1. Introduction and Overview. 2. Detecting Influential Observations and Outliers. 3. Detecting and Assessing Collinearity. 4. Applications and Remedies. 5. Research Issues and Directions for Extensions. Bibliography. Author Index. Subject Index.

Regression Diagnostics: Identifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity

Introduction 1 Contentious politics and social movements: Part I The Birth of the Modern Social Movement: 2 Modular collective action 3 Print and association 4 Statebuilding and social movements Part II From Contention to Social Movements: 5 Political opportunities and constraints 6 The repertoire of contention 7 Framing contention 8 Mobilising structures and contentious politics Part III The Dynamics of Movement: 9 Cycles of contention 10 Struggling to reform 11 Transnational contention/conclusion: the future of social movements

Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics

Part I: AN INTRODUCTION TO INQUIRY. 1. Human Inquiry and Science. 2. Paradigms, Theory, and Research. 3. The Ethics and Politics of Social Research. Part II: THE STRUCTURING OF INQUIRY: QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE. 4. Research Design. 5. Conceptualization, Operationalization, and Measurement. 6. Indexes, Scales, and Typologies. 7. The Logic of Sampling. Part III: MODES OF OBSERVATION: QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE. 8. Experiments. 9. Survey Research. 10. Qualitative Field Research. 11. Unobtrusive Research. 12. Evaluation Research. Part IV: ANALYSIS OF DATA:QUANTITATIVE AND QUALITATIVE . 13. Qualitative Data Analysis. 14. Quantitative Data Analysis. 15. Reading and Writing Social Research. Appendix A. Using the Library. Appendix B. Random Numbers. Appendix C. Distribution of Chi Square. Appendix D. Normal Curve Areas. Appendix E. Estimated Sampling Error.

社会研究方法基础 = The Basics of Social Research

■ Abstract Sociologists have turned to collective identity to fill gaps in resource mobilization and political process accounts of the emergence, trajectories, and impacts of social movements. Collective identity has been treated as an alternative to structurally given interests in accounting for the claims on behalf of which people mobilize, an alternative to selective incentives in understanding why people participate, an alternative to instrumental rationality in explaining what tactical choices activists make, and an alternative to institutional reforms in assessing movements’ impacts. Collective identity has been treated both too broadly and too narrowly, sometimes applied to too many dynamics, at other times made into a residual category within structuralist, state-centered, and rationalist accounts.

/pdf/collective-identity-and-social-movements-i51jpbigmi.pdf

Collective identity and social movements

Since the 1960s, successive protest movements have challenged public policies, established modes of political participation and socio-economic institutions in advanced industrial democracies. Social scientists have responded by conducting case studies of such movements. Comparative analyses, particularly cross-national comparisons of social movements, however, remain rare, although opportunities abound to observe movements with similar objectives or forms of mobilization in diverse settings.

Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies

Chapter 1 A Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century Chapter 2 The Structure and Culture of Collective Protest in Germany since 1950 Chapter 3 Are the Times A-Changin'? Assessing the Acceptance of Protest in Western Democracies Chapter 4 The Institutionalization of Protest in the United States Chapter 5 Policing Protest in France and Italy: From Intimidation to Cooperation? Donatella della Porta Chapter 6 Institutionalization of Protest during Democratic Consolidation in Central Europe Chapter 7 Democratic Transitions as Protest Cycles: Social Movement Dynamics in Democratizing Latin America Chapter 8 A Movement Takes Office Chapter 9 Stepsisters: Feminist Movement Activism in Different Institutional Spaces Chapter 10 Transnational Advocacy Networks in the Movement Society

The social movement society : contentious politics for a new century

Although many studies have found that Whites are more likely than Blacks to support the death penalty, little research has investigated the reasons for this difference. Using data from the 1990 General Social Survey, this study finds that White support for capital punishment is associated with prejudice against Blacks. Final remarks discuss the implications of the results for legislative and judicial decisions regarding capital punishment.

Racial Prejudice and Support for the Death Penalty by Whites

A “get-tough” approach has guided criminal justice policy in the United States since the 1970s. This approach has involved hiring more police, building more prisons, and handing out longer and more certain prison terms for a variety of offenses. Although scholars dispute the impact of such measures, they generally agree that these steps stem in part from widespread public concern over crime and the desire that the criminal justice system treat suspects and criminals more punitively. Prior research, however, has found that racial prejudice partly underlies punitive sentiments among the public. This article extends this work into another important dimension of public opinion on crime, the view that the criminal justice system needs more money to fight crime. We investigate a link between racial prejudice and this view using data on white Americans in the 2000 General Social Survey. We find that whites who perceive African Americans as more violent are more likely to want more money spent on crime. In specifying this general result, we find further that this relationship is limited to one segment of whites: the most racially prejudiced. Final remarks address the theoretical and pragmatic implications of these findings.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/10.1525/sp.2005.52.2.300.pdf

Why Whites Favor Spending More Money to Fight Crime: The Role of Racial Prejudice

A sizeable body of literature has found a surprising amount of agreement among racial and other demographic subgroups on punitive attitudes toward criminals. This consensus has been widely interpreted as evidence for functionalist views of crime and society. Challenging this interpretation, this paper argues that the similar attitudes between the races on punitiveness may in fact mask underlying hostilities and conflicting interests. Analyzing data from the 1987 National Opinion Research Center (NORC) General Social Survey, we find that the punitive attitudes of whites toward criminals are based partly on racial prejudice, while those of blacks are associated with their fear of crime. These results suggest that the consensus found in many previous studies between whites and blacks on punitiveness toward criminals may be apparent rather than real, and that their attitudes toward punitiveness reflect their disparate positions in the social and economic orders.

Punitive Attitudes Toward Criminals: Racial Consensus or Racial Conflict?

Debate over the potential power of social movements has focused on the Southern civil rights experience. This debate has neglected, however, the use of the Southern legal system to harass the civil rights movement. This paper identifies two forms of white response-legalistic and violent-to black protest, and examines their impact on major protest campaigns in several Southern communities. In cities where white officials used legal means and avoided violence, civil rights forces were defeated, underscoring the weaknesses of the movement in the face of such legal control. Final remarks discuss implications for the debate addressed by this paper.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/2095468

Steven E. Barkan

Papers

The social movement society : contentious politics for a new century

Racial Prejudice and Support for the Death Penalty by Whites

Why Whites Favor Spending More Money to Fight Crime: The Role of Racial Prejudice

Punitive Attitudes Toward Criminals: Racial Consensus or Racial Conflict?

Legal Control of the Southern Civil Rights Movement.