Similarity breeds connection. This principle—the homophily principle—structures network ties of every type, including marriage, friendship, work, advice, support, information transfer, exchange, comembership, and other types of relationship. The result is that people's personal networks are homogeneous with regard to many sociodemographic, behavioral, and intrapersonal characteristics. Homophily limits people's social worlds in a way that has powerful implications for the information they receive, the attitudes they form, and the interactions they experience. Homophily in race and ethnicity creates the strongest divides in our personal environments, with age, religion, education, occupation, and gender following in roughly that order. Geographic propinquity, families, organizations, and isomorphic positions in social systems all create contexts in which homophilous relations form. Ties between nonsimilar individuals also dissolve at a higher rate, which sets the stage for the formation of niches (localize...

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Birds of a Feather: Homophily in Social Networks

The adolescent brain and age-related behavioral manifestations

A Treatise on the Family. G. S. Becker. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 1981. Gary Becker is one of the most famous and influential economists of the second half of the 20th century, a fervent contributor to and expounder of the University of Chicago free-market philosophy, and winner of the 1992 Nobel Prize in economics. Although any book with the word "treatise" in its title is clearly intended to have an impact, one coming from someone as brilliant and controversial as Becker certainly had such a lofty goal. It has received many article-length reviews in several disciplines (Ben-Porath, 1982; Bergmann, 1995; Foster, 1993; Hannan, 1982), which is one measure of its scholarly importance, and yet its impact is, I think, less than it may have initially appeared, especially for scholars with substantive interests in the family. This book is, its title notwithstanding, more about economics and the economic approach to behavior than about the family. In the first sentence of the preface, Becker writes "In this book, I develop an economic or rational choice approach to the family." Lest anyone accuse him of focusing on traditional (i.e., material) economics topics, such as family income, poverty, and labor supply, he immediately emphasizes that those topics are not his focus. "My intent is more ambitious: to analyze marriage, births, divorce, division of labor in households, prestige, and other non-material behavior with the tools and framework developed for material behavior." Indeed, the book includes chapters on many of these issues. One chapter examines the principles of the efficient division of labor in households, three analyze marriage and divorce, three analyze various child-related issues (fertility and intergenerational mobility), and others focus on broader family issues, such as intrafamily resource allocation. His analysis is not, he believes, constrained by time or place. His intention is "to present a comprehensive analysis that is applicable, at least in part, to families in the past as well as the present, in primitive as well as modern societies, and in Eastern as well as Western cultures." His tone is profoundly conservative and utterly skeptical of any constructive role for government programs. There is a clear sense of how much better things were in the old days of a genderbased division of labor and low market-work rates for married women. Indeed, Becker is ready and able to show in Chapter 2 that such a state of affairs was efficient and induced not by market or societal discrimination (although he allows that it might exist) but by small underlying household productivity differences that arise primarily from what he refers to as "complementarities" between caring for young children while carrying another to term. Most family scholars would probably find that an unconvincingly simple explanation for a profound and complex phenomenon. What, then, is the salient contribution of Treatise on the Family? It is not literally the idea that economics could be applied to the nonmarket sector and to family life because Becker had already established that with considerable success and influence. At its core, microeconomics is simple, characterized by a belief in the importance of prices and markets, the role of self-interested or rational behavior, and, somewhat less centrally, the stability of preferences. It was Becker's singular and invaluable contribution to appreciate that the behaviors potentially amenable to the economic approach were not limited to phenomenon with explicit monetary prices and formal markets. Indeed, during the late 1950s and throughout the 1960s, he did undeniably important and pioneering work extending the domain of economics to such topics as labor market discrimination, fertility, crime, human capital, household production, and the allocation of time. Nor is Becker's contribution the detailed analyses themselves. Many of them are, frankly, odd, idiosyncratic, and off-putting. …

A Treatise on the Family

Statistical Analysis with Missing Data

Organizations enter alliances with each other to access critical re‐sources, but they rely on information from the network of prior alli‐ances to determine with whom to cooperate. These new alliances modify the existing network, prompting an endogenous dynamic be‐tween organizational action and network structure that drives the emergence of interorganizational networks. Testing these ideas on alliances formed in three industries over nine years, this research shows that the probability of a new alliance between specific organi‐zations increases with their interdependence and also with their prior mutual alliances, common third parties, and joint centrality in the alliance network. The differentiation of the emerging network structure, however, mitigates the effect of interdependence and en‐hances the effect of joint centrality on new alliance formation.

/pdf/where-do-interorganizational-networks-come-from-61wwv7medx.pdf

Where Do Interorganizational Networks Come From

Sequential stages of involvement in alcohol and/or cigarettes, marijuana, other illicit drugs and medically prescribed psychoactive drugs from adolescence to adulthood are investigated in a longitudinal cohort that has been followed from ages 15 to 35. Alternative models of progression are tested for their goodness of fit. Four stages are identified: that of legal drugs, alcohol or cigarettes; marijuana; illicit drugs other than marijuana; and medically prescribed drugs. Whereas progression to illicit drugs among men is dependent upon prior use of alcohol, among women either cigarettes or alcohol is a sufficient condition for progression to marijuana. Age of onset and frequency of use at a lower stage of drug use are strong predictors of further progression.

Stages of progression in drug involvement from adolescence to adulthood: further evidence for the gateway theory.

Introduction What is Event History Analysis? Discrete Time-Logit Model The Analysis of One-Way Transition Discrete Time-Logit Model The Analysis of Two-Way Transitions Log-Rate Models for Piecewise Constant Rates Continuous-Time Models with Cox's Method Proportional Hazards Models, Non-Proportional Hazards Models, and Stratified Models Continuous-Time Models with Cox's Method Use of Time-Dependent Covariates and Related Issues Final Remarks Before Getting One's Own Research Started

https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/ojjams/2/1/2_1_61/_pdf

Event History Analysis

• To examine the consequences of adolescent drug use on the psychosocial and health functioning of young adults, we followed up 1004 young men and women from age 15 or 16 years to age 25 years. The use of four different classes of drugs was examined: cigarettes, alcohol, marijuana, and other illicit drugs. Twenty outcomes were examined, including continuity of participation in work and in family roles, level of education, delinquent activities, self-reported health and psychological symptoms, and use of five drug classes in early adulthood (including prescribed psychoactive medications). The effects of marijuana and of other illicit drugs could not be disentangled, so these drugs were treated as a single class. Controlling for initial individual differences in adolescence, use of the three major drug classes between adolescence and early adulthood affected most of the outcomes examined; most strongly continued use of the same substance. Unique drug effects included those of illicit drugs on increased delinquency, unemployment, divorce, and abortions, and of cigarettes on lowered psychological mood. Illicit drugs predicted drug-related health problems, whereas cigarette use predicted increased breathing difficulties.

https://jamanetwork.com/journals/PSYCH/articlepdf/493855/archpsyc_43_8_005.pdf

The consequences in young adulthood of adolescent drug involvement. An overview.

OBJECTIVES. Prior research has identified developmental stages in drug use in adolescence, from substances that are legal for adults to illicit drugs. The position of crack in patterns of drug involvement remains to be established. METHODS. The analyses are based on a sample (n = 1108) representative of 12th graders attending New York State public and private schools. From reported ages of first use of five classes of drugs (alcoholic beverages, cigarettes, marijuana, cocaine but not crack, crack), alternate models of progression were tested for their goodness of fit through log-linear models. RESULTS. The sequence involves at the earliest stage the use of at least one licit drug, alcohol or cigarettes. Subsequent stages involve marijuana and cocaine; crack is the last drug in the sequence. The results confirm the more important role of alcohol among males and cigarettes among females in the progression into various drug classes. Age of first drug use at a lower stage is a strong predictor of further prog...

From beer to crack: developmental patterns of drug involvement.

Possible linkages of influence among classes of drugs in the observed sequential progression from adolescence to young adulthood are investigated through event history analyses Three stages are examined: initiation to marijuana, to the use of other illicit drugs, and to prescribed psychoactive drugs The data are based on a follow-up cohort of former adolescents representative of high school students in grade 10 and 11 in New York State who were reinterviewed nine years later at ages 24-25 The sequential order between alcohol and/or cigarettes and marijuana reflects not only the effect of the use of legal drugs on marijuana initiation, but also age effects on onset of these drugs, controlling for individual characteristics measured in adolescence; marijuana use by one's friends in adolescence is an additional important predictor of marijuana initiation Prior use of marijuana is necessary for progression to other illicit drugs Multiple factors are involved in the progression to prescribed drugs, with adolescent depressive symptomatology and use of other illicit drugs important for both sexes, and maternal use of psychoactive drugs, dropping out of school, and prior use of marijuana of additional importance for women Although licit drugs influence initiation into marijuana independently of age effects, it is especially for the progression from marijuana to other illicit drugs that the earlier drug is associated with the progression to a higher stage drug

https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/pdfplus/10.2105/AJPH.74.7.673

Kazuo Yamaguchi

Papers

Stages of progression in drug involvement from adolescence to adulthood: further evidence for the gateway theory.

Event History Analysis

The consequences in young adulthood of adolescent drug involvement. An overview.

From beer to crack: developmental patterns of drug involvement.

Patterns of drug use from adolescence to young adulthood: III. Predictors of progression.