Showing papers in "Governance in 2004"

Good Enough Governance: Poverty Reduction and Reform in Developing Countries

Abstract: The good governance agenda is unrealistically long and growing longer over time. Among the multitude of governance reforms that “must be done” to encourage development and reduce poverty, there is little guidance about what's essential and what's not, what should come first and what should follow, what can be achieved in the short term and what can only be achieved over the longer term, what is feasible and what is not. If more attention is given to sorting out these questions, “good enough governance” may become a more realistic goal for many countries faced with the goal of reducing poverty. Working toward good enough governance means accepting a more nuanced understanding of the evolution of institutions and government capabilities; being explicit about trade-offs and priorities in a world in which all good things cannot be pursued at once; learning about what's working rather than focusing solely on governance gaps; taking the role of government in poverty alleviation seriously; and grounding action in the contextual realities of each country.

Does E‐Government Promote Accountability? A Comparative Analysis of Website Openness and Government Accountability

Abstract: Under the global pressure of information technology, the adoption of web-based technologies in public administration has created a new government-and-citizen interface However, whether e-government will unambiguously lead to a more transparent, interactive, open and hence, accountable, government remains a central question Applying a framework of global pressure effects on bureaucratic change, this paper conducts an empirical study on website openness and accountability in fourteen countries Even when overall accountability levels rise, the accountability gap between different national bureaucracies often remains intact as web-based technologies typically maintain or reinforce the existing practices The question of whether e-government promotes accountability depends on what kind of bureaucracy one is referring to in the first place In the current debate about global convergence and national divergence on the effect of globalization on public bureaucracies, the spread of e-government provides a case of convergence in practice rather than in results

Managing Value Conflict in Public Policy

Abstract: Policy issues are often characterized by conflicting values. Conventionally, students of public policy have conceptualized government's response to value conflicts as a matter of “balancing” competing goals, or striking trade-offs among values. In this paper we argue that this way of managing value conflicts represents only one possibility from a larger and more varied repertoire of strategies that draw from more complex models of practical reasoning. Policy actors do sometimes try to strike a “balance” among conflicting values, but they often avail themselves of other strategies as well: they cycle between values by emphasizing one value and then the other; they assign responsibilities for each value to different institutional structures; or they gather and consult a taxonomy of specific cases where similar conflicts arose. We argue that each of these strategies can be rational in some institutional contexts, and that conclusion challenges the view that policy values must always be treated as commensurable for rational policy choices to be made. Government responds to value conflict in ways that are more varied and changing than existing views of public policy imply.

Multilevel Governance and Business Interests in the European Union

Abstract: The article analyzes how business interests responded to European integration It draws on survey data of eight hundred German, French, British, and European Union (EU) trade associations as well as thirty-four large firms The argument is that the multilevel governance approach to European integration captures the realities of EU interest intermediation better than neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism The article suggests that the strategies of interest organizations depend mainly on their location in the EU multilevel system and on their governance capacities I distinguish two kinds of governance capacities: negotiation capacities and organizational resources The analysis proceeds in the following steps: After outlining the three theories of European integration and presenting their implications for interest groups, a brief overview of the relative importance for interest organizations of EU and national institutions over time is provided Then, cluster analysis techniques serve to identify types of interest groups according to their lobbying strategies in the multilevel system: niche organizations, occasional players, traditionalists, EU players, and multilevel players are distinguished The composition of these clusters and the characteristics of their members support the multilevel governance approach and indicate that multilevel players have greater governance capacities than organizations in the other clusters

Competency, Bureaucracy, and Public Management Reform: A Comparative Analysis

Abstract: Competency can be considered a central theme in contemporary public service reforms. This article analyzes the development of competency frameworks for senior public servants at the national–government level in three countries (the U.S., the U.K., and Germany). By tracing the development of competency as an idea, it is shown that competency reforms drew selectively on management ideas, and by tracing the nature and time-patterns of competency reform developments in the three countries, it is shown that competency came onto the reform agenda at different times and by various routes rather than by a simple pattern of international policy transfer or business-to-government transfer. It is argued that the adoption of competency frameworks took place at critical junctures for preexisting public service bargains or agreements in each case and that they were shaped by the particularities of institutional context. However, although competency is arguably central to public service reform, it is far from clear that the competency frameworks in these three cases contributed to the declared aims of many contemporary public service reformers.

Learning and Change in 20th-Century British Economic Policy

Abstract: Despite considerable interest in the means by which policy learning occurs, and in how it is that the framework of policy may be subject to radical change, the “black box” of economic policy making remains surprisingly murky. This article utilizes Peter Hall’s concept of “social learning” to develop a more sophisticated model of policy learning; one in which paradigm failure does not necessarily lead to wholesale paradigm replacement, and in which an administrative battle of ideas may be just as important a determinant of paradigm change as a political struggle. It then applies this model in a survey of U.K. economic policy making since the 1930s: examining the shift to “Keynesianism” during the 1930s and 1940s; the substantial revision of this framework in the 1960s; the collapse of the“Keynesian-plus” framework in the 1970s; and the major revisions to the new “neoliberal” policy framework in the 1980s and 1990s.

Corporate Environmentalism, Regulatory Reform, and Industry Self-Regulation: Toward Genuine Regulatory Reinvention in the United States

Abstract: Increasingly, corporations are proactively managing environmental impacts in response to pressures from the consumer, business-to-business, financial, and government procurement markets. In many cases, these efforts have produced results well beyond what could be required under public regulations. Although the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency began a process of regulatory reinvention in the 1990s as a means of promoting such innovations, the results have been somewhat disappointing. This article examines the recent trends in corporate environmental management and regulatory reform. It concludes with a discussion of changes in regulatory design that could promote ongoing gains in corporate environmental performance through the creation of a hybrid system combining elements of public regulation, government-supervised corporate self-regulation, mandatory information disclosure, and green procurement.

International Organizations in Transfer of Infectious Diseases: Iterative Loops of Adoption, Adaptation, and Marketing

Abstract: Over the past few years increasing attention has been given to the role of international organizations in the diffusion of policy ideas and promotion of particular macro-level policies. Much of the attention has been on the ideological driving forces behind such policies, and on the extent to which the policies are externally imposed. There has been limited discussion on the bread-and-butter, technical policies of international organizations, and how they devise, adopt, adapt, and then promote what come to be seen as policies of global "best practice." This paper seeks to redress this gap by looking at the process of transfer of two infectious disease policies between international and national levels. It demonstrates that international organizations play different roles in policy transfer at particular stages in the process. The paper suggests that health policy transfer is a long adaptive process, made up of several iterative loops, as research and clinical practices developed in one or more countries are adopted, adapted, and taken up by international organizations which then mobilize support for particular policies, market, and promote them. Assumptions that new ideas about policies flow "rationally" into existing decision making are challenged by the processes analyzed here. Policy transfer, given the experience of these infectious diseases policies, goes through separate, "bottom-up," research-oriented, and "top-down" marketing-oriented loops. Individuals and different configurations of networks play key roles linking these loops. In the process, complex, context-specific policies are repackaged into simplified guidelines for global best practice, leading to considerable contestation within the policy networks.

How Democratic Is “Governance”? Lessons from Swiss Drug Policy

Abstract: Public action increasingly takes place in self-organizing networks that are remote from direct governmental control. While these transformations have been subject to scrutiny in regard to their efficiency, less attention has been paid to their democratic quality. This article discusses governance-induced problems of democracy by isolating two major criticisms. Deliberative criticism argues that governance, rather than allowing for true deliberation in the public space, may lead to a loss of accountability. Participatory criticism stresses that governance impinges on participatory venues. The article discusses these criticisms theoretically and empirically, drawing from research on drug policy in Switzerland. The findings show that the criticisms are relevant, albeit not entirely justified.

Self‐Regulatory Trajectories in the Shadow of Public Power: Resolving Digital Dilemmas in Europe and the United States

Abstract: Although industry self-regulation has developed into a preferred regula- tory strategy for the digital economy, self-regulatory solutions adopted in the U.S. and the European Union differ considerably. We argue that vari- ation in the shadow of public power—the public sector tools employed to induce industry collective action—sets the two on distinct self-regulatory trajectories. Legalistic self-regulation dominates in the U.S. and coordi- nated self-regulation in Europe. Expectations derived from the model are evaluated in case studies of online content regulation and personal data privacy protection. On both sides of the Atlantic, industry self-regulation has developed into a prominent regulatory strategy for the digital economy. 1 In an environ- ment still characterized by rapidly changing business models, market structures and technological advances, private sector self-regulation carves out a regulatory middle ground between government intervention and pure market mechanisms. Self-regulatory systems are often more flexible and less intrusive than formal regulation by governments; at the same time, they reduce uncertainty and enhance consumer confidence beyond levels attainable by the market alone. 2 Despite a common com- mitment to self-regulation based on this shared insight, much is made of the differences between regulatory solutions for "digital dilemmas" adopted in Europe and the U.S. Business practitioners, industry observers and policy makers in the U.S. have charged Europeans with heavy- handed government intervention that stifles innovation and distorts nascent e-commerce markets. Many Europeans, in turn, criticize America's naive faith in the market and unwillingness to protect common goods in the face of digital challenges. We show in this article that Europe and the U.S. indeed put much faith in e-commerce self-regulation. Yet the logic and character of self- regulation in Europe is very different from that in the U.S. Self-regulation

The Politics of Administrative Reform in East and Southeast Asia: From Gridlock to Continuous Self-Improvement?

Abstract: This article compares patterns and outcomes of administrative reform in four countries: Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, and Thailand. It focuses on the supply side, that is, on reform implementation. It is assumed that bureaucrats, upon whom implementation depends, have an interest in controlling the process. A distinction is made between two types of bureaucratic systems—autonomous and instrumental—according to structural features that increase the potential to block reforms. Four possible patterns of administrative reform are distinguished according to whether demand is high or low, and whether the bureaucracy can be classed as autonomous or instrumental. More broadly, it is argued that supply will be lower in autonomous bureaucratic systems. A comparative case study method is applied to test this model, and the proposition is not disconfirmed. Malaysia and Singapore, both classed as instrumental bureaucracies, demonstrate a predictable style of “continuous administrative self-improvement.” The status of the bureaucracy in Thailand and Taiwan is in transition, and the model is used to analyze changes in reform patterns over time and to suggest future trajectories.

A Political Perspective on Contracting Out: The Politics of Good Times. Experiences from Danish Local Governments

Abstract: Privatization has been on the political agenda for the last two decades. The literature points to two major explanations of privatization. One explanation is political-ideological, considering privatization to be a Liberal-Conservative strategy. Economic crisis or fiscal stress is the other main explanation of privatization. The two theses are investigated by evaluating the determinants of contracting out in Danish local governments. The analysis shows that fiscal stress is strongly, but inversely related to contracting out, while Liberal-Conservative political leadership is not associated with higher levels of contracting out than Social Democratic governance. Thus, the richer a local government becomes, the more it contracts out. Although party politics is not decisive for contracting out, the motivation seems to be political rather than economical. Specifically, it is argued that in a strongly decentralized public sector with influential public employees, contracting out is possible in good times when revenue and public expenditure are easier to increase, which reduces public employee resistance to contracting out.

Innovative Governance and Development in the New Ireland: Social Partnership and the Integrated Approach

Abstract: Since the mid-1980s, the economy of the Republic of Ireland has displayed a remarkable turnaround. Its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) has grown at a faster rate than any developed country in the world. The government's deficit has been cut severely and the debt-to-GDP ration sharply reduced. Average incomes have risen significantly, and the unemployment rate reduced dramatically. This article documents these changes. Its main purpose, however, is to provide a plausible explanation for the “Irish miracle.” While many factors have been important—support for the Economic Union's regional development programs, a favorable tax structure, locational and language advantages for attracting multinational corporations, strong education and training programs—these factors in themselves do not explain the emergence of the “Celtic tiger.” They were in place before the mid-1980s when Ireland was suffering from a fiscal, economic, and political crisis. Instead, the article argues, it was the creative and innovative response of Irish leaders in government, industry, and labor movement and community organizations to the crisis, and the subsequent institutionalization of this response in a new form of governance, that has been the catalyst for the Irish success story. Based on the thorough background research of the Economic and Social Research Council, a farsighted group of leaders developed a strategic plan in 1987 that provided a blueprint for constructive economic and social change. This was then formally instituted for wage restraint on the part of labor in return for income tax and social supposed provisions by government. Irish social Partnership is modeled to some extent on Northern European corporatism. The article reviews corporatism as an early form of innovative governance, using classical corporatism in Sweden and competitive corporatism in the Netherlands to illustrate how this approach has evolved over the years. Dutch economic success in recent years is due in part to its new form of corporatism that has helped it become globally competitive. It is argued, however, that Irish social partnership goes beyond continental corporatism in several important ways. It is more inclusive, covering a large array of social interests; it is more strategic, with a well-articulated integrated approach to social and economic development that is self-corrective and articulated in a new national agreement every three years; and it is more firmly institutionalized in both government and nongovernment agencies in the country. Social partnership and the integrated approach have become part of the culture of the new Ireland. This innovative form of governance underlies the Irish turnaround and augurs well for the future. It can also serve as a model, with appropriate modification tailor-made to each case, for other jurisdictions hoping to emulate Ireland's success.

Cross-National Transfer of Policy Ideas: Agencification in Britain and Japan

Abstract: This study seeks to contribute to the policy transfer literature through a comparison of the British “Next Steps” initiative of agencification (i.e., organizational separation of policy implementation from policy formulation in central departments) and the Japanese reform that officially proclaimed to be inspired by the British example. In addition to confirming the crucial role played by domestic structural constraints in producing variant outputs in different countries, this article also shows that the transfer of policy ideas can be a highly proactive political process in which political actors in the learning country interpret and define both problems and solution as they “borrow” from another country.

Cross‐National Concepts in Supranational Governance: State–Society Relations and EU Policy Making

Abstract: The emergence of multiple and shifting modes of governance both intranationally and supranationally has posed difficulties for analysts accustomed to refining or testing singular types of politics. When confronted with this changing complexity, a comprehensive framework can be a very useful diagnostic and organizational tool. This article devises one such conceptual framework to clarify and systematize varieties of state autonomy and state–society relations. By combining fundamental conceptions of action, elemental control mechanisms, and basic types of interaction, a comprehensive framework is constructed for characterizing and comparing governance modes in a conceptually coherent manner. Many of the abstract spaces within this conceptual field share affinities with types of state autonomy and state–society relations depicted in major theoretical approaches to national politics (i.e., authoritarianism, statism, pluralism, corporatism, institutionalism, and Marxism). This article uses this conceptual framework to systematize these major governance modes and to illuminate their coexistence in supranational governance by examining the European Union policy process.

Federations of Municipalities: A Practical Alternative to Local Government Consolidations in Japan?

Abstract: This article examines the merits of Wide Area Federations of Municipalities (MFs) as a public service delivery alternative to local government consolidation in Japan. It argues that MFs provide localities with a reasonable option to mergers where amalgamations are politically or geographically impractical, such as in sparsely populated, mountainous, and agricultural areas. Conversely, it maintains that MFs are less practical, efficient, and common in urbanized regions. These findings, the article concludes, suggest a new era of local government in Japan has begun. In this period, to be known as The Race for Local Power, national policies have provoked a new wave of municipal mergers.

Similar Ends, Differing Means: Contractualism and Civil Service Reform in Denmark and New Zealand

Abstract: State sector reform was an integral component of the radical economic and social policy changes enacted by New Zealand governments between 1984 and 1991. This reform replaced the traditional tenured public service with a contractual regime. Through a comparison with Denmark, it is shown that New Zealand's reforms were not unique. Similar reforms were enacted in Denmark. But contrary to what occurred in New Zealand, the Danish reforms had already begun in the 1960s, and have since been gradually expanded. The parallel contractual regimes introduced in the two countries are accounted for by an increasing demand among politicians to secure a civil service that is responsive to political executive demands. However, because of institutional differences and diverging regulatory regimes, the strategic approaches in the two countries have been different. Whereas the New Zealand approach was dominated by an appeal to a coherent and sophisticated body of theoretical knowledge, combined with strict formalization, the Danish strategy has been based on political bargaining with the civil service unions. In both cases the reforms rest on critical assumptions regarding their positive and negative implications.

The Political-Economic Dimension of Pensions: The Case of Japan

Abstract: This article examines how pensions are interwoven with the public and private financial system in Japan and the consequences for pension reform. A growing literature focuses on the multifaceted ways in which pensions are interwoven with the larger political economy. This study builds on this literature and finds that (a) public and private pensions have been integrated deeply into Japan's system of developmental finance, (b) this integration has created new economic and political problems as governments have attempted to shift away from its developmental model through deregulation, liberalization, and administrative reform, and (c) because pension reform is intimately linked with these reforms, it involves addressing fundamental issues regarding the role of the state, finance, and firms. These findings collectively illustrate that pension reform is not only driven by issues of fiscal viability and benefit levels, but also by the nature of the way in which pensions are integrated into a country's system of finance.

Inspecting the Inspectors: Overseeing Labor Inspectorates in Parliamentary Democracies

Abstract: Most theories of how to control bureaucracies are derived from American experience and are tested with data from the U.S. In contrast, this article uses evidence from the 15 members of the European Union to examine oversight mechanisms through which legislators attempt to control the bureaucracy. Analysis of European data shows that “police patrol” mechanisms of oversight appear in countries with relatively little gridlock as measured by the ideological range of their governments. “Deck stacking” mechanisms appear in countries that experience greater problems with gridlock measured in the same way. U.S. President Ulysses Grant (1869‐1877) said, “I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution” (Jay, 160). A hundred years before, British Prime Minister George Grenville declared, “a wise government knows how to enforce with temper, or to conciliate with dignity” (Jay, 161). Both quotations highlight a fundamental problem of government. The passage of a law is not the guarantor of its effect. Elected officials, both in parliamentary and presidential systems, delegate implementation duties to civil servants. Civil servants can exaggerate the effect of a law through “stringent execution” to blackmail lawmakers into repealing it, as President Grant suggested. Alternatively, civil servants can expand the scope of the legislation by applying rules to areas not originally intended. Conversely, civil servants can ameliorate the harm done by inconvenient laws by “enforcing with temper or conciliating with dignity.” To ensure that civil servants do not bend policies too far from their intended effects, lawmakers must oversee the civil servants’ actions. Lawmakers make use of a wide variety of tools to monitor and constrain civil servants’ actions. These tools range from the active and constant monitoring by British ministers to interest group oversight in Germany. Why do lawmakers choose the tools they choose? Much of the theoretical research addressing this question focuses on the effect conflict among legislators has on the type of oversight institutions they establish. Most researchers argue that greater legislative gridlock, caused by polit

The Caspian Sea: Potentials and Prospects

Abstract: The intense interest shown by the major international oil and gas companies in the Caspian Sea testifies to its promising potentials. The seven- hundred-mile long Caspian Sea is located in northwest Asia. Five countries—Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Turkmenistan—share the Caspian basin. Shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caspian states became open to foreign investment and the region has reemerged as a potentially significant player in the global energy policy. Indeed, the geological potential of the Caspian region as a major source of oil and gas is not in doubt. The rate of investment, however, is (and will continue to be) determined by the perceived risk in the region. This report examines three socioeconomic and political challenges to the region: ethnic conflicts, disagreements over the most cost-effective pipeline routes, and disputes over the legal status of the Caspian.