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Showing papers in "American Sociological Review in 1960"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The notion of complementarity and reciprocity in functional theory is explored in this article, enabling a reanalysis of the concepts of "survival" and "exploitation" and the need to distinguish between complementarity, reciprocity, and the generalized moral norm of reciprocity.
Abstract: The manner in which the concept of reciprocity is implicated in functional theory is explored, enabling a reanalysis of the concepts of "survival" and "exploitation." The need to distinguish between the concepts of complementarity and reciprocity is stressed. Distinctions are also drawn between (1) reciprocity as a pattern of mutually contingent exchange of gratifications, (2) the existential or folk belief in reciprocity, and (3) the generalized moral norm of reciprocity. Reciprocity as a moral norm is analyzed; it is hypothesized that it is one of the universal "principal components" of moral codes. As Westermarck states, "To requite a benefit, or to be grateful to him who bestows it, is probably everywhere, at least under certain circumstances, regarded as a duty. This is a subject which in the present connection calls for special consideration." Ways in which the norm of reciprocity is implicated in the maintenance of stable social systems are examined.

10,277 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: I believe, however, that the theory of action in its present state provides methods for successfully carrying out this specification, and conversely, generalization as well from lower-level uniformities to higher levels.
Abstract: levels, for example, the conditions of small experimental groups as a subtype of social system. Only in so far as codification reveals uniformities in the cognate features of many different types of operationally studied system do the more general theorems have a prospect of approaching rigorous empirical verification. This specification should not be assumed to be capable of being carried out by simple "common sense;" it requires careful technical analysis through a series of concatenated steps. I believe, however, that the theory of action in its present state provides methods for successfully carrying out this specification, and conversely, generalization as well from lower-level uniformities to higher levels. Perhaps the most important key to this possibility is the conception of all systems of action as systematically articulated with others along system-subsystem lines. The basic system types designated here as organisms, personalities, social systems, and cultural systems must be regarded as subsystems of the general category of action system. Each of these in turn is differentiated into further subsystems at different levels of elaboration. Any subsystem is articulated with other subsystems by definable categories of input-output interchange, the processes, in sufficiently highly differentiated subsystems, being mediated by symbolictype mechanisms such as those discussed above. In many respects, this possibility of dealing with multiple system references and of ke ping straight the distinctions and articulations between them, has turned out to be the greatest enrichment of theoretical analysis developed from Dubin's "Model II." A "flat" conception of a single system reference which must be accepted or rejected on an all-or-none basis for the analysis of complex empirical problems, cannot possibly do justice to the formidable difficulties in the study of human action.

2,096 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Motivation and performance are not merely dependent upon environmental needs and external rewards as mentioned in this paper, but instead, satisfaction came most often from factors intrinsic to work: achievements, job recognition, and work that was challenging, interesting, and responsible.
Abstract: Quality work that fosters job satisfaction and health enjoys top priority in industry all over the world. This was not always so. Until recently analysis of job attitudes focused primarily on human relations problems within organizations. While American industry was trying to solve the unsolvable problem of avoiding interpersonal dissatisfaction, problems with the potential for solution, such as training and quality production, were ignored. When first published, 'The Motivation to Work' challenged the received wisdom by showing that worker fulfillment came from achievement and growth within the job itself. In his new introduction, Herzberg examines thirty years of motivational research in job-related areas. Based on workers' accounts of real events that have made them feel good or bad on the job, the findings of Herzberg and his colleagues have stimulated research and controversy that continue to the present day. The authors surprisingly found that while a poor work environment generated discontent, improved conditions seldom brought about improved attitudes. Instead, satisfaction came most often from factors intrinsic to work: achievements, job recognition, and work that was challenging, interesting, and responsible. The evidence marshaled by this volume called into question many previous assumptions about job satisfaction and worker motivation. Feelings about intrinsic and extrinsic factors could not be validly averaged on a single scale of measurement. Motivation and performance are not merely dependent upon environmental needs and external rewards. Frederick Herzberg and his staff based their motivation-hygiene theory on a variety of human needs and applied it to a strategy of job enrichment that has widely influenced motivation and job design strategies. 'Motivation to Work' is a landmark volume that is of enduring interest to sociologists, psychologists, labor studies specialists, and organization analysts.

2,063 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Resumption of History in the New Century Introduction: The Restless Vanity Part 1: AMERICA: THE AMBIGUITIES OF THEORY 1. America as a Mass Society: A Critique 2. The Breakup of Family Capitalism: On Changes in Class in America 3. Is There a Ruling Class in the USA? The Power Elite Reconsidered 4. The Prospects of American Capitalism: on Keynes, Schumpeter and Gaibraith 5. The Refractions of the American Past: On the Question of National Character 6. Status Politics and New An
Abstract: The Resumption of History in the New Century Introduction: The Restless Vanity PART 1: AMERICA: THE AMBIGUITIES OF THEORY 1. America as a Mass Society: A Critique 2. The Breakup of Family Capitalism: On Changes in Class in America 3. Is There a Ruling Class in America? The Power Elite Reconsidered 4. The Prospects of American Capitalism: On Keynes, Schumpeter and Gaibraith 5. The Refractions of the American Past: On the Question of National Character 6. Status Politics and New Anxieties: On the "Radical Right" and Ideologies of the Fifties PART 2: AMERICA: THE COMPLEXITIES OF LIFE 7. Crime as an American Way of Life: A Queer Ladder of Social Mobility 8. The Myth of Crime Waves: The Actual Decline of Crime in the United States 9. The Racket-Ridden Longshoremen: The Web of Economics and Politics 10. The Capitalism of the Proletariat: A Theory of American Trade-Unionism 11. Work and its Discontents: The Cult of Efficiency in America PART 3: THE EXHAUSTION OF UTOPIA 12. The Failure of American Socialism: The Tension of Ethics and Politics 13. The Mood of Three Generations: A. The Once-Born, the Twice-Born, and the After-Born B. The Loss of Innocence in the Thirties C. Politics in the Forties D. Dissent in the Fifties 14. Ten Theories in Search of Reality: The Prediction of Soviet Behavior 15. Two Roads from Marx: The Themes of Alienation and Exploitation and Workers' Control in Socialist Thought The End of Ideology in the West: An Epilogue Afterword, 1988: The End of Ideology Revisited Acknowledgment Notes Index

724 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a framework for relating certain differences between American and English systems of education to the prevailing norms of upward mobility in each country is presented, and the most obvious application of the distinction between sponsored and contest mobility norms afford a partial explanation for the different policies of student selection in the English and American secondary schools.
Abstract: This chapter suggests that a framework for relating certain differences between American and English systems of education to the prevailing norms of upward mobility in each country. It describes two ideal-typical normative patterns of upward mobility and suggests their ramifications in the general patterns of stratification and social control. In addition to showing relationships among a number of differences between American and English schooling, the ideal-types have broader implications than those developed. The grammar schools supply what by comparative standards is a high quality of college preparatory education. The most obvious application of the distinction between sponsored and contest mobility norms afford a partial explanation for the different policies of student selection in the English and American secondary schools. Brief note may be made of the importance of the distinction between sponsored and contest mobility with relation to the supposed effects of upward mobility on personality development.

698 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The hypothesis that extended family relations can be maintained in an industrial, bureaucratized society despite differential rates of geographical mobility is presented in this article. But the authors do not consider the effect of geographical distance on families.
Abstract: The hypothesis is advanced that extended family relations can be maintained in an industrial, bureaucratized society despite differential rates of geographical mobility. This is so because institutional pressures force the extended family to legitimize geographical mobility, because technological improvements in communication systems have minimized the socially disruptive forces of geographical distance, and because an extended family can provide important aid to nuclear families without interfering with the occupational system. In support of these views, data are presented from a survey of 920 wives in the Buffalo urban area.

342 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a new term contraculture is proposed in order to distinguish between normative systems of sub-societies and emergent norms that appear in conflict situations, and the usefulness of this distinction is explored with reference to several substantive areas of research.
Abstract: Current sociological work makes extensive use of the concept of subculture-in the analysis of delinquency, adolescence, regional and class differences, religious sects, occupational styles, and other topics. In the study of these areas, our understanding has been increased by seeing norms that vary from more general standards as manifestations, in part, of distinctive subsocieties. Unfortunately, however, the term subculture is used in several different ways. In over 100 sources reviewed here, three clearly different meanings are found, with resultant imprecision in its application. A new term contraculture, is suggested in order to distinguish between normative systems of sub-societies and emergent norms that appear in conflict situations. The usefulness of this distinction is explored with reference to several substantive areas of research.

256 citations





Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The third edition of Elkin's classic study as discussed by the authors offers two new chapters by the author, ''Slavery and Ideology,\" considering the discussion and criticism occasioned by this controversial work.
Abstract: This third edition of Stanley M. Elkin's classic study offers two new chapters by the author. The first, \"Slavery and Ideology,\" considers the discussion and criticism occasioned by this controversial work. Elkins amplifies his original purpose in writing the book and takes into consideration the substantial body of critical commentary. He also attempts a prediction on the course of future research and discussion.




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe with a high degree of specificity the more significant economic, demographic and social determinants, and dimensions of crime areas in a large urban community in the United States.
Abstract: The major objective of this paper is to describe with a high degree of specificity the more significant economic, demographic and social determinants, and dimensions of crime areas in a large urban community. The basic data include two series of crime statistics, "offenses known to the police" and "arrests," totaling over 65,000 cases, along with detailed economic, demographic, and social statistics from the 1950 decennial census. A 38 x 38 correlation matrix, based on 20 crime indices and 18 economic, demographic, and social variables was derived. This matrix was analyzed by the principal axes technique. Eight factors were extracted and retained for orthogonal rotation. To determine how the basic dimensions derived for the community as a whole are related to specific areas, standard factor scores for each of the eight factors were computed for the 93 census tracts in the city. (Abstract Adapted from Source: American Sociological Review, 1960. Copyright © 1960 by the American Sociological Association) Urban Crime Crime Trends and Patterns Ecological Factors Environmental Factors Demographic Factors Socioeconomic Factors Sociocultural Factors 07-02

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of the adjustment of Americans to Vietnamese culture is presented, and the imputation that Americans are aloof, inflexible, and do not understand or respect Vietnamese culture, which one hears fairly frequently from educated Vietnamese, points up the inadequacies of Americans abroad.
Abstract: out," and they commented on the "privileges reserved for the American personnel [as] necessary incentives to attract them to this country." Another problem for the national staff members is related not to their own society, but to their adjustment to Americans and to the adjustment of Americans to Vietnamese. Americans are new to Vietnam, and Vietnamese experience with the French in some ways makes understanding of Americans more difficult. While, as this study indicates, much of American behavior appeals to many Vietnamese, some conduct by Americans is considered strange and at times offensive. The imputation that Americans are aloof, inflexible, and do not understand or respect Vietnamese culture, which one hears fairly frequently from educated Vietnamese, points up the inadequacies of Americans abroad.7 If the American overseas, or at least in Vietnam, is not the caricature of certain literary creations, neither has he, with all his good intentions, yet learned to understand or interact adequately with people of a culture greatly different from his own. Such understanding comes fairly slowly. Like most understanding, it requires personal experience on the part of the individual and the cumulative experience of his society, and the ability to interpret behavior and institutions in terms of their cultural setting.







Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigated the relation between the family and the occupational system and concluded that the hypothesis of a negative relation between occupational mobility and the extended family is not sufficiently established to support future research by itself.
Abstract: reports rather than systematic evidence, and therefore are more likely to concentrate on sensational family disruptions than ordinary uniformities.33 Aside from the shortcomings of these earlier studies, there are some investigations which provide positive support for the hypothesis suggested in this paper.34 Yet there are some major limitations in the present inquiry which must be dealt with before the findings can be fully accepted. A more adequate sample is necessary than the present one, in which individuals on the bottom of the occupational ladder-unskilled laborers-are not adequately represented. It could well be argued that upward mobility from this group would provide evidence supporting Parsons' hypothesis. However, it should be noted that the proportion of the labor force in this category has greatly declined during the last fifty years and that unskilled workers are likely to disappear as a significant factor in urban life under the twin pressures of automation and bureaucratization. This study is also limited by the fact that there are no data on people over 45 or those without children; there might be significant differences within these two groups.35 Even more important, additional work should be done on the indexes of extended family relation, occupational mobility, and the differentiation between bureaucratic and nonbureaucratic occupations if the hypothesis suggested in this paper is to be substantiated. Despite these limitations, it is concluded that the hypothesis of a negative relation between occupational mobility and the extended family is not sufficiently established to support future research by itself. That part of Parsons' hypothesis which points to the functional inadequacy of the classical extended family is accepted, but that part which posits the isolated nuclear family as the most functional type for contemporary industrial society is rejected. It is hoped that the present modification and elaboration of Parsons' formulations will provide some additional understanding or raise significant questions about the relation between the family and the occupational system.36