Showing papers in "Foreign Affairs in 2000"
TL;DR: Focusing on the experiences of mineworkers in the Copperbelt region, James Ferguson traces the failure of standard narratives of urbanization and social change to make sense of the copperbelt's recent history as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Once lauded as the wave of the African future, Zambia's economic boom in the 1960s and early 1970s was fueled by the export of copper and other primary materials. Since the mid-1970s, however, the urban economy has rapidly deteriorated, leaving workers scrambling to get by. "Expectations of Modernity" explores the social and cultural responses to this prolonged period of sharp economic decline. Focusing on the experiences of mineworkers in the Copperbelt region, James Ferguson traces the failure of standard narratives of urbanization and social change to make sense of the Copperbelt's recent history. He instead develops alternative analytic tools appropriate for an 'ethnography of decline'. Ferguson shows how the Zambian copper workers understand their own experience of social, cultural, and economic 'advance' and 'decline'. Ferguson's ethnographic study transports us into their lives - the dynamics of their relations with family and friends, as well as copper companies and government agencies. Theoretically sophisticated and vividly written, "Expectations of Modernity" will appeal not only to those interested in Africa today, but to anyone contemplating the illusory successes of today's globalizing economy.
1,550 citations
TL;DR: In the post-cold war period, the former Soviet Union was more than just a traditional global competitor; it strove to lead a universal socialist alternative to markets and democracy as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: the continued references to the "post-Cold War period." Yet such peri ods of transition are important, because they offer strategic opportunities. During these fluid times, one can affect the shape of the world to come. The enormity of the moment is obvious. The Soviet Union was more than just a traditional global competitor; it strove to lead a universal socialist alternative to markets and democracy. The Soviet Union quaran tined itself and many often-unwitting captives and clients from the rigors of international capitalism. In the end, it sowed the seeds of its own de struction, becoming in isolation an economic and technological dinosaur. But this is only part of the story. The Soviet Unions collapse coin cided with another great revolution. Dramatic changes in information technology and the growth of "knowledge-based" industries altered
468 citations
441 citations
TL;DR: The human rights story: in the beginning - natural rights revolutions and declarations the 19th century - Bentham, Marx and the humanitarian impulse between wars - the League of Nations and Stalin's show trials H.G. Wells - what are we fighting for? the universal declaration of human rights.
Abstract: Part 1 The human rights story: in the beginning - natural rights revolutions and declarations the 19th century - Bentham, Marx and the humanitarian impulse between wars - the League of Nations and Stalin's show trials H.G. Wells - what are we fighting for? the universal declaration of human rights. Part 2 The post-war world: 1946-76 - thirty inglorious years the human rights commission - a permanent failure? the civil covenant and its human rights committee some enforcement at last - the European convention, and other regions "realpolitik" rules OK the Srebrenica question. Part 3 The rights of humankind: making human rights rule - the international law paradox the Statue of Liberty safety of the person individual freedoms the right to fairness peaceful enjoyment of property. Part 4 21st century blues: freedom from execution death penalty safeguards minority rights indigenous peoples self-determination economic and social rights a right to democracy?. Part 5 War law: in search of the just war the Geneva Conventions good conventions - chemical, nuclear and conventional weapons, and landmines the dogs of war. Part 6 An end to impunity?: the Nuremberg legacy international criminals - pirates, slavers and kaisers the Nazi leaders -summary execution? the trial judgement day victors' justice? towards universal jurisdiction (genocide, torture, apartheid). Part 7 Slouching towards nemesis: into this blackness the duty to prosecute the limits of amnesty truth commissions and transitional justice the case for retribution. Part 8: legal basis of the Hague tribunal how the tribunal operates the "Tadic case" individual responsibility. Part 9 The international criminal court: Rome 1998 - the statute international crimes the court the trial the future. Part 10 The case for General Pinochet: an arrest in Harley Street the state in international law sovereign immunity bring on the diplomats the law takes its course. Part 10 Epilogue: after Kosovo appendices.
384 citations
TL;DR: The Blood of Guatemala as discussed by the authors explores the close connection between nationalism, state power, ethnic identity, and political violence, drawing on sources as diverse as photographs, public rituals, oral testimony, literature, and a collection of previously untapped documents written during the nineteenth century.
Abstract: Over the latter half of the twentieth century, the Guatemalan state slaughtered more than two hundred thousand of its citizens. In the wake of this violence, a vibrant pan-Mayan movement has emerged, one that is challenging Ladino (non-indigenous) notions of citizenship and national identity. In The Blood of Guatemala Greg Grandin locates the origins of this ethnic resurgence within the social processes of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century state formation rather than in the ruins of the national project of recent decades.
Focusing on Mayan elites in the community of Quetzaltenango, Grandin shows how their efforts to maintain authority over the indigenous population and secure political power in relation to non-Indians played a crucial role in the formation of the Guatemalan nation. To explore the close connection between nationalism, state power, ethnic identity, and political violence, Grandin draws on sources as diverse as photographs, public rituals, oral testimony, literature, and a collection of previously untapped documents written during the nineteenth century. He explains how the cultural anxiety brought about by Guatemala’s transition to coffee capitalism during this period led Mayan patriarchs to develop understandings of race and nation that were contrary to Ladino notions of assimilation and progress. This alternative national vision, however, could not take hold in a country plagued by class and ethnic divisions. In the years prior to the 1954 coup, class conflict became impossible to contain as the elites violently opposed land claims made by indigenous peasants.
This “history of power” reconsiders the way scholars understand the history of Guatemala and will be relevant to those studying nation building and indigenous communities across Latin America.
348 citations
TL;DR: This dissertation aims to provide a history of web exceptionalism from 1989 to 2002, a period chosen in order to explore its roots as well as specific cases up to and including the year in which descriptions of “Web 2.0” began to circulate.
Abstract: University Press. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher, except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web. Users are not permitted to mount this file on any network servers.
341 citations
TL;DR: McNeill argues that the environmental dimension of 20th century history will overshadow the importance of its world wars, the rise and fall of communism, and the spread of mass literacy as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In the course of the 20th century the human race, without intending anything of the sort, undertook a giant, uncontrolled experiment on the earth. In time, according to John McNeill in his new book, the environmental dimension of 20th century history will overshadow the importance of its world wars, the rise and fall of communism, and the spread of mass literacy. Contrary to the wisdom of Ecclesiastes that "there is nothing new under the sun", McNeill sets out to show that the massive change we have wrought in our physical world has indeed created something new. To a degree unprecedented in human history, we have refashioned the earth's air, water and soil, and the biosphere of which we are a part. The author work is a compound of history and science. He infuses a substrate of ecology with a lively historical sensibility to the significance of politics, international relations, technological change and great events. He charts and explores the breathtaking ways in which we have changed the natural world with a keen eye for character and a refreshing respect for the unforeseen in history. He introduces us to little-known figures like Thomas Midgely, the chemical engineer who, McNeill claims, has had more impact on the atmosphere than any other organism in earth history. From Midgely's work with General Motors came the inventions of leaded gasoline and of Freon, the first of the chlorofluorocarbons that drift into the stratosphere and rupture ozone molecules. McNeill recounts episodes of environmental disaster - the mercury poisoning of Japan's Minamata Bay, the death of the Aral Sea in Soviet Central Asia - but shows too the successes of environmental policy in reversing pollution of the air and water. He fashions his story without pronouncements of doom or sermons on the ethical lapses of humankind. The author assesses the ecological course we have taken in the 20th century as an interesting evolutionary gamble. We have become exquisitely adapted to particular circumstances - a stable climate, cheap energy, rapid economic growth. But our fossil fuel-based civilisation is on ecologically disruptive that it undermines the stability of these conditions. He does not speculate on the consequences, but his insights illuminate the new path we made in the global century.
288 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors define the body politico-ethnics of a political body and the body social network, and the making of a post-war state in a postwar world.
Abstract: List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xi Acknowledgments xiii Introduction: Making Sense of War 7 PART I: DELINEATING THE BODY POLITIC 41 One Myth and Power: The Making of a Postwar Elite 43 Two "Living Up to the Calling of a Communist": Purification of the Rank and File 82 PART II: DELINEATING THE BODY SOCIOETHNIC 127 Three Excising Evil 129 Four Memory of Excision, Excisionary Memory 191 PART III: THE MAKING OF A POSTWAR SOVIET NATION 237 Five Integral Nationalism in the Trial of War 239 Six Peasants to Soviets, Peasants to Ukrainians 298 Afterword: A Soviet World without Soviet Power, a Myth of War without War 364 Bibliography 387 Index 411
235 citations
234 citations
TL;DR: This spring, the U.S. State Department reported that South Asia has replaced the Middle East as the leading locus of terrorism in the world as discussed by the authors. But little is known in the West about those in Pakistan?perhaps because they operate mainly in Kashmir and, for now at least, do not threaten security outside South Asia.
Abstract: This spring the U.S. State Department reported that South Asia has replaced the Middle East as the leading locus of terrorism in the world. Although much has been written about religious militants in the Middle East and Afghanistan, little is known in the West about those in Pakistan?perhaps because they operate mainly in Kashmir and, for now at least, do not threaten security outside South Asia. General Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's military ruler, calls them "freedom fighters" and admonishes the West not to confuse jihad with terrorism. Musharraf is right about the distinction?the jihad doctrine delineates acceptable war behavior and explicitly outlaws terrorism?but he is wrong about the militant groups' activities. Both sides of the war in Kashmir?the Indian army and the Pakistani "mujahideen"?are targeting and killing thousands of civilians, violating both the Islamic "just war" tradition and international law. Pakistan has two reasons to support the so-called mujahideen. First, the Pakistani military is determined to pay India back for allegedly fomenting separatism in what was once East Pakistan and in 1971 became Bangladesh. Second, India dwarfs Pakistan in population, economic strength, and military might. In 1998 India spent about two percent of its $469 billion gdp on defense, including an active armed force of more than 1.1 million personnel. In the same year, Pakistan spent about five percent of its $61 billion gdp on defense, yielding an active armed force only half the size of India's. The U.S. government
231 citations
TL;DR: The United States as a Paradigm: Toward a Post-Modern Military: The United States in the Paradigm of Postmodern Military as discussed by the authors, is an example of a post-national military.
Abstract: Acknowledgements Contributors 1. Armed Forces After the Cold War 2. Toward a Postmodern Military: The United States as a Paradigm 3. United Kingdom: The Overstretched Military 4. France: In the Throes of Epoch-Making Change 5. Germany: Forerunner of a Post-National Military? 6. Netherlands The Final Professionalization of the Military 7. Denmark: From Obligation to Option 8. Italy: A Military for What? 9. Canada: Managing Change with Shrinking Resources 10. Australia and New Zealand: Contingent and Concordant Militaries 11. Switzerland: Between Tradition and Modernity 12. Israel: Still Waiting in the Wings 13. South Africa: Emerging from a Time Warp 14. The Postmodern Military Reconsidered
TL;DR: A comprehensive history of how the world's largest democracy, India, has grappled with the twin desires to have and to renounce the bomb, has been updated with a new afterword which takes into account the developments from late-1999 to February 2001 as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: This comprehensive history of how the world's largest democracy, India, has grappled with the twin desires to have and to renounce the bomb, has been updated with a new afterword which takes into account the developments from late-1999 to February 2001. Each chapter contains significant historical revelations drawn from scores of interviews with India's key scientists, military leaders, diplomats and politicians and from declassified US government documents.
TL;DR: In 2000, Abdurrahman Wahid as discussed by the authors promised in both Jakarta and Washington to hold a referendum on autonomy in the secessionist province of Aceh, and his government reportedly started negotiating with representatives of the Free Aceh movement.
Abstract: In November 1999, Indonesias new president, Abdurrahman Wahid, promised in both Jakarta and Washington to hold a referendum on autonomy in the secessionist province of Aceh. His government reportedly started negotiating with representatives of the Free Aceh movement?something flatly unthinkable under Wahids autocratic predecessor, Suharto. Wahid s actions are hardly isolated. Indeed, they bespeak a new global strategy to contain ethnic conflict. Its essential principles are that threats to divide a country should be managed by the devolution of state power and that communal fighting about access to the state s power and resources should be restrained by recognizing group rights and sharing power. The conventional wisdom, of course, is that tribal and nationalist fighting is still rising frighteningly. But in fact, the rash of ethnic warfare peaked in the early 1990s?countered, in most regions, by the application of these principles. The brutality of the conflicts in Kosovo, East Timor, and Rwanda?and the messiness of the international responses to them? obscures the larger shift from confrontation toward accommodation. But the trends are there: a sharp decline in new ethnic wars, the settlement of many old ones, and proactive efforts by states and international organizations to recognize group rights and channel ethnic disputes into conventional politics. In Kosovo and East Timor, intervention was chosen only after other means failed. The fact that
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that the United States should adopt a policy of realistic engagement with China that combines efforts to pursue cooperation whenever possible; to prevent, if necessary, the acquisition by China of capabilities that would threaten America's core national security interests; and to remain prepared to cope with the consequences of a more assertive China.
Abstract: China's continuing rapid economic growth and expanding involvement in global affairs pose major implications for the power structure of the international system. To more accurately and fully assess the significance of China's emergence for the United States and the global community, it is necessary to gain a more complete understanding of Chinese security thought and behavior. This study addresses such questions as: What are China's most fundamental national security objectives? How has the Chinese state employed force and diplomacy in the pursuit of these objectives over the centuries? What security strategy does China pursue today and how will it evolve in the future? The study asserts that Chinese history, the behavior of earlier rising powers, and the basic structure and logic of international power relations all suggest that, although a strong China will likely become more assertive globally, this possibility is unlikely to emerge before 2015-2020 at the earliest. To handle this situation, the study argues that the United States should adopt a policy of realistic engagement with China that combines efforts to pursue cooperation whenever possible; to prevent, if necessary, the acquisition by China of capabilities that would threaten America's core national security interests; and to remain prepared to cope with the consequences of a more assertive China.
TL;DR: Toxic Terror as mentioned in this paper provides in-depth case studies of twelve terrorist groups and individuals who, from 1946 to 1998, allegedly acquired or employed chemical and biological agents and identifies characteristic motivations and patterns of behavior associated with CBW terrorism and provides an empirical basis for prudent, cost-effective strategies of prevention and response.
Abstract: Policymakers, scholars, and the news media have been alarmed by the potential for chemical and biological weapons (CBW) terrorism, and the U.S. Congress has allocated billions of dollars for counterterrorism and "consequence management" programs. Driving these concerns are the global spread of scientific knowledge and technology relevant to CBW terrorism and the vulnerability of civilian populations to chemical and biological attacks. Notably lacking from the analysis, however, has been a careful assessment of the terrorists themselves. What types of terrorist groups or individuals are both capable of acquiring chemical and biological weapons and motivated to use them, and for what purposes? Further, what types of toxic agents would probably be produced, and how would they be delivered? Answers to these questions would enable policymakers to prepare for the most likely contingencies. To this end, Toxic Terror provides in-depth case studies of twelve terrorist groups and individuals who, from 1946 to 1998, allegedly acquired or employed CBW agents. The cases were researched from primary sources, including court documents, interviews, and declassified government files. By comparing the twelve cases, the book identifies characteristic motivations and patterns of behavior associated with CBW terrorism and provides an empirical basis for prudent, cost-effective strategies of prevention and response.
TL;DR: The streets of Washington, D.C., and Seattle may have been controlled last spring and fall by a new breed of antiglobalization progressives, but the old-fashioned, conservative anti-internationalists continue to hold sway among American policymakers as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The streets of Washington, D.C., and Seattle may have been controlled last spring and fall by a new breed of antiglobalization progressives, but the old-fashioned, conservative anti-internationalists continue to hold sway among American policymakers. Although the United States has accepted the North American Free Trade Agreement and participation in the World Trade Organization, it has spurned important multilateral regimes relating to arms control, the environment, war crimes, human rights, and other emerging global issues.
TL;DR: The labor movement's message from the World Trade Organization (wTo) meeting in Seattle last November could not have been clearer: the era of trade negotiations conducted by sheltered elites balancing competing commercial interests behind closed doors is over.
Abstract: T H E FERVENT PROTESTS that accompanied the World Trade Organization (wTo) meeting in Seattle last November showed just how urgent the issues of globalization and trade are to working Americans. Joining with environmentalists, consumer advocates, and human rights activists, the labor movement's message from Seattle could not have been clearer: The era of trade negotiations conducted by sheltered elites balancing competing commercial interests behind closed doors is over. Globalization has reached a turning point. The future is a contested terrain of very public choices that will shape the world economy of the 2ist century. The forces behind global economic change l d l y g g exalt deregulation, cater to corporations, undermine social structures, and ignore popular concerns—cannot be sustained. Globalization is leaving perilous instability and rising inequality in its wake. It is hurting too many and helping too few. As President Clinton himself has said, if the global market is to survive, it must work for working families. A first step toward that goal is building labor rights, environmental protection, and social standards into trade accords and the protocols of international financial institutions—and enforcing them with the same vigor now reserved for property rights. These concerns of the labor movement are often caricatured as protectionist, parochial, and out of touch with the realities of the global
TL;DR: Realism and the present great power system: Growth and Positional Conflict Over Scarce Resources, by Randall L. Schweller as discussed by the authors, and International Relations After the Cold War, by Michael Mastanduno and Ethan B. Kapstein
Abstract: 1. Realism and International Relations After the Cold War, by Michael Mastanduno and Ethan B. Kapstein2. Realism and the Present Great Power System: Growth and Positional Conflict Over Scarce Resources, by Randall L. Schweller3. The Political Economy of Realism, by Jonathan Kirshner4. Realism Structural Liberalism, and the Western Order, by Daniel Deudney and G. John Ikenberr5. Preserving the Unipolar Moment: Realist Theories and U.S. Grand Strategy After the Cold War, by Michael Mastanduno6. Mercantile Realism and Japanese Foreign Policy, by Eric Heginbotham and Richard J. Samuels7. Realism and Russian Strategy after the Collapse of the USSR, by Neil MacFarlane8. Realism(s) and Chinese Security Policy in the Post-Cold War Period, by Alastair Iain Johnston9. Realism and Regionalism: American Power and German and Japanese Institutional Strategies During and After the Cold War, by Joseph M. Grieco10. Realism and Reconciliation: France, Germany, and the European Union, by Michael Loriaux11. Neorealism Nuclear Proliferation, and East-Central European Strategies, by Mark Kramer12. Does Unipolarity Have A Future?, by Ethan B. Kapstein
TL;DR: The authors provided a systematic analysis of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's major decision-makers, their effective responses to weak oil prices in the late 1990s, and their relations with other oil producers as well as consumers.
Abstract: This text provides systematic analysis of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's major decision-makers, their effective responses to weak oil prices in the late 1990s, and their relations with other oil producers as well as consumers.
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TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined the possibility of US military intervention in the 1994 Rwandan genocide and concluded that even a large force deployed immediately upon the onset of the killings could not save even half of the ultimate victims.
Abstract: In a close examination of what a realistic US military intervention could have achieved in the 1994 genocide case in Rwanda the claim that 5000 US ground troops deployed at the outset of the killing could have prevented the genocide was found insupportable. This claim was originally made by the UN commanding general in Rwanda during the genocide and has since been endorsed by members of the Congress human rights groups and a distinguished panel of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict. However it is noted that although some lives could have been saved by intervention even a large force deployed immediately upon the onset of the killings could not saved even half of the ultimate victims. This paper discusses in detail the 1994 Rwandan genocide which left hundreds of thousands of Tutsi dead. It examines three levels of potential US military intervention: maximum moderate and minimal. Moreover it cites several important lessons from the Rwandan experience for policy-makers in pursuing prevention or intervention. Overall it is noted that the most obvious lesson of Rwandas tragedy is that intervention is no substitute for prevention.
TL;DR: By reading, you can know the knowledge and things more, not only about what you get from people to people, but also about what people to trust as discussed by the authors. But it is not only for you to be success in certain life you can be successful in everything.
Abstract: By reading, you can know the knowledge and things more, not only about what you get from people to people. Book will be more trusted. As this profits and principles global capitalism and human rights in china, it will really give you the good idea to be successful. It is not only for you to be success in certain life you can be successful in everything. The success can be started by knowing the basic knowledge and do actions.
TL;DR: With the negotiation of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), the policies affecting access to, and conditions of competition in, service markets are today firmly rooted in the multilateral trading system as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: With the negotiation of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), the policies affecting access to, and conditions of competition in, service markets are today firmly rooted in the multilateral trading system. Written with policymakers and practitioners in mind, the essays in this volume address some of the most pressing questions arising in services trade today --some of which were not addressed by the first generation of GATS negotiators.
TL;DR: The Rape of Nanjing was one of the worst atrocities committed during World War II as mentioned in this paper, and the number of people killed in and around the city was about 200,000.
Abstract: The Rape of Nanjing was one of the worst atrocities committed during World War II. On December 13, 1937, the Japanese army captured the city of Nanjing, then the capital of wartime China. According to the International Military Tribunal, during the ensuing massacre 20,000 Chinese men of military age were killed and approximately 20,000 cases of rape occurred; in all, the total number of people killed in and around the city of Nanjing was about 200,000. This carefully researched, intelligent collection of original essays considers the post-World War II treatment in China of the Nanjing Massacre and Japan. The book examines how the issue has developed as a political and diplomatic controversy in the five decades since World War II. In his introduction, Joshua A. Fogel raises the significant moral and historiographical issues that frame the other essays. Mark Eykholt then provides an account of postwar Chinese responses to the massacre.Takashi Yoshida assesses the attempts to downplay the incident and its effects, providing a revealing analysis of Japanese debates over Japan's role in the world and the continuing ambivalence of many Japanese toward their defeat in World War II. In the concluding essay, Daqing Yang widens the scope of the discussion by comparing the Nanjing historiographic debates to similar debates in Germany over the nature of the Holocaust.