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Showing papers on "Politics published in 1975"


Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this paper, the impact of the concept of culture on the concepts of man and the evolution of mind in Bali has been discussed in the context of an interpretive theory of culture.
Abstract: Part I * Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture Part II * The Impact of the Concept of Culture on the Concept of Man * The Growth of Culture and the Evolution of Mind Part III * Religion As a Cultural System * Ethos, World View, and the Analysis of Sacred Symbols * Ritual and Social Change: A Javanese Example * Internal Conversion in Contemporary Bali Part IV * Ideology As a Cultural System * After the Revolution: The Fate of Nationalism in the New States * The Integrative Revolution: Primordial Sentiments and Civil Politics in the New States * The Politics of Meaning * Politics Past, Politics Present: Some Notes on the Uses of Anthropology in Understanding the New States PART V * The Cerebral Savage: On the Work of Claude Lvi-Strauss * Person, Time, and Conduct in Bali * Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight

9,103 citations


Journal ArticleDOI

3,499 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It has been said about the United States that it is now suffering ‘a crisis of regime’ as discussed by the authors and Europe, we have been told, is in little better condition: ‘all over Europe the First World War broke up the structure of society which, before 1914, had provided the necessary basis of confidence between government and governed.
Abstract: It has been said about the United States that it is now suffering ‘a crisis of regime’. Europe, we have been told, is in little better condition: ‘all over Europe the First World War broke up the structure of society which, before 1914, had provided the necessary basis of confidence between government and governed. There no longer exists, except in a few places such as Switzerland, that general acceptance of the conduct of national affairs that adds to the vigor of government and society alike.’1 These are the kinds of practical political problems to which the concept of political support, as found in systems analysis, has been directed.

1,956 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present examples from society in general, and from organizations in particular, of reward systems that "pay off" for one behavior even though the rewarder hopes dearly for another.
Abstract: Illustrations are presented from society in general, and from organizations in particular, of reward systems that “pay off” for one behavior even though the rewarder hopes dearly for another. Porti...

1,496 citations



Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, Okun explores the conflicts that arise when society's desire to reduce inequality would impair economic efficiency, confronting policymakers with ''the big tradeoff'' and argues that within the existing system there are ways to gain more of one good thing at a lower cost in terms of the other.
Abstract: Contemporary American society has the look of a split-level structure. Its political and social institutions distribute rights and privileges universally and proclaim the equality of all citizens. Yet economic institutions, with efficiency as their guiding principle, create disparities among citizens in living standards and material welfare. This mixture of equal rights and unequal economic status breeds tensions between the political principles of democracy and the economic principles of capitalism. Whenever the wealthy try for extra helpings of supposedly equal rights, and whenever the workings of the market deny anyone a minimum standard of living, ""dollars transgress on rights""--in the author's phrase. In this revised and expanded version of the Godkin Lectures presented at the John F. Kennedy School at Harvard University in April 1974, Arthur M. Okun explores the conflicts that arise when society's desire to reduce inequality would impair economic efficiency, confronting policymakers with ""the big tradeoff."" Other economic systems have attempted to solve this problem; but the best of socialist experiments have achieved a greater degree of equality than our mixed capitalist democracy only at heavy costs in efficiency, and dictatorial governments have reached heights of efficiency only by rigidly repressing their citizenry. In contrast, our basic system emerges as a viable, if uneasy, compromise in which the market has its place and democratic institutions keep it in check. But within the existing system there are ways to gain more of one good thing at a lower cost in terms of the other. In Okun's view, society's concern for human dignity can be directed at reducing the economic deprivation that stains the record of American democracy--through progressive taxation, transfer payments, job programs, broadening equality of opportunity, eliminating racial and sexual discrimination, and lowering barriers to access to capital.

1,094 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper found that people who believe in a just world are more likely than nonbelievers to admire fortunate people and to derogate victims, thus permitting the believers to maintain the perception that people in fact get what they deserve.
Abstract: Research with the Just World Scale has indicated that many people believe that the world is a place where good people are rewarded and bad people are punished. Believers in a just world have been found to be more likely than nonbelievers to admire fortunate people and to derogate victims, thus permitting the believers to maintain the perception that people in fact get what they deserve. Other studies have shed light on the antecedents, correlates, and social consequences of the belief in a just world. Everyone may have a version of the just world belief in early childhood (Piaget's “immanent justice”), but some people outgrow the belief quickly and some apparently never do. Believers in a just world have been found to be more religious, more authoritarian, and more oriented toward the internal control of reinforcements than nonbelievers. They are also more likely to admire political leaders and existing social institutions, and to have negative attitudes toward underprivileged groups. Suggestions for modifying the belief in a just world are offered, focusing on the socialization techniques employed by parents, teachers, religious institutions, and the mass media.

915 citations


Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present the "European view" of the reform negotiations, a view which emphasized the importance to the Europeans partly for political reasons of convertibility, or settlement, arrangements that would establish constraints on United States economic policies.
Abstract: during the 196os and that the only reason for such interest was its own balance-of-payments problems. Problem III deals with efforts to reform the international monetary system from the late 196os up until the publication of the Committee of Twenty's "First Outline of Reform" in Nairobi in September 1973. Here the emphasis on the exchange-rate regime is somewhat exaggerated. Although the background materials on the issue of exchange-rate flexibility are well presented, the fact is that the exchange-rate regime itself was not discussed extensively by the Committee of Twenty. This portion also suffers from an associated failure to present the "European view" of the reform negotiations-a view which emphasized the importance to the Europeans partly for political reasons of convertibility, or settlement, arrangements that would establish constraints on United States economic policies. Most of my objections concern the organization of the book; but these defects are not sufficiently important to detract substantially from its overall usefulness. As long as a teacher using it in a course on international politics or economics is able to supply his own framework for the discussion and his own questions-the questions provided by Meier often have little direct relation to the text material-the book should be very useful to students. It does contain a few flaws-the confidence problem is mentioned (p. 14) but is not immediately defined; it is not made clear (p. 28) that the prohibition in the IMF Articles of Agreement on controls applies primarily to current account transactions; and no definition of the United States "persistent deficit" in its international transactions from 1950 to 1971 is provided (p. 98); but such flaws are minor. This is a very useful and well-written book. It would be even more valuable if it had an index and if all the references to source materials were collected in one place.

725 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The meaning, manifestations, and significance of ethnicity in modern society and politics is explored in this paper. But the authors seek neither to celebrate nor to deplore ethnicity, but rather to examine it as a basis of social organization which in modern societies has achieved a significance comparable to that of social class.
Abstract: This volume launches a far-reaching exploration into the meaning, manifestations, and significance of ethnicity in modern society and politics. The authors seek neither to celebrate nor to deplore ethnicity, but rather to examine it as a basis of social organization which in modern societies has achieved a significance comparable to that of social class. Ethnicity indicates that minority groups around the world are no longer doing what society for hundreds of years has expected them to do-assimilate, disappear, or endure as exotic, troublesome survivors. Instead, their numbers expanded by immigration, their experiences and struggles mirrored to one another by the international mass media, minorities have become vital, highly conscious forces within almost all contemporary societies. Ethnicity has played a pivotal role in recent social change; it has evolved into a political idea, a mobilizing principle, and an effective means of advancing group interests. Together with Glazer and Moynihan, Harold Isaacs, Talcott Parsons, Martin Kilson, Orlando Patterson, Daniel Bell, Milton Esman, Milton Gordon, William Petersen, and others bring analytic clarity to the rich concept of "ethnicity." Their effort to explain why ethnic identity has become more salient, ethnic self-assertion stronger, and ethnic conflict more intense helps to develop a catholic view of ethnicity: this surpasses limited categories of race and nationality; includes the old world and the new, economically developed as well as developing nations; and offers a broad variety of theoretical approaches. Presenting the readers with a wealth of perceptions, points of view, and examples, Ethnicity: Theory and Experience will provoke discussion and argument for years to come.

678 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Vietnam and Algerian wars have demonstrated that the overwhelming conventional military superiority of major powers is no guarantee against their defeat in wars against small nations as discussed by the authors and that such wars are necessarily “limited,” which constrains escalation above certain levels.
Abstract: The Vietnam and Algerian wars have demonstrated that the overwhelming conventional military superiority of major powers is no guarantee against their defeat in wars against small nations. For external powers such wars are necessarily “limited,” which constrains escalation above certain levels. With no direct survival interest at stake, fighting the war does not take automatic priority over the pursuit of other social, political, and economic objectives. Prosecuting the war consumes resources—economic, human, and political—which are thus not available for the pursuit of these other objectives. In the absence of a quick victory this creates the potential for those political divisions which historically have shifted the balance of forces in the metropolis in favor of withdrawal. For the insurgents, the fact of invasion and occupation generates cohesion, minimizes constraints on mobilization, and maximizes the willingness to incur costs. Precisely the opposite effects tend to characterize the war effort of the external power. A conceptual framework for the analysis of the evolution and outcome of such conflicts is presented and its applications and limitations discussed.

523 citations



Book
01 Sep 1975
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of the tragic contradiction at the heart of America, Edward Morgan looks for answers in the people and politics of Virginia -a state that was both the birthplace of the revolution and the largest slaveholding state in the country.
Abstract: In this study of the tragic contradiction at the heart of America, Edward Morgan looks for answers in the people and politics of Virginia - a state that was both the birthplace of the revolution and the largest slaveholding state in the country.

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the international impact and social significance of antislavery thought in a critical era of political and industrial revolution and examine the implications and historical consequences of challenging the long-accepted institution of slavery.
Abstract: The author explores the international impact and social significance of antislavery thought in a critical era of political and industrial revolution. He examines the implications and historical consequences of challenging the long-accepted institution of slavery. The study not only provides a comparative account of early antislavery movements, but also uses the controversies over slavery to analyse shifting attitudes towards labour, social order, political representation, and the authority of law and religion. The focus is on the Anglo-American experience, but Davis makes illuminating comparisons with the history of slavery in France and Latin America. The book also offers portraits of important historical figures, including Thomas Jefferson, Granville Sharp, Bryan Edward, and Moreau de Saint-Mery, and accounts of key groups, movements, and bodies of literature. Through the history of slavery, Davis explores many areas of the social and intellectual history of the revolutionary era, creating a new reading of the entire age.


Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a more nearly balanced and comprehensive basis for judging the social utility of allocating funds and personnel for various types of research of geophysical hazards, and stimulating, in the process of that analysis, a more systematic appraisal of research needs by scientific investigators in cooperation with the users of their findings.
Abstract: This book was written with the objectives of (1) providing a more nearly balanced and comprehensive basis for judging the social utility of allocating funds and personnel for various types of research of geophysical hazards, and (2) stimulating, in the process of that analysis, a more systematic appraisal of research needs by scientific investigators in cooperation with the users of their findings. Chapter contains a summary of the authors' findings. Two main facts are pointed out: (1) the all-important social, economic and political "people" factors involved in hazards reduction have been largely ignored; and (2) right now, only a small proportion of all hazard-related research findings ever reach the general public. The summary of findings is then presented under the following headings: current status of natural hazards research in the United Statews; how research can improve our current situation; recommended research efforts; research needs common to most natural hazards; and research opportunities for specific hazards. Specific details about how the recommendations which are pointed out in chapter 1 were arrived at, and how they can be expected to curb sharply national losses caused by natural hazards are found in the succeeding chapters.

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: Body politics relationships, family, family and the life cycle work and occupations words and images institutions of social control feminism in perspective feminism and diversity are discussed in this paper, with a focus on women.
Abstract: Body politics relationships, family and the life cycle work and occupations words and images institutions of social control feminism in perspective feminism and diversity.

Journal ArticleDOI
Steven Lukes1
TL;DR: The authors discusses a range of attempts that have been made to apply a particular theory of ritual (the Durkheimian theory) to the politics of modern societies, specifically the United States and Britain.
Abstract: The article is concerned with the role played by rituals in the politics of advanced industrial societies. First, after considering the disputes of the anthropologists, a working definition of ritual is offered. The central, critical part of the paper discusses a range of attempts that have been made to apply a particular theory of ritual—the Durkheimian theory—to the politics of modern societies, specifically the United States and Britain. These `neo-Durkheimian' analyses (of Shils and Young, Blumler et al., Lloyd Warner, Bellah and Verba) are criticized for using too simple a notion of social integration, and for making too narrow a selection and offering too narrow an analysis of political rituals. Their approach is further criticized for closing off a whole range of significant and critical questions about political rituals—questions which bring out their cognitive role and the cognitive dimension of the exercise of power in stratified, conflictual and pluralistic modern industrial societies. Finally,...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, Coleman and Messick as discussed by the authors used the prerequisites approach to explain the first adoption of Social Security in the United States and found that the adoption of social security was correlated with the level of social and economic modernization.
Abstract: Prerequisites Versus Diffusion: Testing Alternative Explanations of Social Security Adoption* DAVID COLLIER Indiana University RICHARD E. MESSICK George Washington University Social security is one of the most important means by which modern nations protect the wel- fare of their citizens. Through programs that deal with the hardships of workers' injury, illness, old age, unemployment, and low income, social se- curity attempts to set a minimum standard of living for the sectors of society covered by the programs. In countries with fully developed pro- grams, social security now protects nearly all members of society. Given the importance of social security, it is hardly surprising that scholars have shown con- siderable interest in analyzing its evolution. Among the many aspects of social security de- velopment, the timing of the first adoption of social security merits particular attention. The circumstances of the first appearance of any policy are inherently interesting, and the first ap- pearance of social security is particularly impor- tant because it has represented in many nations a major break with the antiwelfare doctrine of tra- ditional liberalism. The timing of first adoption has received con- siderable attention in comparative research on social security.' However, this research has gen- * This is a revised version of a paper presented at the 1973 Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago. The research was sup- ported by grants from the Cross-Cultural Fellowship Program and the Honors Division of Indiana Uni- versity and by a Ford Foundation Political Science Faculty Research Fellowship. John V. Gillespie played a major role in stimulating our concern with the place of diffusion in cross-national research, and Ruth B. Collier provided helpful comments on earlier drafts of the article. We are obviously solely re- sponsible for the final form which the article has taken. 1 See Margaret Gordon, The Economics of Welfare Policies (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963); Phillips Cutright, Political Structure, Eco- nomic Development and National Social Security Programs, The American Journal of Sociology, 70 (March, 1965), 537-550; Phillips Cutright, Income Redistribution: A Cross-National Analysis, Social Forces, 46 (December, 1967), 180-190; Henry Aaron, Social Securitv: International Comparisons, in Otto Eckstein, ed., Studies in the Economics of Income Maintenance (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Insti- tution, 1967); Frederick Pryor, Public Expenditures in Communist and Capitalist Nations (Homewood, Ill.: erally used the timing of adoption to explain other aspects of the social security experience of nations, and not as an outcome that is itself to be explained.2 The present research is concerned with explaining the timing of the first adoption of so- cial security among the 59 countries which had formal political autonomy with regard to domes- tic policy at the time of first adoption (see Ap- pendix). The analysis focuses on two of the most im- portant explanations of social security develop- ment: the prerequisites explanation, which em- phasizes causes of social security development within nations, most commonly the level of social and economic modernization; and diffusion, which focuses on the imitation of social security programs among nations. These alternative theo- retical approaches have received very unequal at- tention in political research. The prerequisites approach has been widely used, particularly in the area of comparative politics.4 By contrast, George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1968); and Koji Taira and Peter Kilby, Differences in Social Se- curity Development in Selected Countries, Inter- national Social Security Review, 22 (1969), 139-153. 2 In quantitative research, the only exception of which we are aware is a two and a half page analysis in Appendix E-12 in Pryor, Public Expenditures. His- torical studies such as Gaston V. Rimlinger, Welfare Policy and Industrialization in Europe, America and Russia (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1971) have also attempted to explain timing of adoption. 3 This expression is used loosely here to refer to what Marion Levy has labeled functional and struc- tural prerequisites. In using the expression prerequi- sites, we are following his distinction between the prerequisites for the appearance of a given phenome- non and the requisites for its continued existence. See Marion J. Levy, Jr., The Structure of Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952), pp. 62-63 and 71-72. 4Examples of cross-national studies that examine various forms of the prerequisites and requisites hypotheses (see footnote 3) with regard to demo- cratic political outcomes are S. M. Lipset, Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Develop- ment and Political Legitimacy, American Political Science Review, 53 (March, 1959), 69-105; James S. Coleman, Conclusion: The Political Systems of the Developing Areas, in Gabriel A. Almond and James S. Coleman, eds., The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960) Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1676534

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, the authors suggest that appropriate guidelines for corporate social performance are to be found within the framework of public policy, and illustrate their approach with four examples with four different types of social concerns and political pressures.
Abstract: How should corporate managers respond to social concerns and political pressures? The authors suggest that appropriate guidelines for corporate social performance are to be found within the framework of public policy, and illustrate their approach with four examples.

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the role of group characteristics and social networks in the outcome of the 2016 US presidential election, focusing on Democratic belief in American democracy and turnout and electoral context.
Abstract: Tables and Figures Acknowledgments Introduction 1. Democratic Beliefs and American Democracy 2. Electoral Context and Strategy 3. Turnout and Elections 4. Partisanship and Party Change 5. Public Opinion and Ideology. 6. Group Characteristics and Social Networks 7. Political Communication and the Mass Media 8. Vote Choice and Electoral Decisions Appendix: Survey Research Methods Index

BookDOI
31 Dec 1975
TL;DR: Oregel's book as mentioned in this paper is a classic in the field of Renaissance studies, and it is a foundational text for the New Historicist Perspective in English Renaissance literary and cultural studies, as informative and suggestive as it was when new; it is unsurpassed as an introduction to the dialectic of theatrical illusion and state authority in the culture of Elizabethan and Stuart England.
Abstract: "Elegant, deeply learned, and intellectually adventurous, its implications extend far beyond the boundaries of the Stuart and Caroline masque. It is an indispensable, exploration of political art and aestheticized politics...a classic." (Stephen Greenblatt, University of California, Berkeley). "A triumph of scholarship, insight, and explication, Oregel's book is truly a classic in the field of Renaissance studies. Anyone interested in Renaissance culture will find here a masterful analysis of its celebration of royal power." (Coppelia Kahn, Brown University). "As knowing of art, theatrical and political history as it is sensitive to poetry, Orgel's book is learned, lively, and beautifully clear." (John Hollander, Yale University). "A foundational text for the New Historicist Perspective in English Renaissance literary and cultural studies...as informative and suggestive as it was when new; in the clarity and grace of its writing, the breadth and precision of its arguments, the aptness and resonance of its examples, it is unsurpassed as an introduction to the dialectic of theatrical illusion and state authority - of play and power - in the culture of Elizabethan and Stuart England." (Louis Montrose, University of California, San Diego).

Book
01 Oct 1975

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the machinery of government with its social, economic and cultural contexts in Hong Kong and described the changes that will take place in the system of government in 1997 when Hong Kong becomes a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China.
Abstract: This study of the government of Hong Kong examines the machinery of government with its social, economic and cultural contexts. The text has been substantially revised for this edition to take account of the changing context in which policies are being made in the lead up to 1997. The author details the most recent constitutional developments and moves towards democracy, and describes the changes that will take place in the system of government in 1997 when Hong Kong becomes a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China.

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the role of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRP) and the International Organization for Indigenous Self-Determination (OIPT).
Abstract: Preface and Acknowledgments 1: Introduction: Indigenous Peoples and Culture Scale Culture Scale, Culture Process, and Indigenous Peoples Large-Scale versus Small-Scale Society and Culture The Problem of Global-Scale Society and Culture Social Scale and Social Power Negative Development: The Global Pattern Policy Implications 2: Progress and Indigenous Peoples Progress: The Commercial Explosion The Culture of Consumption Resource Appropriation and Acculturation The Role of Ethnocentrism Civilization's Unwilling Conscripts Cultural Pride versus Progress The Principle of Stabilization 3: The Uncontrolled Frontier The Frontier Process Demographic Impact of the Frontier 4: We Fought with Spears The Punitive Raid Wars of Extermination 5: The Extension of Government Control Aims and Philosophy of Administration Tribal Peoples and National Unity The Transfer of Sovereignty Treaty Making Bringing Government to the Tribes The Political Integration Process Anthropology and Native Administration 6: Land Policies The People-Land Relationship Land Policy Variables 7: Cultural Modification Policies These Are the Things That Obstruct Progress Social Engineering: How to Do It 8: Economic Globalization Forced Labor: Harnessing the Heathens Learning the Dignity of Labor: Taxes and Discipline Creating Progressive Consumers Promoting Technological Change Tourism and Indigenous Peoples 9: The Price of Progress Progress and the Quality of Life Diseases of Development Ecocide Deprivation and Discrimination 10: The Political Struggle for Indigenous Self-Determination Who Are Indigenous Peoples? The Initial Political Movements Creating Nunavut Guna Self-Determination: The Comarca Gunayala The Political Struggle The Shuar Solution CONAIE: Uprising Politics Reshaping Ecuador's Political Landscape The Dene Nation: Land, Not Money Land Rights and the Outstation Movement in Australia Philippine Tribals: No More Retreat Indigenous Peoples and the Arctic Council The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Tebtebba: An Indigenous Partnership on Climate Change and Forests 11: Petroleum, the Commercial World, and Indigenous Peoples Petroleum: The Unsustainable Foundation of the Commercial World The Gwich'in and Oil Development in the Sacred Place Where Life Begins Petroleum Development and Indigenous Rights in Ecuador First Nations Opposition to Canadian Tar Sand Development Athabasca Chipewyan First Nation (ACFN) vs. Shell Oil Assigning Responsibility for Tar Sand Development 12: Global Warming and Indigenous Peoples The Indigenous Response to Global Warming Indigenous Peoples as Climate Change Refugees Arctic Warming and Alaska Natives Global Warming Perpetuators and Beneficiaries Assessing the Global Costs of Climate Change & the Carbon Economy 13: Human Rights and the Politics of Ethnocide The Realists: Humanitarian Imperialists and Scientists The World Bank: Operational Manual 2005 and False Assurances The Idealist Preservationists You Can't Leave Them Alone: The Realists Prevail Indigenous Peoples' Rights Advocates Voluntary Isolation in the Twenty-First Century Indigenous Peoples as Small Nations Conclusion Appendixes Bibliography Index About the Author






Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In the late 1890s Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), who had been trained as a Viennese neurologist, created a new field, psychoanalysis, which was designed to understand and treat neurotic afflictions as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the late 1890s Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), who had been trained as a Viennese neurologist, created a new field, psychoanalysis, which was designed to understand and treat neurotic afflictions. Although not a political thinker per se, Freud contributed indirectly, and some of his followers directly, to modern political theory. Politically, Freud was something of a conservative liberal, sceptical in outlook and suspicious of utopian schemes. His followers did not always follow him faithfully down the trail he had blazed in the new discipline of psychoanalysis; nor did all agree with his political views. Some were conservative to the point of reaction, others radical Marxists and utopians. Some revised Freudian theory almost beyond recognition. All were alike, however, in finding in Freud the outline and essentials of a new and fruitful way of thinking about man and society. Freud’s thought An essential key to Freud’s thinking about psychopathology lies in the character of the last days of the Hapsburg Empire. A yawning gulf between reality and official ideology stimulated a general intellectual revolt and a search for the actualities beneath the pious formulae of public truth. This uprising was led by those ideally placed to see the discrepancy because they had nothing to gain from accepting the official view: the educated Jews. Mordant irony was their weapon for piercing the veil of the structure of formal beliefs. The cultural conflict between East and West that had its vortex in Vienna’s cosmopolitan intellectual life, and the sense that liberal culture was on the verge of being undermined, would be reflected throughout Freud’s mature thought (Zweig 1953; Roazen 1968; Johnston 1972; Schorske 1979).