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Showing papers on "International relations published in 2020"


Book
16 Jun 2020
TL;DR: Powell argues persuasively and elegantly for the usefulness of formal models in studying international conflict and for the necessity of greater dialogue between modeling and empirical analysis as mentioned in this paper, arguing that many widely made arguments about the way states act under threat do not hold when subjected to the rigors of modeling.
Abstract: Robert Powell argues persuasively and elegantly for the usefulness of formal models in studying international conflict and for the necessity of greater dialogue between modeling and empirical analysis. Powell makes it clear that many widely made arguments about the way states act under threat do not hold when subjected to the rigors of modeling. In doing so, he provides a more secure foundation for the future of international relations theory. Powell argues that, in the Hobbesian environment in which states exist, a state can respond to a threat in at least three ways: (1) it can reallocate resources already under its control; (2) it can try to defuse the threat through bargaining and compromise; (3) it can try to draw on the resources of other states by allying with them. Powell carefully outlines these three responses and uses a series of game theoretic models to examine each of them, showing that the models make the analysis of these responses more precise than would otherwise be possible. The advantages of the modeling-oriented approach, Powell contends, have been evident in the number of new insights they have made possible in international relations theory. Some argue that these advances could have originated in ordinary-language models, but as Powell notes, they did not in practice do so. The book focuses on the insights and intuitions that emerge during modeling, rather than on technical analysis, making it accessible to readers with only a general background in international relations theory.

321 citations


Reference BookDOI
05 Aug 2020
TL;DR: Stohl et al. as mentioned in this paper presented a theoretical approach to the study of political terrorism in the United States, focusing on the characteristics of political violence in the 1960's and 1970's.
Abstract: "Introduction Michael Stohl Theoretical Approaches to the Study of Political Terrorism Some Characteristics of Political Terrorism in the 1960's Ted Robert Gurr The Urban Context of Political Terrorism P. N. Grabosky Political Disintegration and Latent Terror Peter R. Knauss and D. A. Strickland Societal Structure and Revolutionary Terrorism: A Preliminary Investigation Harry R. Targ The Theoretical Utility of Typologies of Terrorism: Lessons and Opportunities Peter A. Fleming, Michael Stohl, and Alex P. Schmid Terror in the United States: Three Perspectives Frederic D. Homer Governance by Terror Raymond D. Duvall and Michael Stoll National Interests and State Terrorism in International Affairs Michael Stohl The Practice of Political Terrorism Terrorism at the Home and Abroad: The U. S. Government View Federal Bureau of Investigation Ethnic and Ideological Terrorism in Western Europe Raymond R. Corrado, with Rebecca Evans Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa Robert A. Denemark and Mary B. Welfling Terrorism in Latin America George A. Lopez Terrorism in the Middle East: The Case of the Arab-Israeli Conflict Ilan Peleg Political Terrorism in the United States: Historical Antecedents and Contemporary Trends Ted Robert Gurr Conclusion"

103 citations


Book
02 Apr 2020
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the functions, procedures, and performance of each of the major UN bodies dealing with human rights and look at the relationship between the various organs and the success of each organ and the potential for major reforms and restructuring.
Abstract: Human rights remain a dominant and ever-present concern of the international community in the 1990s. The United Nations is the central focus of these concerns, and this book examines the functions, procedures, and performance of each of the major UN bodies dealing with human rights. It looks at the relationship between the various organs and - with the 50th anniversary of the United Nations and its Charter falling in 1995 - the success of each organ and the potential for major reforms and restructuring. This book should be of interest to: scholars and postgraduate students of international law; international relations; and human rights law; human rights activists and political scientists; diplomats; lawyers; and government representatives attached to human rights organizations.

96 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Ida Danewid1
TL;DR: In the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Over the last few years, an emergent body of International Relations scholarship has taken an interest in the rise of global cities and the challenges they bring to existing geographies of power. I...

94 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors describe the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) as representing a newly ambitious Chinese drive into global politics that positions China into global political power and positions China in the global political system.
Abstract: Historical and conventional international relations (IR) frameworks describe the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) as representing a newly ambitious Chinese drive into global politics that positions China...

76 citations


Book
12 Mar 2020
TL;DR: In this paper, copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.
Abstract: General rights Unless other specific re-use rights are stated the following general rights apply: Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal

72 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue for the utility of distinguishing states' aims from their practices of health diplomacy in advancing our understanding of when states engage in health diplomacy with a bilateral, regional, or global scope.
Abstract: One likely effect of the COVID-19 pandemic will be an increased focus on health diplomacy, a topic that has rarely been taken up by international relations scholars After reviewing existing literature on health diplomacy, I argue for the utility of distinguishing states' aims from their practices of health diplomacy in advancing our understanding of when states engage in health diplomacy with a bilateral, regional, or global scope The recent history of twenty-first century infectious disease outbreaks suggests a possible move away from health diplomacy with global participation COVID-19 provides numerous examples, from widespread criticism of the World Health Organization to increased bilateral health aid and the creation of a regional vaccine initiative As pandemics become more frequent, however, more localized health diplomacy is likely to be less effective, given the necessity of global mitigation and containment Copyright © The IO Foundation 2020

67 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors propose a broad research program around the politics of crisis, focusing on puzzles related to causes, responses, and transformations, drawing on often disparate literatures on finance, energy and climate change, natural disasters, pandemics, and violent conflict.
Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic presents an opportunity to refocus scholarly attention on the politics of crisis Crises that abruptly upend political and economic relations are important and increasing in frequency However, the division of international relations into international political economy (IPE) and international security has contributed to the relative neglect of non-militarized crises like pandemics Crises are defined by threat, uncertainty, and time pressure: understanding them requires a careful examination of how these variables affect political and economic outcomes Drawing on often disparate literatures on finance, energy and climate change, natural disasters, pandemics, and violent conflict, I propose a broad research program around the politics of crisis, focusing on puzzles related to causes, responses, and transformations

66 citations


MonographDOI
28 May 2020
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the use of prediction at the intersection of politics and academia, and reflect upon the implications of future-oriented policy-making across different fields, focusing on the key intricacies and fallacies of prevision in a time of complexity, uncertainty and unpredictability.
Abstract: This book inquires into the use of prediction at the intersection of politics and academia, and reflects upon the implications of future-oriented policy-making across different fields. The volume focuses on the key intricacies and fallacies of prevision in a time of complexity, uncertainty, and unpredictability. The first part of the book discusses different academic perspectives and contributions to future-oriented policy-making. The second part discusses the role of future knowledge in decision-making across different empirical issues such as climate, health, finance, bioand nuclear weapons, civil war, and crime. It analyses how prediction is integrated into public policy and governance, and how in return governance structures influence the making of knowledge about the future. Contributors integrate two analytical dimensions in their chapters: the epistemology of prevision and the political and ethical implications of prevision. In this way, the volume contributes to a better understanding of the complex interaction and feedback loops between the processes of creating knowledge about the future and the application of this future knowledge in public policy and governance. This book will be of much interest to students of security studies, political science, sociology, technology studies, and International Relations.

63 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the political drivers of the COVID-19 pandemic affect all countries, but how governments respond is dictated by politics, and the World Health Organization (WHO) has tried to coordinate advice to states and offer ongoing management of the outbreak.
Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic affects all countries, but how governments respond is dictated by politics. Amid this, the World Health Organization (WHO) has tried to coordinate advice to states and offer ongoing management of the outbreak. Given the political drivers of COVID-19, we argue this is an important moment to advance International Relations knowledge as a necessary and distinctive method for inclusion in the WHO repertoire of knowledge inputs for epidemic control. Historical efforts to assert technical expertise over politics is redundant and outdated: the WHO has always been politicized by member states. We suggest WHO needs to embrace the politics and engage foreign policy and diplomatic expertise. We suggest practical examples of the entry points where International Relations methods can inform public health decision-making and technical policy coordination. We write this as a primer for those working in response to COVID-19 in WHO, multilateral organizations, donor financing departments, governments and international non-governmental organizations, to embrace political analysis rather than shy away from it. Coordinated political cooperation is vital to overcome COVID-19.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper developed a framework for analysing whiteness through subject-positioning, synthesising insights from critical race scholarship that seek to dismantle its epistemological tendencies, including the production and naturalisation of white-racialised subject positions in academic discourse.
Abstract: Racism is a historically specific structure of modern global power which generates hierarchies of the human and affirms white supremacy. This has far-reaching material and epistemological consequences in the present, one of which is the production and naturalisation of white-racialised subject positions in academic discourse. This article develops a framework for analysing whiteness through subject-positioning, synthesising insights from critical race scholarship that seek to dismantle its epistemological tendencies. This framework identifies white subject-positioning as patterned by interlocking epistemologies of immanence, ignorance and innocence. The article then interrogates how these epistemological tendencies produce limitations and contradictions in international theory through an analysis of three seminal and canonical texts: Kenneth Waltz’s Theory of International Politics (1979), Robert Keohane’s After Hegemony (1984), and Alexander Wendt’s Social Theory of International Politics (1999). It shows that these epistemologies produce contradictions and weaknesses within the texts by systematically severing the analysis of the international system and the ‘West’ from its actual imperial conditions of possibility. The article outlines pathways for overcoming these limitations and suggests that continued inattention to the epistemological consequences of race for IR theory is intellectually unsustainable.

Book
28 Apr 2020
TL;DR: The authors examines the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in the context of internal functions performed with regard to the European Union (EU) political system and its key actors and argues that the ENP has been formulated not only in reaction to external challenges and threats, but also in response to EU internal legitimacy needs at systemic, institutional and actor level.
Abstract: This book examines the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in the context of internal functions performed with regard to the European Union (EU) political system and its key actors. It argues that the ENP has been formulated not only in reaction to external challenges and threats, but also in response to EU internal legitimacy needs at systemic, institutional and actor level. Looking beyond governance approaches and the power of norms, this book follows a sociological approach to the politics of legitimation. Using Bourdieu's field theory, it bridges the rationalist-constructivist divide inherent in much of ENP scholarship. While analyzing articulations of EU institutions in terms of narrative production, reproduction and reconstruction, it sheds valuable light on where the conflicting goals, ambiguity and incoherence stem from. By highlighting Developing Nations' responses and usages of ENP narratives for domestic and international legitimacy-seeking, the book calls for a more outside-in perspective on EU foreign policy. With the European integration project being increasingly contested, both internally and externally, this book provides a timely focus on the topic of legitimation and delegitimation dynamics with regard to EU foreign policy. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of European integration and EU foreign policy, and, more broadly, EU Studies and International Relations.


Posted Content
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors highlight the cogency and urgency of the protection of indigenous peoples and discuss crucial aspects of the international legal theory and practice relating to their rights, and suggest ways and methods to utilize such legal instruments towards the protection, promotion and fulfi lment of indigenous people's rights, to contribute to the maintenance of peace and the pursuit of justice in international relations.
Abstract: This book highlights the cogency and urgency of the protection of indigenous peoples and discusses crucial aspects of the international legal theory and practice relating to their rights. These rights are not established by states; rather, they are inherent to indigenous peoples because of their human dignity, historical continuity, cultural distinctiveness, and connection to the lands where they have lived from time immemorial. In the past decades, a new awareness of the importance of indigenous rights has emerged at the international level. UN organs have adopted specific international law instruments that protect indigenous peoples. Nonetheless, concerns persist because of continued widespread breaches of such rights. Stemming from a number of seminars organised at the Law Department of the University of Roma Tre, the volume includes contributions by distinguished scholars and practitioners. It is divided into three parts. Part I introduces the main themes and challenges to be addressed, considering the debate on self-determination of indigenous peoples and the theoretical origins of ‘indigenous sovereignty’. Parts II and III explore the protection of indigenous peoples afforded under the international law rules on human rights and investments respectively. Not only do the contributors to this book critically assess the current international legal framework, but they also suggest ways and methods to utilize such legal instruments towards the protection, promotion and fulfi lment of indigenous peoples’ rights, to contribute to the maintenance of peace and the pursuit of justice in international relations.

Book
09 Oct 2020
TL;DR: In this paper, a collection of essays discusses life on the border between two major powers, and discusses life in the border region between the US and Canada, and their relationship with each other.
Abstract: Read for free online: this timely collection of essays discusses life on the border between two major powers.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, social trust has more far-reaching consequences for international cooperation than previously understood, political efforts to affect the legitimacy of international institutions are constrained by individual predispositions, and a comparative approach is central to the study of public attitudes toward international institutions.
Abstract: Recent public opinion research has established an empirical regularity of unusual stability and strength: citizen beliefs in the legitimacy of national and international institutions are highly linked. The dominant interpretation of this link holds that citizens draw on their perceptions of national institutions as a heuristic when forming opinions about international institutions. This article proposes an alternative mechanism, privileging social trust as an antecedent factor contributing to both national and international legitimacy beliefs. Using original survey data on citizen attitudes toward four international institutions in three countries, the article provides evidence for social trust as an antecedent factor, while granting no support for the dominant interpretation. The article suggests three broader implications: social trust has more far-reaching consequences for international cooperation than previously understood; political efforts to affect the legitimacy of international institutions are constrained by individual predispositions; and a comparative approach is central to the study of public attitudes toward international institutions.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Ogunnubi and Uzodike as mentioned in this paper identified Nigeria and South Africa as regional hegemonic powers defined not only by their superior power advantages, political, economic capabilities and ideational membership within Africa, but also their combined capacity for considerable influence on their regional neighbours.
Abstract: 1. Introduction In the past couple of years, there have been rigorous attempts by scholars to examine the power architecture within Africa drawing largely from general international relations theories and frameworks to make inferences about the location and exercise of power and influence (Ogunnubi 2013; Flemes 2009; Habib 2009; Adebajo and Mustapha 2008; Hassan and Omotola 2008; Bach 2007; Mazrui 2006; Alden and Mills 2005; Ahwireng-Obeng and McGowan 1998). Since the celebrated entry of South Africa into the African democratic space, the resultant implication has been a change in the contours of power and leadership equations in Africa. At the recently concluded 80 years celebration of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), (1) specific attention was paid to dissecting the increasing role of pivotal states such as South Africa and Nigeria within Africa and the global South. On the other hand, Nigeria has just emerged as Africa's biggest economy--a profile its officials are quick to allude to as qualifying it as Africa's 'Gulliver'. What is evident from the above is that, despite inherent domestic flaws, the influence of both Nigeria and South Africa has been on the ascendancy particularly in the last two decades. Scholars have remained undecided about the best concept to describe the influence of both Nigeria and South Africa with a number of suggestions ranging from middle power, emerging middle power, pivotal states, regional power, to regional hegemon, secondary power, regional hegemonic power etc (see Sidiropoulos 2014; Ogunnubi 2013; Flemes and Wojczewski 2010; Habib 2009; Flemes 2009, 2007; Van der Westhuizen 2007; Ahwireng-Obeng and McGowan 1998). For the purpose of this article, we identify both countries as regional hegemonic powers defined not only by their superior power advantages, political, economic capabilities and ideational membership within Africa, but also their combined capacity for considerable influence on their regional neighbours. A regional hegemonic power thus enjoys a measure of acceptance of its regional leadership although this is not deemed a prerequisite for the exercise of influence. Operating within a regional hegemonic system, a regional hegemonic power is considered a powerful actor that wields a superior level of influence within a delimited region which it belongs to (Ogunnubi and Uzodike 2015). However, despite the rich literature on regional studies, there seems to be a dearth of literature on a comparative study of regional leadership, particularly in Africa, resulting in a lack of empirically verifiable conclusions. Relatedly, the theme of soft power in Africa is under-researched both by Western and African scholars. In fact, hardly any study exists that comparatively examines the nexus between soft power and regional hegemony (especially for Africa). This comparative study of both Nigeria and South Africa therefore affords us the opportunity of offering a more nuanced geo-political assessment of the requirements for regional hegemonic status that fits into an African context. While a comparative analysis of the soft power potentials and capabilities of two of Africa's biggest powers provides some insight into the soft power potentials of the continent given its rich cultural history, it also gives an indication of who between Nigeria and South Africa, is more likely to become Africa's hegemon through an effective use and management of hard and soft power capabilities. Therefore the article contends that soft power presents a reasonable yardstick for a proper estimation of Nigeria and South Africa's legitimate claim and regional acceptance of their continental hegemonic position among other countries within the African region as primus inter pares. However, this is not unmindful of the fact that soft power is a partial and qualified barometer of power especially given the problem of measurement and the assortment of soft power elements different countries possess. …

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the conceptual links between foreign policy and populist forms of identity construction, as well as the ideological force that populism can unfold in the realm of foreign policy are examined.
Abstract: Employing a discursive understanding of populism and combing it with insights of poststructuralist international relations theory and Lacanian psychoanalysis, this article examines the conceptual links between foreign policy and populist forms of identity construction, as well as the ideological force that populism can unfold in the realm of foreign policy. It conceptualizes populism and foreign policy as distinct discourses that constitute collective identities by relating Self and Other. Identifying different modes of Othering, the article illustrates its arguments with a case study on the United States under Donald Trump and shows how the Trumpian discourse has used foreign policy as a platform for the (re)production of a populist-nationalist electoral coalition. Unlike common conceptions of populism as an ideology that misrepresents reality, the article argues that the discourse develops its ideological appeal by obscuring the discursive construction of social reality and thereby promising to satisfy the subject's desire for a complete and secure identity.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a collection of essays brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, based on three continents, with different theoretical and methodological interests but all active on the topic of complex systems as applied to international relations.
Abstract: This collection of essays brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, based on three continents, with different theoretical and methodological interests but all active on the topic of complex systems as applied to international relations. They investigate how complex systems have been and can be applied in practice and what differences it makes for the study of international affairs. Two important threads link all the contributions: (i) To which extent is this approach promising to understand global governance dynamics? (ii) How can this be implemented in practice?

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that there are genuine ideological differences between political parties and that the impact of these competing ideologies is also discernible in foreign policy decision-making, and they argue that the influence of these ideological differences can be seen in foreign and security policy decision making.
Abstract: The positions of political parties in various foreign policy questions and how such ideological stances matter in foreign and security policy decision-making remain largely unexplored beyond the specific case of the United States. Reviewing the ‘state of the art’ in foreign policy analysis and comparative politics, this introductory article discusses the changing nature of both international politics and party systems and cleavages in Europe and beyond. It puts forward reasons why we should see different patterns of coalitions and party behaviour in security policy, on the one hand, and in international trade and foreign aid, on the other. The articles in this Special Issue have been deliberately chosen to capture different elements of ‘partyness’, from analysing party positions to actual behaviour by legislatures and governments to transnational party networks. Our main argument is that there are genuine ideological differences between political parties and that the impact of these competing ideologies is also discernible in foreign policy decisionmaking.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Feb 2020-Politics
TL;DR: The authors conceptualized populism as a discourse of international relations that arises as response to state transformation, a phenomenon that encompasses changes in both state-society relations and international relations, and conceptualized it as a phenomenon of change.
Abstract: This article conceptualizes populism as a discourse of international relations that arises as response to state transformation, a phenomenon that encompasses changes in both state-society relations...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The early months of the COVID-19 pandemic reflect how the world can look when it lacks resolute leadership to overcome commonplace aversions to IGOs, to broader or longer-term interests, and to experts as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The customary prescription for handling "problems without passports" is to work through international intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), act collectively for humanity's future, and build up specialized knowledge But around the world, patterns from the initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic defied the prescription IGOs were blamed, narrow or short-term interests were prioritized, and divided reactions to experts were on display International Relations (IR) scholarship helps explain why: (1) research on bureaucracy and institutional design examines the challenge of making IGOs accountable to member-states but also insulated from them;(2) research on delegation and socialization explores commonplace problems involving time-inconsistency and credible commitments;and (3) research on epistemic communities and anti-elitism describes the rationale and fears of permitting public policy to be guided by unelected experts The initial months of the COVID-19 pandemic reflect how the world can look when it lacks resolute leadership to overcome commonplace aversions to IGOs, to broader or longer-term interests, and to experts Yet while IR scholarship makes sense of these patterns, it does not say enough about why resolute leadership wanes, or what to do about IGO performance when it does Answers to such questions are crucial not only for recovering from the COVID-19 crisis, but for dealing with whatever global crises lie ahead

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This special issue introduces quantum approaches that can help us better understand, anticipate and perhaps even ameliorate the most pressing global issues facing us today and in the near future.
Abstract: This special issue is conceived out of the proposition that recent developments in quantum theory as well as innovations in quantum technology have profound implications for international relations...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The distinction between the legal categories of refugee and migrant has been made since the 2015 refugee “crisis,” while migration scholars have accounted for the increased blurring of these categories as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Since the 2015 refugee “crisis,” much has been made of the distinction between the legal category of refugee and migrant. While migration scholars have accounted for the increased blurring of these...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: To what extent has the COVID-19 outbreak, and the augmented use of health surveillance technology that has resulted from it, altered international conceptions of civil liberties, privacy, and democracy? as mentioned in this paper examines how global patterns of liberal democracy have been and could be affected by the pandemic.
Abstract: To what extent has the COVID-19 outbreak, and the augmented use of health surveillance technology that has resulted from it, altered international conceptions of civil liberties, privacy, and democracy? This article examines how global patterns of liberal democracy have been and could be affected by the pandemic In China, the outbreak has strengthened a pre-existing techno-authoritarian project aimed at prevention and control of threats to both public health and public order Certain features of the international system such as China's major power status, its global economic role, and its leadership in international organizations suggest that China's model of illiberal pandemic response could diffuse worldwide Other factors, however - such as the incomparability of China's political system to many other countries in the contemporary international system - suggest more limited diffusion potential To date, the pandemic has largely augmented existing trends, meaning that autocracies have been likely to respond in ways that infringe upon citizen rights, and weak democracies have exhibited some risk of democratic erosion and pandemic-associated autocratization In these cases, however, factors other than surveillance have been central to processes of democratic decay Conversely, a large number of consolidated democracies have employed surveillance, but have managed to navigate the initial stages of crisis without significantly compromising democratic standards In these cases, surveillance technology has been fenced in by democratic institutions and rule of law, and norms, institutions, and public opinion have worked together to facilitate pandemic responses that are (on balance) proportional, limited in time and scope, and subject to democratic oversight This suggests that international relations may need to separate the pandemic's effects on democracy from its effects on liberalism, and that care must be taken to identify the precise mechanisms that link pandemic response to various components of liberal democracy Copyright © The IO Foundation 2020


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors considers the potential for the COVID-19 pandemic to represent an epochal moment in international politics, one which China can use as a window to maximize its international order-building efforts.
Abstract: This article considers the potential for the COVID-19 pandemic to represent an epochal moment in international politics, one which China can use as a window to maximize its international order-building efforts. It is argued that China’s putative international order-building efforts to date have faltered, in part, due to an inability to create meaningful friendships with prominent international powers. However, the COVID-19 pandemic allows China to play a key humanitarian role in heavily afflicted countries and, through this, perhaps an opportunity to forge more meaningful friendships. It is argued that China is trying to attach its concept of friendship to its humanitarian assistance while also stepping into the clear international leadership void that exists at the moment. This is not without faults or missteps, but the lasting impact could be significant for international politics and the global order.