scispace - formally typeset
Search or ask a question
JournalISSN: 1868-1034

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 

German Institute for Global and Area Studies
About: Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs is an academic journal published by German Institute for Global and Area Studies. The journal publishes majorly in the area(s): Politics & China. It has an ISSN identifier of 1868-1034. Over the lifetime, 387 publications have been published receiving 4245 citations.


Papers
More filters
Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined the logics that underpin Duterte's strong public support and argued that part of Duterte's appeal hinges on "penal populism" built on two political logics: the politics of anxiety and the hope.
Abstract: Citizens who support populist leaders are often portrayed in negative terms. They are disparaged for their prejudice and naivete, some even earning the label “basket of deplorables” from Hillary Clinton. Rodrigo Duterte’s supporters were not exempted from such criticism. In the 2016 Philippine presidential race, they were pejoratively labelled Dutertards, which pathologised their fervent and unrelenting support for the controversial candidate. This article interrogates such depictions by examining the logics that underpin Duterte’s strong public support. I argue that part of Duterte’s appeal hinges on “penal populism,” built on two political logics that reinforce each other: the politics of anxiety and the politics of hope. While the former foregrounds the language of crisis, danger and uncertainty, the latter reclaims democratic agency. The article examines the articulations of these logics among Duterte’s supporters based on ethnographic fieldwork in disaster-affected communities where Duterte enjoyed decisive victories.

150 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors shed new light on the politics of Singapore's national identity invention, and showed that many Singaporeans demand greater participation in the negotiation of their Singaporean identity, which demonstrates the difficulty of constructing a sustainable authoritarian civic national identity.
Abstract: This study wants to shed new light on the politics of Singapore’s national identity invention. Since independence in 1965, the Singaporean government has tried to generate a sense of national identity in Singapore. While at first, the priority was on pragmatic values to promote the economic development, this changed in the late 1980s when the government became concerned with the widespread materialism within the society. As an alternative, so-called Asian values sought to provide an ideological alternative and a new basis for a stronger national identity. At the same time, average Singaporeans have developed their own unique conceptions of the city-state’s national identity, which sometimes contradict the official nation-building efforts and thus constitute a subtle form of opposition. Many Singaporeans demand greater participation in the negotiation of their Singaporean identity, which demonstrates the difficulty of constructing a sustainable authoritarian civic national identity.

81 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Rodrigo R. Duterte as discussed by the authors is an illiberal populist who changed the prevailing political order into a illiberal one through a new law-and-order governing script, new key strategic groups (the communist left and the police), and the quick removal of remaining liberal constraints (particularly in Congress and the Supreme Court).
Abstract: Since assuming the presidency, Rodrigo R. Duterte has “stuck to his guns” in carrying out his campaign pledge to launch a violent anti-drug campaign. Duterte’s presidency was preceded by six years of political stability and high growth under the relatively liberal and supposedly reformist administration of President Benigno “Noynoy” S. Aquino, III. What did voters find so appealing about Duterte given that drugs and criminality were not a major national concern until he launched his candidacy? Unlike previous populist politicians in the post-Marcos Philippines, Duterte’s strongest support did not come from the poorest voters but rather from the elite and the middle class who most feared for their personal security. Although Aquino was widely perceived to be personally honest, his administration had become “systemically disjunctive” and vulnerable to replacement by violent illiberalism because its narrative of “good governance” had been undermined, its strategic allies were weakened, and liberal institutions discredited. Duterte is an illiberal populist who changed the prevailing political order into an illiberal one through a new law-and-order governing script, new key strategic groups (the communist left and the police), and the quick removal of remaining liberal constraints (particularly in Congress and the Supreme Court). Duterte constructed a strongman political model at the local level before “nationalising” it after his election as president.

81 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The challenges to the authority of Vietnam's one-party state that emerged in 2009 and state responses are discussed in this article, including opposition to bauxite mining in the Central Highlands, mass protests by the Catholic Church over land ownership issues, and revived political dissent by pro-democracy activists and bloggers.
Abstract: This article focuses on the challenges to the authority of Vietnam’s one-party state that emerged in 2009 and state responses. Three separate challenges are discussed: opposition to bauxite mining in the Central Highlands; mass protests by the Catholic Church over land ownership issues; and revived political dissent by pro-democracy activists and bloggers. The Vietnam Communist Party bases its claims to political legitimacy on multiple sources. The bauxite mining controversy challenged the state’s claim to political legitimacy on the basis of performance. The Catholic land dispute challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy on rational-legal grounds. Revived political dissent, including the linkage of demands for democracy with concerns over environmental issues and relations with China, challenged the state’s claim to legitimacy based on nationalism. Vietnam responded in a “soft authoritarian” manner. Future challenges and state responses will be debated as Vietnam moves to convene its eleventh national party congress in 2010.

76 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Philippine response to COVID-19 has been described as being one of the longest and strictest lockdowns in the world as mentioned in this paper. But why has the Philippine government relied heavily on draconian measures in it?
Abstract: The Philippine response to COVID-19 has been described as being one of the longest and strictest lockdowns in the world. Why has the Philippine government relied heavily on draconian measures in it...

67 citations

Performance
Metrics
No. of papers from the Journal in previous years
YearPapers
202313
202217
202127
202022
201918
201820