Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1969"
TL;DR: This article explored the thesis that white-Black relations in America are essentially those of colonizer and colonized, and three contemporary social movements are analyzed in this light: urban riots, cultural nationalism, and ghetto control politics.
Abstract: The paper explores the thesis that white-Black relations in America are essentially those of colonizer and colonized. The concept of colonization as a process is distinguished from colonialism as a social system in order to isolate the common features in the experience and situation of Afro-Americans and the colonial peoples. Three contemporary social movements are analyzed in this light: urban riots, cultural nationalism, and ghetto control politics. Some dilemmas within these movements are considered in terms of the ambiguities that exist when colonization has taken place outside of a colonial political context. The essay concludes with a brief discussion of the white role in ghettoization and decolonization.
372 citations
TL;DR: Membership in the conservation movement appears to be composed largely of upper-middle class occupations, especially professional occupations, and it is primarily an urban-based movement t... as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Membership in the conservation movement appears to be composed largely of upper-middle class occupations, especially professional occupations. In addition, it is primarily an urban-based movement t...
128 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1969
TL;DR: The nature of social science and political science has been studied extensively in the past few decades as discussed by the authors, including the emergence of political sociology, and the role of class, status, and political conflict in social science.
Abstract: Prefaces 1. The nature of social science 2. The emergence of political sociology 3. Karl Marx and Max Weber 4. Elites and oligarchies 5. Voters and parties 6. Methods, models and theories 7. Class, status and political conflict 8. Social science and political theory Notes Index.
108 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, a more careful delineation of the characteristics associated with activism from the characteristic associated with ideology was attempted, and the results indicate the necessity of separating ideology from activism in investigation s of student political activists.
Abstract: A more careful delineation of the characteristics associated with activism from the characteristics associated with ideology was attempted. 73 undergraduate Sa, belonging to the 6 groups that result from the combination of activism and nonactivism with left, right, and middle ideologies, were given a series of personality and intellectual questionnaires. Activists were found to be significantly (p < .05) more intelligent than nonactivists. There were no differences in ego-defensive ness among any of the groups. Left-oriented Sa were, to a significant degree, less concerned with social acceptance than right- or middle-orient ed Ss. The results indicate the necessity of separating ideology from activism in investigation s of student political activists.
79 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1969
TL;DR: In this article, the story of Robert Owen and the movement associated with his name, from the standpoint of comparative social and intellectual history, is described in both British and American source material, and directed new light on Owenism and illuminates general problems of the history of social movements and social change in modern societies.
Abstract: Robert Owen and the Owenites were associated with the rise of an early industrial society in Britain and with the development of an agricultural, frontier society in the United States during the first half of the nineteenth century. This book, originally published in 1969, was the first to use both British and American source material, and tells the story of Robert Owen and the movement associated with his name, from the standpoint of comparative social and intellectual history.
The book directs new light on Owenism, and at the same time illuminates general problems of the history of social movements and social change in modern societies.
71 citations
Posted Content•
42 citations
01 Jan 1969
38 citations
TL;DR: The concept of a MASTER PLANNER as mentioned in this paper is a concept that does not fit the real-world of MODEL CITIES PLANNING, and the MASTER planner is a key actor in the ESSENTIALLY POLITICAL PROCESS of INTERORGANIZATIONAL DECISION-MAKING.
Abstract: THE PROVISION FOR WIDESPREAD CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE BASIC MODEL CITIES LEGISLATION HAS BEEN IMPLEMENTED IN THE CONTEXT OF A GROWING SOCIAL MOVEMENT BY RESIDENTS OF DISADVANTAGED NEIGHBORHOODS FOR A GREATER ROLE IN NEIGHBORHOOD AND CITYWIDE DECISION-MAKING. THE COMPLEX SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEST OF MODEL CITIES PLANNING OFFERS A CHALLENGE TO PLANNERS AND IMPORTANT IMPLICATIONS FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE NEXT GENERATION. THE EMERGENCE OF THE RESIDENT PARTICIPATION ELEMENT AS A POWERFUL REALITY HAS CHANGED THE ENTIRE CONCEPTION OF WHAT THE PLANNING PROCESS WOULD BE LIKE AND WHAT MIGHT BE ACCOMPLISHED. COMMUNITY DECISION ORGANIZATIONS, SUCH AS URBAN RENEWAL AGENCIES, BOARDS OF EDUCATION, HEALTH AND WELFARE COUNCILS, AND ANTI-POVERTY AGENCIES, AFTER THE INITIAL STAGES OF PLANNING IN MANY CITIES HAVE BEEN ECLIPSED BY THE NEIGHBORHOOD-CITY HALL STRUGGLE, BUT MAY PARTICIPATE MORE ACTIVELY LATER IN SPECIFICATION AND IMPLEMENTATION OF PLANS. THE CONCEPT OF A COMMUNITY PLANNER AS AN EXPERT HELPING DEVELOP COMMUNITY LIFE PLANS IS A CONCEPT WHICH DOES NOT FIT THE REALITY OF MODEL CITIES PLANNING. THE MASTER PLANNING MUST CONSIDER THE PLANNER AS: (1) A KEY ACTOR IN THE ESSENTIALLY POLITICAL PROCESS OF INTERORGANIZATIONAL DECISION-MAKING, (2) REPRESENTING A CONSTITUENCY RATHER THAN MERELY ACTION FROM ALLEGED PUBLIC INTEREST, (3) A ROLE WHICH MUST BE REDEFINED BY SUBSTITUTING A MODEL OF THE PLANNING PROCESS IN WHICH ANY INDIVIDUAL PLANNER IS NOT SO MUCH A CONSULTANT TO THE ENTIRE PLANNING SYSTEM AS TO ONE PARTICIPATING PARTY, (4) THE INJECTOR OF RATIONAL-TECHNICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN RELATION TO CERTAIN OF THE RESPECTIVE PARTIES TO THE POLITICAL DECISION-MAKING PROCESS, AND (5) AN ADVOCATE OF RATIONAL-TECHNICAL CONSIDERATIONS IN THE PURSUIT OF SOCIO-POLITICALLY DETERMINED GOALS BOTH WITHIN THE RESPECTIVE DECISION-MAKING ORGANIZATIONS AND AMONG THEM.
33 citations
10 citations
Abstract: PROCESSES OF RECRUITM ENT IN THE SIT-IN MOVEMENT* B Y MAURICE P I NAR D, J EROME KIRK, AN D DONALD VON ESCHEN On tthe basis of data collected by questionnaire among paruc1pants in a freedom ride on U. S. Route 40 in 1961, the role of strains in the growth of an incipient social movement is analyzed. Although strains are positively re- lated to intense participation in the activities of the movement, the data indi- cate that the most deprived are strongly underrepresented in its ranks. This is explained by the fact that incipient movements do not attract people who are living under long-endured privations, unless they are moved at the same time by a radical ideology and rebellious alienation. T he authors argue that access to ideological beliefs is differentially distributed throughout the social struc- ture, with important consequences for early recruitment to movements de- signed to bring about social change. Maurice Pinard is Associate Professor of Sociology at McGill University; J erome Kirk is Assistant Professor of Sociology at the University of California at Irvine; and Donald von Eschen is Assistant Professor of Sociology at McGill. T H E PURPOSE of this paper is to examine the role of strain in the growth of social movemen ts. Though it is generally taken for granted that behind any episode of collective be- havior lie some form of strains, little is known about the processes through which these strains affect the recruitment of people into a social movement. STRAINS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT PARTICIPATI O N Since the argument of this paper contains some paradoxes, let us present it briefly at the beginning. Our central argumen t is that contrary to frequen t assumptions, one should not necessarily expect a monotonically positive relationship between strains 1 and the various • We are grateful to the organizers of the Route 40 Freedom Ride, and in particular to James Farmer, former president of CORE, who allowed us to change our role from that of participants to that of systematic observers. We are also in- debted to Raymond Breton, James Coleman, Robert Peabody, and Arthur Stinch- combe for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper, although, since they disagreed with some of our arguments, they cannot be held responsible for its contents. l The concept of strain is borrowed from Smelser, who devotes a full chapter to its elaboration in his Theory of Collective Behavior, New York, Free Press, 1963, ch. 3. We use this concept as the most satisfactory generic term to refer to any impairment in people's life conditions. Though in Smelser's typology, the concept of deprivation refers to only one subtype of strains-in particular the loss of
TL;DR: This article explored what it means, from the individual's point of view, to engage in right-wing extremism, and found that many individuals today feel excludable from political engagement.
Abstract: This article explores what it means, from the individual’s point of view, to engage in right-wing extremism. Recent literature on political engagement showed that many individuals today feel exclud...
TL;DR: In this paper, a socio-analytic reconstruction about this social movement which demands the unconditional regularization of all migrants without papers who live in Spain is presented, in the form of an extremely novel social movement led by migrants from the post-colonial peripheries.
Abstract: This text focuses on a concrete example of the political struggle of migrants which, beginning in the last decade and continuing to the present, occupies Catalan public space in the form of an extremely novel social movement led by migrants from the post-colonial peripheries. These migrants, upon installing themselves in the Spanish state and more specifically in the city of Barcelona, choose to escape the position of victim assigned to them by the “miserablist” representation of immigration to become agents and political subjects. This article is a socio-analytic reconstruction about this social movement which demands the unconditional regularization of all migrants without papers who live in Spain.
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01 Jan 1969
TL;DR: The term "political system" has become increasingly common in the titles of texts and monographs in the field of comparative politics as discussed by the authors and it has been used to describe what we call a political system.
Abstract: The term ‘political system’ has become increasingly common in the titles of texts and monographs in the field of comparative politics. The older texts used such terms as ‘government’, ‘nation’, or ‘state’ to describe what we call a political system. Something more is involved here than mere style of nomenclature. This new terminology reflects a new way of looking at political phenomena. It includes some new names for old things, and some new terms to refer to activities and processes which were not formerly recognized as being parts or aspects of politics.
TL;DR: This article examined the conditions under which individuals form commitments to their cohorts in attempting to improve their relative positions and found that subjectively-experienced deprivation combined with awareness of common position produces an orientation to collective, rather than self, betterment.
Abstract: This paper examines the conditions under which individuals form commitments to their cohorts in attempting to improve their relative positions. Working from a Marxian-derived hypothesis, the simulation indicates that subjectively-experienced deprivation combined with awareness of common position produces an orientation to collective, rather than self, betterment. The association is conditional, however, depending upon high money motivation of participants. T he conditions under which individuals formii a strong and selfless commitnment to either a membership or reference group are, and have been, a major area of sociological interest. Concern with this identification process can be traced to the origins of modern sociology, and it has continued to be strong despite the development of specialized subfields and numerous changes in methodology. In brief, how (and why) individuals collmmit themselves to a collectivity is so fundamental a sociological question that it transcends differences among sociologists. In the past decade, interest in this question has been most pronounced in studies of trade union participation and social mobility aspirations.1 Perhaps the basic problem, as posed by Lipset, lies in whether an individual will attempt to "drive himself to get ahead," or will try to improve his situation "collectively through social movements."2 The American tendency to favor individual mobility provides, according to Kahl,3 one of the most distinguishing characteristics of U.S. society. Small group studies also focus on the same conflict in orientations, though at a more microscopic level. Members of army combat squads, industrial work groups and athletic teams have all been analyzed according to their willingness to 1 See Seymour M. Lipset, "Trade Unions and Social Structure," lIndutstrial Relationts, 1 (October 1961); and William Spinard, "Correlates of Trade Union Participation," Amierican Sociological Reviezw, 2 (April 1960). 2 Lipset, op. cit., p. 75 (Emplhasis in original). 3 Joseph A. Kahl, The American Class Stritcture (New York: Holt, Rinehart & WinstoIl, 1961). This content downloaded from 207.46.13.101 on Thu, 21 Apr 2016 05:48:57 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
31 Dec 1969
TL;DR: The authors provide an overview of several noted social movement theories and examine how the former excludes peripheral actors from societal dialogue while linking the tenets of the latter to recent movement trends, and the analysis will then shift to an examination of the orientation of engaged social movement actors.
Abstract: This paper will provide an overview of several noted social movement theories. This will be followed by an examination of the legacy of Habermas’s public sphere and Castells’s network theory. I will explore how the former excludes peripheral actors from societal dialogue while linking the tenets of the latter to recent movement trends. The analysis will then shift to an examination of the orientation of engaged social movement actors. How have their internetworked activities contributed to the development of identity or communities of “becoming.” Are they replicating the hegemonic behaviors within the established societal structures they repudiate? How can conceptual and practical developments inform us of the potential of movement actions within altered spaces? Overall, I hope to provide an effective analysis that clearly captures the potential pitfalls and openings for movement actors – both theoretically and practically – in their attempt to effect change and enhance their sense of community through ephemeral networks.
TL;DR: The field of African political anthropology is concerned with such problems as traditional political organization, power, ritual, structure, and composition of authority, and control of indigenous African societies in some context other than that involving colonial administration as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The field of African political anthropology is concerned with such problems as traditional political organization, power, ritual, structure, and composition of authority, and control of indigenous African societies in some context other than that involving colonial administration. It is political in a broad and multi-disciplinary perspective in contrast to the narrow perspective of studying African politics in terms of institutions or of the state. It is anthropology insofar as it deals with the study of tribal groups and their customs especially as they relate to the structure and function of power in a given society. In most cases the studies cited herein preclude concentration on rural areas, though where the citation includes urban African political anthopology it has been omitted. In cases where there has been a study of conflict between the indigenous polity with a colonial regime, all connections with the latter have been ignored. Historical studies, when pertaining to social movements and/or ideologies in the politico-anthropological context such as 'Mau Mau' and 'Kimbanguism,' have been included as well as studies of African customary law. Ethnographies are included when they concentrate on political customs. Most references come from the years 1965-1969, although a few significant citations go back to 1962. The organization of the bibliography is in seven parts.
TL;DR: There are two social movements engaged in efforts to alter the power structure of the United States, a Black Power movement and a Church Power movement, both of which aim either to revolutionize or to diminish the power of a democratic majority in an affluent democratic society as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: At present there are two social movements engaged in efforts to alter the power structure of the United States, a Black Power movement and a Church Power movement. Both aim either to revolutionize or to diminish the power of a democratic majority in an affluent democratic society. The Church Power movement seeks to revolutionize middle-class America. The Black Power movement has the alternative of Black Nationalism.