https://www.hse.ru/data/816/479/1225/Oct%2019%20Cited%20%231%20Manage%20THE%20THEORY%20OF%20PLANNED%20BEHAVIOR.pdf

The theory of planned behavior

Publisher Summary
This chapter outlines the two basic routes to persuasion. One route is based on the thoughtful consideration of arguments central to the issue, whereas the other is based on the affective associations or simple inferences tied to peripheral cues in the persuasion context. This chapter discusses a wide variety of variables that proved instrumental in affecting the elaboration likelihood, and thus the route to persuasion. One of the basic postulates of the Elaboration Likelihood Model—that variables may affect persuasion by increasing or decreasing scrutiny of message arguments—has been highly useful in accounting for the effects of a seemingly diverse list of variables. The reviewers of the attitude change literature have been disappointed with the many conflicting effects observed, even for ostensibly simple variables. The Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM) attempts to place these many conflicting results and theories under one conceptual umbrella by specifying the major processes underlying persuasion and indicating the way many of the traditionally studied variables and theories relate to these basic processes. The ELM may prove useful in providing a guiding set of postulates from which to interpret previous work and in suggesting new hypotheses to be explored in future research.

/pdf/the-elaboration-likelihood-model-of-persuasion-3y2y5dyvfe.pdf

The elaboration likelihood model of persuasion

Despite the widespread use of exploratory factor analysis in psychological research, researchers often make questionable decisions when conducting these analyses. This article reviews the major design and analytical decisions that must be made when conducting a factor analysis and notes that each of these decisions has important consequences for the obtained results. Recommendations that have been made in the methodological literature are discussed. Analyses of 3 existing empirical data sets are used to illustrate how questionable decisions in conducting factor analyses can yield problematic results. The article presents a survey of 2 prominent journals that suggests that researchers routinely conduct analyses using such questionable methods. The implications of these practices for psychological research are discussed, and the reasons for current practices are reviewed.

/pdf/evaluating-the-use-of-exploratory-factor-analysis-in-4fpz0boat8.pdf

Evaluating the use of exploratory factor analysis in psychological research.

Stereotype research emphasizes systematic processes over seemingly arbitrary contents, but content also may prove systematic. On the basis of stereotypes' intergroup functions, the stereotype content model hypothesizes that (a) 2 primary dimensions are competence and warmth, (b) frequent mixed clusters combine high warmth with low competence (paternalistic) or high competence with low warmth (envious), and (c) distinct emotions (pity, envy, admiration, contempt) differentiate the 4 competence-warmth combinations. Stereotypically, (d) status predicts high competence, and competition predicts low warmth. Nine varied samples rated gender, ethnicity, race, class, age, and disability out-groups. Contrary to antipathy models, 2 dimensions mattered, and many stereotypes were mixed, either pitying (low competence, high warmth subordinates) or envying (high competence, low warmth competitors). Stereotypically, status predicted competence, and competition predicted low warmth.

/pdf/a-model-of-often-mixed-stereotype-content-competence-and-4lnqi6l7zn.pdf

A model of (often mixed) stereotype content: Competence and warmth respectively follow from perceived status and competition.

University of Wisconsin--Madis on Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation ofantomatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study I supported the model's assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotyped group and that Iow-prejudiee responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the effects of automarie stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects' ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects' responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed.

https://www.uni-muenster.de/imperia/md/content/psyifp/aeechterhoff/wintersemester2011-12/attitudesandsocialjudgment/devine_automcontrprejudice_jpsp1989.pdf

Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and controlled components.

The study of politics and the life cycle began with a rather single-minded focus on childhood and the family-on the idea, as Tocqueville famously put it, that the entire person could be "seen in the cradle of the child." Politics does begin in childhood, and parents do influence their offspring, but change takes place over the entire span of life. I take up the early emergence of partisanship and essentialism, the formation of generations, politically consequential transitions in adulthood, and the rising of politics and its final decline.

https://science.sciencemag.org/content/sci/312/5782/1905.full.pdf

Politics and the life cycle.

Individual-level investigations of the link between personal economic wellbeing and political preference commonly turn up findings at odds with aggregate, overtime analyses Although various theoretical explanations for this anomaly have been advanced, we focus on a different culprit: the possibly frail measure employed in survey based studies We develop improved measures of change in personal economic wellbeing and use a national survey of the American electorate to test them Our findings are striking: although the traditional question used by survey researchers is quite valid, its unreliability has caused the effect of personal economic well-being on political evaluations to be substantially underestimated Steven J Rosenstone is Professor of Political Science at Yale University John Mark Hansen is Assistant Professor of Political Science at The University of Chicago and is a Research Fellow at The Brookings Institution Donald R Kinder is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science and Associate Research Scientist at the Institute for Social Research, both at the University of Michigan 1 Eg, Kramer, 1971; Bloom and Price, 1975; Frey and Schneider, 1975; Tufte, 1978; Kernell, 1978; Hibbs and Fassbinder, 1981; Hibbs, 1982; and Rosenstone, 1983 2Eg, Fiorina, 1978, 1981; Kinder and Kiewiet, 1979, 1981; Schlozman and Verba, 1979; Sears et al, 1980; Kinder, 1981; Kiewiet, 1983 Public Opinion Quarterly Vol 50176-192 ? 1986 by the American Association for Public Opinion Research Published by The University of Chicago Press 0033-362X/86/0050-176/$250 This content downloaded from 207461353 on Thu, 01 Sep 2016 05:20:19 UTC All use subject to http://aboutjstororg/terms MEASURING CHANGE IN PERSONAL ECONOMIC WELL-BEING 177 predicaments of groups (Conover, 1985; Kinder et al, 1983) Perhaps personal finances have political consequences, but only for rather unusual voters (Feldman, 1982; Kinder and Mebane, 1983) Or perhaps the political effect of family finances has to do not with the voter's calculus but with the caliber of candidates: the appearance of attractive, well-financed out-party candidates hoping to reap windfalls from the incumbents' economic woes (Fiorina, 1978; Jacobson and Kernell, 1981)3 We take a different route We argue here that the frail results produced by survey-based analyses reflect in part the frail measurement of changing personal economic well-being While relatively trustworthy measures of aggregate economic conditions are readily available, the reliability and validity of individual-level measures of personal financial security are largely untested Most survey work, in fact, has depended on answers to a single question asked (with slight variation) by the National Elections Studies since 1952: We are interested in how people are getting along financially these days Would you say that you (and your family living with you) are better off or worse off than you were a year ago? Pinpointing the connection between economic circumstance and political preference based on this lone item is a perilous enterprise4 Motivated by the theoretical issues at stake, we report here our efforts to improve the measurement of change in personal economic well-being We attend to two kinds of measurement error: those arising from use of a single item rather than a set, and those deriving from use of a time frame (one year) that may be beyond respondents' memories We draw upon a national survey conducted in the summer of 1983 to assess the adequacy of the traditional better/worse off question and compare its performance to new items we designed While our results have immediate implications for the proper measurement of personal economic well-being, they also hold lessons for the measurement of subjective states more generally and for our understanding of the interplay between economics and politics in the lives of ordinary citizens 3 Kramer (1983), in addition, has argued that individual-level findings are statistical artifacts and that the mechanisms linking economic conditions to politics can never be uncovered using cross-sectional data 4 The better/worse off financially question is sometimes supplemented by others: by measures of unemployment and underemployment (eg, Fiorina, 1981; Kinder and Kiewiet, 1979), by questions that invite citizens to name their most pressing personal problems, which are often economic (eg, Kinder and Kiewiet, 1981; Kiewiet, 1983), and in at least two instances by sets of questions that attempt to map personal economic experiences and judgments more comprehensively (Kinder and Mebane, 1983; Mebane, 1982) This content downloaded from 207461353 on Thu, 01 Sep 2016 05:20:19 UTC All use subject to http://aboutjstororg/terms 178 STEVEN J ROSENSTONE, JOHN MARK HANSEN AND DONALD R KINDER Measuring Change in Personal Economic Well-Being

Measuring Change in Personal Economic Well-Being

DOES THE MERE asking of questions motivate a respondent to form attitudes which were previously absent or to change the direction or intensity of extant attitudes? The answer to this question is important in many applications of the survey method, but particularly in panel surveys in which respondents are asked the same questions on two or more occasions (waves). If interview effects exist, they pose important ethical and methodological problems for survey researchers. If, under certain conditions, interviewing changes attitudes and the behavior they mediate, the survey researcher assumes the role of an agent, as well as a reporter, of social change. For example, in the course of studying racial or intergroup attitudes, the researcher may make certain issues salient or may polarize socially undesirable attitudes merely by asking race-related questions.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2748179.pdf

Interviewing Changes Attitudes—Sometimes

Prejudice and Politics

In An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy, Gunnar Myrdal (1944) argued that white Americans were caught in a dilemma, torn between their commitment to noble democratic principles—what Myrdal called the American Creed—on the one side, and their belief in the superiority of the white race, on the other. Myrdal was certain that in the struggle between democratic principles and race prejudice, the former would prevail. Prejudice, Myrdal famously predicted, was about to disappear. Acknowledging the considerable progress that has taken place in American race relations over the past 60 years, we show that on this particular point Myrdal was wrong. Contrary to his prediction, prejudice has not disappeared; nor has its political significance diminished. Prejudice remains and its importance for politics depends, today as in Myrdal's time, on political circumstance: on the vicissitudes of history and the actions of leaders.

Donald R. Kinder

Papers

Politics and the life cycle.

Measuring Change in Personal Economic Well-Being

Interviewing Changes Attitudes—Sometimes

Prejudice and Politics

Myrdal's Prediction