Soviet moves toward disarmament.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The books which are the subject of this article lie squarely (if a little uneasily on the part of Northedge) in the so-called "classical" tradition of scholarship in International Relations.
Abstract: The books which are the subject of this article1 lie squarely (if a little uneasily on the part of Northedge) in the so-called 'classical' tradition of scholarship in International Relations. This tradition eschews both the attempt to explain international politics by aping the methodology of the natural sciences and any interest in saying something of general import about the process of foreign policy formulation. Rather, it finds its "less ephemeral centre"2 in the rules and institutions which are shared by states and approaches the study of these rules and institutions in a manner at once philosophical and historical. Furthermore, against the cardboard lances of the 'transnationalists' it clutches a sturdy shield to the state, insisting that the state has been in the recent past and will remain for the foreseeable future, the principal "centre of initiative"3 in world politics. In short, this tradition consists in an over riding concern with the political theory and institutional history of the c states-system'. The pretensions of the 'scientific' approach have been mercilessly exposed by Charles Reynolds.4 Furthermore, the preoccupation with 'foreign policy analysis' has led to an intellectual dead end pre determined by the nature of its historical subject matter, as well as by the 'scientific' methodology which it has misguidedly leased and by the instrumental purpose which has been its principal driving force.5 It is, therefore, encouraging to witness the appearance of new con tributions to this other tradition. The question is, however: have they enriched it ?


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Balewa administration held tenaciously to the Western values it had inherited from Britain, the former colonial master as discussed by the authors, and adopted a normative approach to foreign relations, which was clear cut: either support the West and be in good and respectable company, or support the communist powers, or be in the company of the devil.
Abstract: At independence in October 1960, Nigeria had one of the most conservative administrations in Africa. True, the Northern People's Congress (NPc) and the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which formed the coalition government had a few progressive elements, but both Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the leader of the NPC and premier of the then Northern Region, and his deputy, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, who was the federal prime minister from i96o to 1966, were conservative to the core. The Balewa administration held tenaciously to the Western values it had inherited from Britain, the former colonial master. In part because of this factor and in part because Balewa was a devoutly religious statesman, he adopted a normative approach to foreign relations. To him, foreign policy was clear cut: either support the West and be in good and respectable company, or support the communist powers and be in the company of the devil. 'Non-alignment,' the declared foundation of Nigerian foreign policy, was therefore nothing more than a facade.' There were no genuine conscious efforts to move closer to any of the communist powers.2 In African affairs, the foreign policy principles enunciated by Prime Minister Balewa