Showing papers in "Canadian Journal of Political Science in 1982"

The Consistency of Inconsistency: Party Identification in Federal and Provincial Politics*

Abstract: La forte frequence de dualites partisannes—identifications partisannes qui varient lors des elections federales et provinciales—est une des particularites du systeme politique canadien. L'auteur cherche a decouvrir les sources de ces dualites ainsi qu'a evaluer la possibilite d'identification partisanne a un seul niveau. Des hypotheses soulevees par une analyse du degre de separation des systemes poiitiques federaux et provinciaux sont testees avec des donnees d'enquete concernant la Colombie Britannique.Lorsque la variable « force de l'attachement au parti au niveau pertinent » est controlee, on s'attendrait, au niveau theorique, qu'il n'y ait pas de difference entre les electeurs qui ont une double allegeance et les partisans coherents en ce qui concerne la tendance a changer le choix entre elections, tant au niveau federal que provincial. Cette supposition se verifie aussi bien pour la Colombie Britannique que pour le Canada dans son ensemble.

Immigrant Political Adaptation in Canada: Some Tentative Findings

Abstract: L'adaptation politique des immigrants au Canada: quelques resultats preliminairesCet article etudie le phenomene de l'adaptation politique des immigrants au Canada, un sujet qui n'a pas ete suffisamment traite par les politicologues rompus aux methodes empiriques. Quoique l'auteur se refere a divers indicateurs de l'adaptation, l'indicateur principal est celui de la participation politique, mesuree a lafois dans ses composantes et dans sa totalite. Partant du postulat qu'une plus grande participation signifie adaptation, l'auteur evalue les niveaux de l'activite politique de deux groupes de neo-canadiens: les immigrants britanniques et non-britanniques; il les compare ensuite aux Canadiens nees an Canada. Une revue de la litterature indiquait qu'il fallait s'attendre aux resultats suivants : 1. les natifs du Canada participeraient plus que les immigrants; 2. les immigrants britanniques seraient les immigrants les plus actifs.Cependant, les resultats de cette recherche remittent ces affirmations en question. En utilisant les donnees de Canadian National Election Study de 1974 et plusieurs techniques d'analyse multivariees, l'auteur montre qu'il n'y a pas de differences majeures dans la participation, ce qui milite en faveur de l'interpretation alternative qu'il presente. Un deuxieme aspect de la recherche porte sur la duree de residence au Canada et l'âge a l'arrivee au pays, ce qui permet d'etudier le facteur temporel ou les aspects developpementaux lies a l'adaptation politique de l'immigrant. Ici aussi, l'auteur obtient des resultats qui contredisent une bonne partie de la litterature existante. Entre autres, les donnees indiquent la possibilite d'une importante acquisition de connaissances sur la politique canadienne et ce, tres tot apres l'arrivee au Canada.

Does the Candidate Make a Difference? The Macro-Politics and Micro-Politics of Getting Elected

Abstract: In the 1979 and 1980 federal elections, the extent of the regional divisions in the country became starkly apparent. Of 80 seats west of Ontario (including the Territories), the Liberals managed to win only three seats in 1979 and two in 1980. Progressive Conservative fortunes in Quebec were no rosier. From the 75 seats in that province, Joe Clark could find only two to share his victory in 1979 and only one after his defeat of 1980. The consequences of this regionalism have extended from cabinet to policy-making. With respect to the former, both the Clark and Trudeau governments had to appoint senators to their cabinets. Even at that, the share of cabinet posts going to a party's weak region has been uncommonly small. With respect to policy-formulation, we have seen in the recent constitutional debate a clear Liberal attempt to accommodate the wishes of the New Democratic party coupled with an equally clear ambivalence of the NDP to take positions sharply distinct from its main rival in the West. A similar phenomenon marked Parliament during the Progressive Conservative minority government. In that case, it was the Parti Creditiste which was in the invidious position of having to mark itself off from its most powerful Quebec adversary to support a party whose popularity in Quebec was declining. The tensions thus generated led directly to the downfall of the Conservative government just as they have led to the current splits in the NDP. These elections also strengthened an interest in electoral system reform which was generated earlier by the Task Force on Canadian

The Political Culture of Canadian Foreign Policy

Abstract: On pretend souvent que les elites politiques du Canada, plus qu'ailleurs, etablissent leur leadership, guidees par une combinaison conjuguee de principes et d'adaptation aux circonstances. Cette these est fort etayee par la politique etrangere canadienne; l'on trouve des exemples dans l'approche d'Ottawa a la formation des Nations Unies, dans la maniere de resoudre les conflits internationaux et dans l'administration des relations bilaterales avec les Etats-Unis. Dans ces trois contextes, on note une mefiance envers le dogmes, la peur des extremismes, le respect de la diversite, la crainte du conflit, la croyance en la necessite du compromis et le souci de resoudre les divergences de facon ordonnee.Cette conception de bonne pratique politique semble etre bien adaptee au contexte international, mais, comme style de leadership, elle est frequemment attaquee au niveau domestique.Dans le contexte d'une population heterogene et dans un systeme de democratie parlementaire, l'adoption d'une approche plus coherente et moins ad hoc dans les prises de decisions gouvernementales constitue un probleme de taille. Cependant, les recentes tentatives pratiques de le regler ont deplace le vrai probleme en se concentrant dans les changements de la machine administrative. Ces transformations ont ete accompagneees de la creation d'une nouvelle classe de fonctionnaires seniors et de l'affaiblissement de la pratique politique. Malgre ses defauts, la pratique politique avail toutefois l'avantage de creer un certain'degre de solidarite dans une population ou les raisons de conflit sont tres nombreuses. Dans cet aspect, le « vieux » correspondait peut-etre mieux au Canada que le « nouveau ».

Diffusion, Development and Democratization: Enfranchisement in Western Europe*

Abstract: "A core element in nation-building," argues Reinhard Bendix, "is the codification of rights and duties of all adults who are classified as citizens."1 The suffrage is among those rights whose extension confers citizenship and concomitantly contributes to the emergence of nation-states. Enfranchisement represents a basic alteration in the relationship between the citizen and the state. The successful pursuit of voting rights by the lower classes marked the transition away from the paternalistic system of government of the eighteenth century towards a gradual acceptance of the concept of unit citizen in the Western nation-state.2 While there is agreement concerning the importance of enfranchisement in nation-building, there is little theoretical understanding of the logic by which the suffrage is extended or retracted. Consider Rokkan's insightful discussion of competitive mass politics in Western Europe.3 Recognizing the importance of the institutional constraints on participation-the "rules of the electoral game"-Rokkan constructs typologies of sequences of institutional change in 15 West European nations. He then offers several generalizations regarding the relationship between alternative "diachronies" and the initial conditions of democratization. In

Alcibiades and the Question of Tyranny in Thucydides

Abstract: "Thucydides," writes Thomas Hobbes, "is one who, though he never digress to read a lecture, moral or political, upon his own text, nor enter into men's hearts further than the acts themselves evidently guide him: is yet accounted the most politic historiographer that ever writ."1 But Thucydides studies have traditionally been the domain of historians and classicists who generally preoccupy themselves with the question of how well or ill Thucydides measures up to the modern standard of the "scientific historian."2 Despite Thucydides' never calling his book a "history" and never calling himself an "historian," we persist in treating his book almost exclusively as an historical document. Usually implied in our labelling him an "historian" is the view that his writing does not present a comprehensive teaching about politics. I believe, with Hobbes, that it does. To say the least, the "most politic" character of Thucydides' writing has not received the attention it deserves.3 What is it that makes Thucydides' writing "most politic"? Hobbes continues:

Pouvoir et conflits dans l'organisation: grandeur et limites du modèle de Michel Crozier

Abstract: Power and Conflicts in Organizations: Strengths and Limits of the Model of Michel CrozierBecause of the manner in which they look at inter-organizational conflict and power, none of the main streams of organizational theory has been able to incorporate the three elements which compose the political dimension in an organization: strategic interaction, the integration of behaviour in the collective “system,” and the consideration given to cultural effects.Michel Crozier claims to have solved the problem by having recourse to a systematic and hypothetical-inductive reasoning, and in making power the base for all forms of relationships where one always finds implied some negotiated influence. The different theoretical positions taken regarding the strategicanalysisthat he proposes are examined in this article. The author stresses the advantages of the procedure; suggests an improvement to understand interaction; questions the assumption of the necessity of the systematic integration; and comments on the methodological difficulties of introducing the cultural element in strategic action.

Agreeing to Disagree: Elite Bargaining and the Revision of the Belgian Constitution

Abstract: In 1970, Belgian politicians revised that country's constitution in an attempt to reduce the level of conflict between francophone and Flemish Belgians by giving each group a measure of autonomous control over economic and cultural matters. The new constitutional articles laid down a series of general principles but left the specific nature of the new regional institutions to be determined by subsequent legislation. Between 1970 and 1980, seven Belgian governments tried to draft and pass the necessary legislation. Six of the seven fell as a result of their efforts and it was not until August 1980 that a Social Christian-LiberalSocialist coalition led by Wilfried Martens succeeded in passing a set of regionalization laws. Even now the process is not completed.l The Belgian experience is not unique. Several other countries have spent at least part of the last decade attempting to meet the demands of resurgent ethnic groups by changing the national constitution, and all have found the revision process to be a difficult and prolonged undertaking. One might expect that such a dramatic process would be thoroughly discussed in the extensive literature on ethnic conflict in industrialized societies. It is not. Much of the literature is devoted to explaining the persistence or re-emergence of the conflicts it describes, while the section of it that deals with official responses to ethnic conflict concentrates on the discussion of "appropriate" institutional mechanisms for conflict management and the conditions for their success or failure. The part of the literature associated with the

State Enterprise and Partisanship in Provincial Politics

Abstract: L'intervention directe et massive dans l'economie aussi bien du gouvernement federal que des gouvernements provinciaux, constitiie line partie importante de la scene politique canadienne. Malgre le fait que l'entreprise publique est, depuis longtemps, un instrument politique significatif il n'y eut, curieusement, que peu de recherches systematiques tournees vers l'explication du phenomene.Cette etude s'interesse a l'impact de la partisannerie et de l'ideologie politique sur le developpement des entreprises d'Etat provinciales. Le point de depart est une question: les gouvernements de gauche utilisent-ils l'entreprise d'Etat plus souvent et avec d'autres objectifs que les gouvernements d'autres tendances? Les resultats de cette etude soulevent des liaisons interessantes entre la politique et les moyens politiques. Les partis de gauche se servent des societes de la Couronne en tant qu'instruments politiques plus frequemment que les autres tendances. Plus encore, il ne s'agit pas simplement d'une difference quantitative, mais surtout d'une difference quant aux objectifs et fonctions de ces entreprises.

Businessmen and Politics in the Process of Economic Development: Argentina and Canada

Abstract: Les hommes d'affaires et la politique dans le processus du developpement economique: L'Argentine et le CanadaCet article est centre sur les strategies economiques des elites d'affaires au Canada et en Argentine dans la premiere phase de leur histoire; il etudie l'inter-relation des processus internes et externes du developpement economique. Si on aborde l'histoire economique du Canada et de l'Argentine en termes de producteurs peripheriques, on realise que ces deux pays presentent maintes similarites. Cependant, un examen plus attentif revele que l'Argentine fut plus completement inseree an phenomene de la division internationale du travail. Alors que les objectifs de la politique britannique en Argentine visaient a assurer la domination des elites foncieres, le relâchement des liens imperialistes a permis aux elites commerciales canadiennes d'assumertres tot le controle des exportations et d'elaborer une strategie nationale pour la creation d'une certaine forme d'industrialisation. Ces strategies economiques differentes des elites d'affaires argentines et canadiennes influerent non settlement sur le moment de l'industrialisation mais aussi sur sa structure. En Argentine, l'industrialisation, a laquelle les elites foncieres resisterent longtemps, montra des discontinuites marquees et a genere des forces sociales qui empecherent l'elaboration de politiques qui auraient pit engendrer un taux de croissance plus stable au cours de la periode qui a suivie la Deuxieme Guerre Mondiale. Alors que les circonstances favoriserent le maintien de la strategie de l'exportation des matieres premieres elaboree par les elites d'affaires canadiennes, les elites commerciales canadiennes furent aussi capables de s'adapter rapidement aux changements que se produisirent au centre. De plus, la consolidation precoce du processus d'industrialisation au Canada, en plus de l'apport des investissements etrangers, a permis aux elites d'affaires canadiennes de maintenir leur hegemonie et de poursitivre leur strategie economique sans qu'elle soil contestee.

Voting Behaviour and the Outcome of the 1979 Federal Election: The Impact of Leaders and Issues*

Abstract: Given the Liberal party's dominant position in Canadian federal politics, it has been extremely difficult for the Progressive Conservatives to effect an electoral breakthrough and win enough parliamentary seats to form a government. In this century, the Conservatives have been in power for only 22 years. The last time the party formed a majority government was in the spectacular Diefenbaker victory of 1958 which gave the Conservatives 208 of 265 seats. After the demise of the Diefenbaker government in 1963, the Conservatives languished in opposition until 1979 when they won a plurality of seats and Joe Clark formed his short-lived government. It is the election of 1979 which provides the focus of analysis in this article, and especially the success of the Conservatives in supplanting the Liberals, although not with a majority government.

Canada and the International Politics of Oil: Latin American Source of Supply and Import Vulnerability in the 1980s

Abstract: Canada, like the other advanced industrial countries, has been directly and adversely affected by the sweeping changes that have taken place in the international oil regime over the past decade. Economic interdependence for Canada (and its trading partners) has always brought with it benefits as well as costs; but lately, interdependence in the domain of oil trading has come more and more to mean dependence, a situation in which the costs of the relationship are seen greatly to outweigh the benefits. The industrial oil-consuming nations have been learning what many developing countries have known for years, that the politics of asymmetrical exchange hurt. Exploring one way of remedying some of the "hurt" constitutes the major purpose of this article. The "hurt" consists not in a general dependence on world markets for oil, but in a specific dependence on oil from the Middle East, for it is current or anticipated political instability in that part of the world (above all, in the Persian Gulf region) that has lately reinvested the oil-dependency question with the strategic importance it once so clearly had, and has led students of international oil politics to talk once more in terms of "vulnerability."'

The Role of House Leaders in the Canadian House of Commons

Abstract: Le role du leader de la Chambre des Communes du CanadaOn a jusqu'ici porte peu d'interet dans les milieux academiques a l'influence des institutions et processus partisans sur la formation des comportements des individus a la Chambre des Communes du Canada. Pour combler cette lacune, cet article analyse l'origine et l'evolution du role du leader de la Chambre dans chacun des trois partis representes aux Communes a Ottawa.Le poste de leader du gouvernement a la Chambre, d'abord a temps partiel, informel et secondaire a evolue pour finalement devenir un portefeuille ministeriel clefau cabinet. Le leader du gouvernement a la Chambre est devenu en quelque sorte le gerant general du processus legislatif et le chef des forces gouvernementales sur le champ de bataille parlementaire.Une partie de la tâche du leader consiste â travailler avec ses homologues de l'Opposition; cet article examine la nature de leurs interactions.Etant donne les revendication croissantes dont le Parlement est l'objet, l'utilisation efficiente du temps est devenue tres importante et le devoir de gerer le temps repose de plus en plus sur les leaders a la Chambre.

Le Public Choice et la croissance de l'Etat

Abstract: This article re-examines the main propositions which underlie Public Choice argumentation in respect to the growth of the state and evaluates their plausibility in light of current knowledge. The majority of the hypotheses are confirmed, at least partially. Their principal contribution is at the level of strategies which can be attributed to political and bureaucratic personnel, although the influence of the latter appears to be exaggerated.The Public Choice explanations remain very partial. Taking state intervention as a theme, Public Choice shows well how once an activity is begun, it has a tendency to expand. However, Public Choice says nothing of the social dynamics responsible for the fact that the state has been induced to intervene from the start. Intervention has had as its first function the quelling of social conflicts. The argumentation of Public Choice can explain only the recent growth of the state at the end of the 1960s and beginning of the 1970s. The new trend of putting a ceiling on government expenditures rests largely unexplained. These gaps are not inherent in the model and can be corrected. When the Public Choice authors adopt a more historical perspective, which brings about a relative treatment of the phenomenon, they will be able to propose more convincing interpretations.

Integration and Autonomy in Canada-United States Relations, 1963-1972

Abstract: Theories of integration and dependence approach the phenomenon of international interdependence from opposite sides of the spectrum of relations between nations. Integration emphasizes voluntarism in the study of relations characterized by more or less symmetric interdependence, joint participation, and mutual benefits. Dependence, on the other hand, is concerned with asymmetric interdependence and the nonreciprocal reliance this engenders, with emphasis on coercion. These two streams of theorizing share a predilection for a unidirectional focus as they analyze the process by which integration or domination is achieved and maintained. The unidirectional focus in integration theory has been, in part, a reflection of the initial optimism and commitment toward integration in West Europe. Moreover, it was sustained by the concept of spillover, the core of functionalist integration thinking, which attributed a high degree of automaticity to the process of integration once underway. If it was optimism that gave integration theory its unidirectional, quasi-automatic orientation, it was the inherent pessimism of dependency analysts concerning the ability of peripheral countries to overcome the domestic dislocations stemming from integration into the global capitalist system which has given dependency theory its highly deterministic outlook. It cannot adequately explain periodic efforts by peripheral states to change the nature of their ties with metropole countries. To be sure, not all works on integration and dependence have adopted a unidirectional, highly deterministic framework. Pioneering

George Grant and the Embrace of Technology

Abstract: There is a disturbing quality to George Grant's more recent work that reflects less the substance than the obscurity of his so-called prophetic message. Gloomy reflections on the human prospect are, after all, not uncommon today, and while critics may describe yet another dismal forecast as pessimistic, they are unlikely to be "perplexed" by it or be struck by its "cranky obscurity."' The problem with books such as Time as History or English-Speaking Justice is not that their message is unpalatable but that one is never really sure just what the message is. Certainly Grant's work resists any simple ideological packaging.2 He has consistently repudiated the utopian politics of the left and is well aware of the impossibility of conservatism in the modem world. Neither can it be said that in his writing Grant simply adopts the role of social critic. While apparently critical of modem society he is well aware that we are all moderns today, reminding us of the foolishness of attempting a return to the past as if the discoveries of the modem age had not been made.3

L'Etat et ses trois niveaux: le régime, la gouverne et la politie

Abstract: The State and Its Three Levels: Regime, Governance and PolityThis article is not simply a summary of the analytical framework already presented in the earlier, principal theoretical works of the author. It goes beyond the simple exercise of schematic brevity by adding some new elements: the notion of collective action groups between those of social classes and interest groups; a first transposition of a schema conceived for the classical unitary state to one applicable to the federal, or “multiple,” state; and a new formulation of the three analytical levels, specifically those characterizing this theoretical framework, which go by the labels of “regime,” “governance,” and “polity.”The article is divided into three parts corresponding to the study of the three levels and connected by an equal number of “thresholds” of levels. The conclusion points out the lines of transposition for the study of a federal state and the directions of research for the analysis of political change.

The Case Against Socrates: Plato's Cleitophon

Abstract: Le Cleitophon est le plus court des dialogues de Platon et l'un des plus intrigants. Etroitement lie a la Republique et par le theme et par la trame—Kleitophon est dans l'ouvrage le personnage le plus hostile a Socrate—le Cleitophon pent en etre considere comme le prelude on comme le supplement. Cependant la Republique parait a justifier sa comprehension da la justice socratique tandis que Kleitophon affirme son insignifiance; il le fait de plus, sous forme de reproche a Socrate, reproche qui reste sans replique, le seul que l'on trouve chez Platon. L'ouvrage que voici discute du role de Kleitophon dans la Republique et de sa signification dans le Cleitophon et donne une interpretation du Cleitophon. Ce n'est pas sans raison que Platon nous fournit des arguments contre Socrate: tel est le raisonnement suivi dans cet ouvrage.

Business Elites, National Development, and Problems of Comparative and World-System Approaches: A Comment on Teichman's Study of Argentina and Canada

Abstract: Professor Judith Teichman's article ("Businessmen and Politics in the Process of Economic Development: Argentina and Canada," this JOURNAL 15 [1982], 47-66), presents a comparative overview of the development of Canada and Argentina. It synthesizes and organizes parallel traditions of research in each country and presents the causal argument that the different structure and strategy of their business elites, formed in the late nineteenth century, contribute significantly to explanations of the divergent patterns of development of these countries in the twentieth century. The article is a systematic and thorough synthesis of materials from both countries which goes far beyond many of the more superficial attempts to apply dependency theory and other Latin American work to analysis of Australia and Canada.1 The author takes pains to differentiate several aspects of her argument from those presented in my comparative study of Argentina, Australia and Canada. In these comments I shall develop these differences and outline the theoretical, comparative, methodological and historical considerations behind them. Finally I shall indicate how our different approaches