Showing papers in "North American Journal of Psychology in 2011"

Bullying Behaviors and Attachment Styles

Abstract: About half of adolescents report that they have either bullied their peers or been victims of bullying (Gaul, 2010; U.S. Department of Education, 2010). Bullying is typically defined as repeated relational or physical aggression directed to one or more peers (Olweus, 1995). Relational aggression includes behaviors such as rumor spreading, taunting, and threatening to withdraw friendship (Vitaro, Brendgen, & Barker, 2006), while physical aggression includes behaviors such as hitting and pushing (Houndoumadi & Patraski, 2001). Peer victimization can result in devastating consequences for children and adolescents. Researchers have shown an association between peer victimization and internalizing symptoms (McLaughlin, Hatzenbuehler, & Hilt, 2009). Specifically, peer victimization has been linked to emotional dysregulation (McLaughlin et al., 2009), loneliness, and anxiety (Bellmore, Witkow, Graham, & Juvonen, 2004). When examining relational aggression in particular, researchers have found that this single type of aggression predicts depression and anxiety in girls (Ellis, Crooks, & Wolfe, 2008). In addition to the increased likelihood of experiencing these internalizing symptoms, both victims and bullies report a reduced sense of life satisfaction (Flaspohler, Elfstrom, Vanderzee, Sink, & Birchmeier, 2009). Peer victimization is related to school difficulties as well (Thijs & Verkuyten, 2008). Because bullied children have a lower sense of self-efficacy, their academic achievement tends to be lower than their peers. In addition, bullied children are more frequently absent from school (Gastic, 2008). Interestingly, victims are also more likely to get into trouble at school and more likely to receive serious forms of discipline than nonbullied children. These difficulties often result in school transfers. One of the most devastating consequences of bullying is the higher incidence of suicide attempts and ideation among bullies, victims, bully-victims (both a bully and a victim of bullying), and even bystanders (Klomek, Sourander, & Gould, 2010). These relationships have even been found in elementary school children, with bully-victims being at the highest risk for these problems. In addition, bully-victims who also witness bullying incidents are at an even greater psychological risk for suicide (Rivers et al., 2010) than bully-victims who do not witness bullying instances. Furthermore, girls who are considered to be both victims and bystanders think about suicide more often than uninvolved students and bystanders (Lomek, et al.). Male and female children tend to have very different experiences with bullying. Boys are more likely to bully using physical aggression and to become bully-victims than are girls, while girls are more likely to use relational aggression (Vaillancourt & Hymel, 2006). Boys and girls are equally likely to be victims (Nation, Vieno, Perkins, & Santinello, 2008). Moreover, as boys develop, they tend to experience more bullying and to report a greater liking for bullies, while bullying for girls peaks at about age 13 (Houndoumadi & Pateraki, 2001). Parental Factors Predicting Bullying and Victimization Children who are involved in bullying report less parental academic and social support than children who are uninvolved (Conners-Burrow, Johnson, Whiteside-Mansell, McKelvey, & Gargus, 2009). Moreover, parental divorce (Malone et al., 2004) and maltreatment (Cullerton-Sen et al., 2008) have been linked to aggressive behaviors in boys. Parental discipline techniques are also associated with child aggression (Kuppens, Grietens, Onghena, & Michiels, 2009). The use of physical punishment is associated with physical aggression in children, especially boys, while psychological control is associated with relational aggression. With regard to victimization, low parental involvement (Jeynes, 2008), and parent-child relations (Finnegan, Hodges, & Perry, 1998) have been found to be predictive. …

Cheers vs. Jeers: Effects of Audience Feedback on Individual Athletic Performance

Abstract: There are a number of factors that can influence an athlete's performance during a game other than the athlete's skill. Athletes must perform in front of crowds in every game, and crowds express their feelings about athletes' performances by, for instance, cheering (supporting them) or jeering (discouraging them). The presence of such an audience may affect team and individual athlete performance. Social facilitation has been characterized as the effect of observers on individual performance (Butler & Baumeister, 1998; Zajonc, 1965). In general, research shows the presence of one or more spectators can enhance performance if the skill is easy or well learned, but performance may decrease if the task is difficult or unfamiliar (Cottrell, Wack, Sekerak, & Rittle, 1968; Forgas, Brennan, Howe, Kane, & Sweet, 1980; Strauss, 2002a; Zajonc, 1965). For example, in one of the earliest studies on social facilitation, Travis (1925) found that participants engaged in a pursuit-rotor task performed significantly better (made fewer tracking errors) when they were observed by an audience of four to eight people compared to when they performed alone. Michaels, Blommel, Brocato, Linkous, and Rowe (1982) showed that better pool players improved their performance when they had a small group of spectators, but mediocre players had a decrease in performance when being watched. Taken at face value, then, given that the skills athletes perform during their sport are familiar, well-practiced ones, one might expect positive effects of social facilitation to exist for athletes during sporting games (cf., Carron, Burke, & Prapavessis, 2004). But of course, audiences for sporting events are not merely present; they do not merely observe the performance of athletes during a game. Rather, they engage in a variety of behaviors that interact with the players for each team in games (Cox, 1985). They may applaud when a receiver catches the football and heads for the end zone. They may heckle the batter on deck for the opposing team. They may offer silence for the player shooting from the foul line if she or he is on their preferred team, or they may rumble loudly trying to distract the shooter if she or he is on the non-preferred team. In simple terms, audiences cheer and jeer. Audience effects, then, may be very different than mere spectator effects. Studies have shown clearly that audiences can impact physiological variables of athletes (e.g., arousal, cardiac performance), as well as cognitive variables such as self-concept and perceptions of performance (e.g., see Jones, Bray, & Lavallee, 2007). However, less is known about how particular audience behaviors, like cheering or jeering, influence athletes' actual performance. The notion that what audiences do interacts with and has an effect on the performance of athletes ostensibly is substantiated in the home-field advantage literature. Home-field advantage refers to the established finding across several sports that, given a balanced home and away schedule, teams typically win more home games than away games (Courneya & Carron, 1992; McCutcheon, 1984; Nevill & Holder, 1999). Many aspects of the sports situation, such as facility familiarity, relative fatigue, referee bias, and territorial defense effects have been proffered as influential factors in home-field advantage (Moore & Brylinsky, 1993; Salminen, 1993; Schwartz & Barsky, 1977). But researchers, athletes, and fans repeatedly assert that the crowd is a key element. More specifically, it is widely believed that "crowd support," "supportive audience," "home crowd," "home team fans" is one of the aspects that gives the home team the edge (Courneya & Carron, 1992; Schwartz & Barsky, 1977; Tauer, Guenther, & Rozek, 2009). Presumably, having a supportive and encouraging audience motivates the athletes to perform better. Some studies have investigated whether having an audience present enhances performance, and have found rather surprising results. …

Body size perceptions in racially/ethnically diverse men and women: Implications for body image and self-esteem.

Abstract: From the first glance in the mirror in the morning, to a first date in the evening, many young people evaluate their appearance and question how others will perceive them. Interpersonal factors are important in the development of body image (Tantleff-Dunn & Gokee, 2002; Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999), suggesting that discrepancies between views of one's own appearance and the views held by others may be critical for understanding body image. US society considers a thin body to be ideal for women (Thompson et al., 1999) and a lean and muscular figure ideal for men (Olivardia, 2002). Individuals may not only worry about achieving these ideals for their own satisfaction but also, and perhaps more importantly, they may be concerned over how others will evaluate them if they fall short. Because these body ideals are difficult to achieve, individuals may feel that others are negatively evaluating them. It is important to examine body size perceptions because of their link to mental health (Tantleff-Dunn & Thompson, 1995). In the current study, we examined body size perceptions in a sample of men and women from different racial/ethnic groups. The present study contributes to the literature in several ways. We examined body size perception in three racial/ethnic groups. Specifically, we examined individuals' perceptions of their own body size, the size they see as ideal for themselves, and the size they believe peers (both same- and other-sex) see as most attractive. Others have studied similar concepts, but in predominantly European American samples (e.g., Forbes, Adams-Curtis, Rade, & Jaberg, 2001; Tantleff-Dunn & Thompson, 1995), or in similar samples but without questions about same-sex peers (Demarest & Allen, 2000). Although a few studies have examined how race/ethnicity influences perception of ideal body sizes in European Americans and African Americans (e.g., Aruguete, Nickleberry, & Yates, 2004; Freedman, Carter, Sbrocco, & Gray, 2004), few studies have also included Latino Americans. Cultural context plays an important role in individuals' ideas of what body sizes are most attractive (Markey, 2004). Individuals who grow up in cultures that are more accepting of larger body sizes may develop more flexible body size ideals which are more achievable. We also examined the degree to which individuals accurately estimate their own body size. This question has been addressed in samples of women with eating disorders (Smeets, 1997), but we know very little about the accuracy with which non-clinical individuals rate their own body size. In the present study, we used figure drawings to capture this idea, by comparing self-ratings of body size to ratings made by independent observers. Figure drawings are typically used for assessing self-perceptions of body size and various ideals (e.g., own ideal, perceived others' ideals), but are rarely utilized for body size estimation purposes. Perceptions of the Body We drew on two theories commonly used in the body image literature to support our hypotheses. Social comparison theory (Festinger, 1954) argues that individuals frequently evaluate themselves by making comparisons to others. There is evidence that both tendencies toward social comparison and making upward comparisons (comparisons to those perceived to be better off than oneself) in particular are associated with poorer body image (see Tantleff-Dunn & Gokee, 2002; Thompson et al., 1999). Also relevant to our hypotheses is self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987). Comparison to others is at the crux of this theory as well, but with a different target--a cognitive representation of an ideal self (Thompson et al., 1999). Specifically, self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, 1987) argues that individuals have several ideal selves, including individuals' own ideal self, as well as their perception of others' ideal self. Those who experience a discrepancy between actual and ideal selves are at risk for "dejection-related emotions" (p. …

Sibling Relationships in the College Years: Do Gender, Birth Order, and Age Spacing Matter?

Abstract: The study of sibling relationships beyond childhood has been steadily receiving more attention from researchers in recent decades. Relationships between men and women, parents and their children, and grandparents and their grandchildren have been the main focus of researchers in the past. However, it has been argued for decades that the types of relationships that exist between siblings, especially adult siblings, have relatively limited information available (Myers & Bryant, 2008a; Pulakos, 1989; Spitze & Trent, 2006). It is important to study all stages of life when dealing with relationships between siblings because that type of relationship evolves from childhood to elder years (Cicirelli, 2009; Newman, 1994; Panish & Stricker, 2001; Riggio, 2000, 2001; Spitze & Trent, 2006; Van Volkom, 2006). The study of sibling relationships is extremely important because when linking sibling relationships in childhood to sibling relationships in adulthood, conclusions can be drawn about the impact that siblings have on one another's lives (Milevsky, 2004; Shortt & Gottman, 1997). No two sibling relationships are identical. Most are very healthy (Martin, Anderson, & Rocca, 2005), but some result in violence (Myers & Goodboy, 2010), conflict (Newman, 1994; Sherman, Lansford, & Volling, 2006), hostility (Milevsky, Smoot, Leh, & Ruppe, 2005) and verbal aggression (Myers & Bryant, 2008b). Since the sibling relationship is "forced," unlike a friendship which is voluntary, there are many dynamics involved (Martin et al., 2005; Newman, 1994). The rivalry experienced in childhood may continue into adulthood (Myers & Goodboy, 2010). This rivalry may partly be due to the effect of parental favoritism. For example, Rauer and Volling (2007) reported that when parental affection differed among siblings, the impact on the siblings was negative, both in terms of the self and in later romantic relationships. Earlier work by Boll, Ferring, and Filipp (2003) found that when favoritism was displayed, the quality of the relationship between siblings deteriorated. However, once siblings age, they generally have a positive relationship (Martin et al., 2005) and rely on each other for both instrumental and emotional support (Van Volkom, 2006). There are many theories underlying the sibling relationship. For example, although events like marriage and raising a family may make sibling contact less frequent during adulthood, attachment theory posits that siblings maintain an emotional bond with each other throughout their lifetime. Moreover, it has been suggested that this bond may continue even after a sibling dies (Bowlby, 1980; Cicirelli, 2009). The buffering hypothesis suggests that an individual may seek out a closer bond with a sibling as a buffer against stressful occurrences in the family, such as parental divorce (Bush & Ehrenberg, 2003; Milevsky, 2004; Riggio, 2001). Adult siblings can be essential resources for support, love, and friendship (Connidis, 1992; Martin et al., 2005; Riggio, 2000, 2001; Shortt & Gottman, 1997; White & Riedmann, 1992). In a large study of adult siblings in the United States, sixty-six percent of the participants said that their sibling was a close friend, fifty percent of adults said that at least once a month they had contact with their sibling, and thirty-three percent of adults stated that they could depend on their sibling in case of an emergency (Voorpostel & Blieszner, 2008). When siblings do not have a good relationship with their parents, they tend to overcompensate by having a supportive relationship with one another. Support and warmth is different between men and women (Milevsky et al., 2005). Women are more likely to give emotional support, especially to sisters (Spitze & Trent, 2006; Voorpostel & Blieszner, 2008). Cicirelli (1995) explored the importance of close relationships between adult siblings and how it can support a more fulfilling and enjoyable life, even in the elderly stages of life. …

Violent lyrics in heavy metal music can increase aggression in males.

Abstract: Klinesmith, Kasser, and McAndrew (2006) demonstrated that handling a gun caused males to aggress more in an experiment where they spiked a cup of water with hot sauce, believing that another subject would drink it. They also determined that the increase in aggression was mediated by testosterone levels that were raised by handling the gun. This is a well-accepted, reliable and valid technique for measuring aggression in the laboratory (Lieberman, Solomon, Greenberg, & McGregor, 1999). We used the design of the Klinesmith et al study to weigh in on the controversy surrounding the role played by violent lyrics in heavy metal music in causing aggressive behavior, and whether such lyrics operate in the same fashion as the guns in the aforementioned study. Anecdotal arguments notwithstanding, the experimental evidence regarding this matter is quite mixed (Anderson, Carnagey, & Eubanks, 2003; Arnett, 1991; Ballard & Coates, 1995; Fried, 2006; Gowensmith & Bloom, 1997). Thirty-five male college students (age range = 18-22) were recruited from undergraduate psychology classes to participate in a study described as being about the relationship between auditory stimulation and taste sensitivity. The students received course credit for their participation. They were randomly assigned to one of three experimental groups: A group that listened to heavy metal music that had been pretested and judged to have violent lyrics (n=11; the songs were "Bloodmeat" and "Limb from Limb" performed by Protest the Hero), and a group that listened to similar heavy metal songs pretested and judged to have no violent lyrics (n=12; the songs were "Bounce," "Old School Hollywood," and "I-E-A-I-A-I-O" performed by System of a Down), and a control group that listened to no music at all and sat silently in the room waiting for the next part of the experiment. Saliva samples were taken prior to and after an eight-minute music exposure, and the subjects also engaged in a bogus taste-rating task. Each participant was then given a cup filled with 115 mg of water and a bottle of hot sauce and was instructed to prepare a taste sample for the next experimental subject. The dependent variable was the weight, in milligrams, of hot sauce that the subject added to the cup of water which was weighed before and after the hot sauce was added. Unfortunately, a refrigeration failure damaged the saliva samples, precluding an analysis of the testosterone data. …

Brief Report: Celebrity Worshipers and the Five-Factor Model of Personality

Abstract: In the second half of the twentieth century social critics observed that western societies were undergoing a seemingly unhealthy and pervasive trend: Real heroes were being replaced by celebrities--persons whose achievements amounted to little more than being able to sing, dance, and appear more photogenic than most (Boorstin, 1961; Fishwick, 1969). This trend continues, promoted first by radio and moving pictures, then by television and more modern technology. More recently, critics have decried a deliberate attempt on the part of television executives to create an entire society of celebrity worshipers, people who would follow the potentially harmful, uninformed advice sometimes offered by these dubious heroes, especially if it increased the sale of sponsored products (Bogart, 1980; Schickel, 1985). The development and publication of the Celebrity Worship Scale (CWS) triggered a modest amount of research aimed at determining the attitudes, traits and behaviors of those who "worshiped" at least one celebrity (McCutcheon, Lange, & Houran, 2002). A factor analysis revealed three factors consisting of 23 items. This revision of the CWS became known as the Celebrity Attitude Scale (CAS; Maltby, Houran, Lange, Ashe, & McCutcheon, 2002; Maltby, McCutcheon, Ashe, & Houran, 2001). The first factor or subscale was labeled "Entertainment-social (ES)," because its ten items implied that some persons are attracted to celebrities because they have entertainment value and they provide opportunities for conversation. Factor or subscale two was named the "Intense-personal (IP)" subscale because its nine items reflect a deeper, more intense involvement with one's favorite celebrity. Factor or subscale three, "Borderline-pathological, (Path)" consists of four items that, if agreed with, imply a problematic, parasocial relationship. Subsequent research has shown that the first factor, ES, is relatively benign, but those who score high on subscales two and three (IP and Path) are likely to exhibit attitudes and behaviors that are problematic. For example, Maltby, Giles, Barber and McCutcheon (2005) found that female adolescents who scored high on CAS IP (but not ES) tended to have a poor body image. Maltby, Day, McCutcheon, Houran and Ashe (2005) found that celebrity worship for Intense-personal reasons was correlated with fantasy proneness, and celebrity worship for Borderline-pathological reasons was linked to both fantasy proneness and dissociation. Maltby, Houran and McCutcheon (2003) found positive relationships between celebrity worship for Entertainment-social reasons and extraversion, one of the three dimensions of Eysenck's personality model (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1975). However, IP scores correlated positively with Eysenck's neuroticism traits, and Path scores correlated with Eysenckian psychoticism traits (Maltby, et al.). A study of coping with stress, general health and life satisfaction led to the conclusion that poor mental health was associated with high scores on CAS IP (Maltby, Day, McCutcheon, Gillett, Houran, & Ashe, 2004). In addition to finding that high CAS IP scores and high CAS Path scores predicted both depressive symptoms and higher anxiety, Maltby, McCutcheon, Ashe, and Houran (2001) also found an association between CAS ES and depressive symptoms. The five-factor trait approach to the study of personality represents a modern synthesis of some of the most important traits commonly used to describe human beings (Costa & McCrae, 1992). The five-factor model and the scales based on it are "well-established and widely used" (Batey, Chamorro-Premuzic, & Furnham, 2009, p. 62). The Revised NEO Personality Inventory (NEO PI-R; Costa & McCrae, 1992) measures the five-factor model of personality through five main domains (italicized), each subdivided into six facets or subscales (in brackets): (1) Neuroticism (Anxiety, Angry Hostility, Depression, Self-Consciousness, Impulsiveness and Vulnerability), (2) Extraversion (Warmth, Gregariousness, Assertiveness, Activity, Excitement Seeking, and Positive Emotions), (3) Openness (Fantasy, Aesthetics, Feelings, Actions, Ideas and Values), (4) Agreeableness (Trust, Straightforwardness, Altruism, Compliance, Modesty and Tender-Mindedness), and (5) Conscientiousness (Competence, Order, Dutifulness, Achievement Striving, Self-discipline and Deliberation). …

Social Networking and Political Campaigns: Perceptions of Candidates as Interpersonal Constructs

Abstract: Research in political communication recognizes the role of interpersonal communication in the campaign process, with research looking at interpersonal influence, opinion leadership, and anticipated conversations with other individuals (Powell & Cowart, 2003). Voters discuss political topics with others (Huckfeldt & Sprague, 1995), using those discussions to evaluate information while forming their own opinions (Mutz, 1998). Their conversations include exchanges of information, political arguments, and issue-specific news (Wyatt, Kim & Katz, 2000). Other research has found a link between television viewing and interpersonal attraction of public figures (Antecol, 1998). Media audiences often respond to celebrities and television characters on a quasi-interpersonal level similar to that of an interpersonal friendship (Powell & Anderson, 1984). Surlin (1974), for example, argued that media audiences consider television characters to be surrogate friends. Similarly, television characters can be perceived as if they were real people under a social facilitation paradigm (Gardner & Knowles, 2008), particularly when the individual has unfulfilled social needs (Ashe & McCutcheon, 2001; Giles & Maltby, 2004; Wang, Fink, & Cai, 2008). Rubin and McHugh (1987) reported that such behavior was related to social attraction, while Turner (1993) identified homophily as a factor in the strength of para-social relationships. Homophily, is what Barker (2008) described as an affinity for "people like me" (p. 21). However, past research has focused primarily on media celebrities (Rubin, Perse, & Powell, 1985; Turner, 1993) or athletes (Brown & Basil, 1995; Brown, Basil, & Bocarnea, 2003; Brown, Duane, & Fraser, 1997). Little research has looked at the effect in terms of political candidates. This is an oversight, considering the implications of both interpersonal communication and Internet communication in political campaigns. With the Internet playing an increasingly important role in both mass and interpersonal communication, the need for research in the area has also grown (Morris & Ogan, 1996; Newhagen & Rafaeli, 1996). However, the relationship between the Internet and political communication has been limited in that many political campaigns often relied on traditional media when communicating with voters. That changed with the 2008 presidential election, which became the first presidential election in which both candidates were positioned to use social networks as a campaign tool (Hendricks & Denton, 2010). Previous research has identified four primary motivations for seeking online political information: guidance, information-seeking, entertainment, and social utility (Kaye & Johnson, 2002). Of primary interest to this study is social, or interpersonal, utility, i.e., "using the Internet to reinforce decisions and arm individuals with information to use in discussions with others" (p. 62). The concept involves the need to keep up with current political events for the purpose of discussing them with friends and co-workers (Swanson, 1976). Social utility motivations have been reported more often for individuals with a high interest in political campaigns and issues (Kaye & Johnson, 2002). One by-product of social utility is that it can increase information seeking and knowledge of political events (Kitchens, Powell, & Williams, 2003). Diddi and LaRose argue that this behavior is particularly common among college students, since college students read more news online than their non-college peers and turn to the Internet more often than any other source. Students who seek out news and political information on the Internet are more politically active than other students, more likely to be politically involved, and reported higher informational motivation--including motivation for social utility (Park, Kee, & Valenzuela, 2009). These results indicate that online social networking sites could influence interpersonal images in the political arena. …

The Relationship between Eating Attitudes, Body Image and Perceived Family-of-Origin Climate among College Athletes

Abstract: The prevalence of eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa, bulimia, as well as subclinical eating and body image problems, increases substantially during the transition from high school to college. While an estimated 1% to 3% of the general U.S. population meet formal diagnostic criteria for an eating disorder (Hudson, Hirpi, Pope, & Kessler, 2007), a 7-10% prevalence has been reported for college students (Raghavan & Gates, 2007). In addition to formal DSM-IVTR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) clinical syndromes, surveys indicate that 12-20% of college women report disturbed weight control behaviors and/or eating attitudes (Nelson, Gortmaker, Subramanian, Cheung, & Wechsler, 2007; Sira & Pawlak, 2010). Other research has found weight control and body image problems among college students that include some, but not all, of the criteria for a DSMIVTR eating disorder. Many of these college women qualify for a DSM-IV diagnosis of Eating Disorder--Not Otherwise Specified. While distorted body image is a key diagnostic criterion for anorexia nervosa (American Psychiatric Association, 2000), other patterns of disordered eating are often accompanied by excessive concern about physical appearance. Body image, while including multiple dimensions such as self-monitoring and depersonalization (Cuzzolaro, Vetrone, Marano, & Garfinkel, 2006), can be defined as the subjective concept of one's physical appearance based on self-observation and the reactions of others (Lobera & Rios, 2011). Eating disorders are disproportionately found among women. Epidemiological studies have found that males account for only 5-10% of anorexia nervosa cases (Lucas, Beard, O'Fallon, Kurland, 1991) and 1015% of those with bulimia (Carlat & Carmago, 1991; Garfinkel, Linn, & Goering, 1991). In college samples, 10% of males reported clinically significant patterns of disordered eating (Nelson, Hughes, Katz, & Searight, 1999; Sira & Pawlak, 2010). While body image distress has been consistently associated with eating problems in women, relatively little is known about this association in males (Pope, Gruber, Mangweth, Bureau, DeCol, Jouvent, & Hudson, 2000). Typically females will view themselves as overweight, while males view themselves as underweight and are less distressed about excess weight. Within the college population, there is evidence that subgroups such as athletes and dancers have a higher prevalence of eating disordered attitudes and behaviors. This pattern is particularly likely in sports such as distance running and wrestling where leanness is related to enhanced performance (Sherman & Thompson, 2001) and ballet (Ravaldi, Vannacci, Bolognesi, Mancini, Faravelli, & Ricca, 2006) and gymnastics in which both appearance and size are important (Garner, Rosen, & Barry, 1998). Among college athletes, prevalence rates for disordered eating have varied from 7.1 % overall with higher rates for female athletes ranging from 25% to 32% of female collegiate athletes exhibiting "pathogenic weight control behaviors" (Rosen, McKeag, Hough, & Curley, 1986). While both college student and athlete status are independently associated with greater eating disorder symptomatology, the fact that the majority of student athletes do not exhibit disordered eating or body image distress suggests that other factors are involved (Sherman & Thompson, 2001). In his classic study, Minuchin (Minuchin, Rosman, & Baker, 1978) found that enmeshment, a family pattern in which individual autonomy and differences are suppressed with a concomitant blurring of parent-child relationship boundaries, characterized families with an anorexic adolescent. Other studies have suggested that a high degree of criticism--particularly focusing on the adolescent's weight--as well as coercive parental control are associated with eating problems and body image distress (Haworth-Hoeppner, 2000). …

Culture and Gender Differences in Boredom Proneness

Abstract: Many scholars have suggested that boredom is a contributing factor to an assortment of personal, social, and organizational problems (Bernstein, 1975; Healy, 1984) Early work depicted boredom as a widespread "disease" (eg, Mark, 1972; Ramey, 1974), an obstacle to mental health (Bernstein, 1975), and a profound personal and social issue (eg, Healy, 1984; Iso-Ahola & Weissinger, 1987) Empirical data has generally supported the wide ranging and potentially harmful role of boredom For instance, boredom has consistently been shown to be significantly related to negative affect such as depression, anxiety, and anger (Ahmed, 1990; Gana & Akremi, 1998; Gordon, Wilkinson, McGown, & Jovanoska, 1997; Rupp & Vodanovich, 1997; Sommers and Vodanovich, 2000; Vodanovich, Verner, & Gilbride, 1991) It has also been associated with detrimental behaviors such as pathological gambling, impulsivity, and procrastination (eg, Blaszczynski, McConaghy, & Frankova, 1990; Blunt & Pychyl, 1998; Leong & Schneller, 1993; Vodanovich & Rupp, 1999; Watt & Vodanovich, 1992a), and with poor task/work performance (Kass, Vodanovich, & Callander; 2001; Kass, Vodanovich, Stanny, & Taylor; 2001; Sawin and Scerbo; 1995; Watt & Hargis, 2009) Despite the fact that a consensus does not exist regarding the definition of boredom, it has commonly been associated with several distinguishing features such as non-optimal (eg, low) arousal levels, dissatisfaction, poor attentional control, and a monotonous, sparse environment (eg, DeChenne & Moody, 1988; Farmer & Sundberg, 1986; Fisher, 1993; Hill & Perkins, 1985; Leary, Rogers, Canfield, & Coe, 1986; Mikulas & Vodanovich, 1993; Vodanovich & Kass, 1990) Further, distinctions exist in how boredom is defined in other languages For instance, in German, the word for boredom is "langeweile" which essentially refers to the slow passing of time In Hebrew, "leshaamem" means to long for and sadness due to being idle A somewhat similar connotation exists with the French word for boredom, ennui, which generally refers to despondency and annoyance resulting from inactivity On the other hand, the original meaning of the Slavic word depicting boredom, "kuka," is repetition and monotony (Waugh, 1975) Finally, Sundberg and Staat (1992) have reported that the Japanese, Chinese (Mandarin), and Korean words for boredom (or boring) emphasize the meanings of "nothing to do" and "not interesting" (see Esman, 1979; Peters, 1975; Waugh, 1975 for more information on the origin of the word boredom) Despite these definitional disparities in the meaning of boredom, little attention has been devoted to examining cross-cultural differences in boredom levels Also, the research that does exist has yielded conflicting results For instance, Zuckerman, Eysenck, and Eysenck (1978) found that, among males, scores on the Boredom Susceptibility scale of the Sensation Seeking Scale (Form V) were higher for British than United States students Sundberg, Latkin, Farmer, and Saoud (1991) found that college students from Hong Kong and Lebanon had significantly greater scores on the Boredom Proneness Scale than students from America and Australia On the other hand, Vodanovich and Watt (1999) found that US students had significantly higher overall boredom proneness scores than their counterparts in Ireland Given the equivocal results regarding boredom proneness differences among various cultures, no specific hypothesis regarding differences between German and US samples are offered here Therefore, the current research is exploratory regarding cultural differences in BPS scores It is hypothesized that males are more boredom prone than females regardless of culture This is based on prior research findings that males possess significantly higher BPS total scores and External Stimulation subscale scores (eg, McLeod & Vodanovich, 1991; Polly, Vodanovich, Watt, & Blanchard, 1993; Rupp & Vodanovich, 1997; Tolor, 1989; Watt & Vodanovich, 1992b) …

"I Have to Love Her, Even If Sometimes I May Not like Her": The Reasons Why Adults Maintain Their Sibling Relationships

Abstract: Within the past decade, family communication researchers have expressed a growing interest in examining the relational maintenance behaviors used among family members (Serewicz, Dickson, Morrison, & Poole, 2007). Although researchers have examined the use of relational maintenance behaviors in the parent-child relationship (Myers & Glover, 2007; Vogl-Bauer, Kalbfleisch, & Beatty, 1999) and the grandparent-grandchild relationship (Mansson, Myers, & Turner, 2010), it is the study of relational maintenance behaviors between adult siblings that has garnered the most attention (Myers, 2011). Relational maintenance behaviors are the actions and activities in which individuals engage to sustain desired relational definitions (Canary & Stafford, 1994) and consist of positivity, openness, assurances, networks, tasks, conflict management, and advice (Stafford & Canary, 1991; Stafford, Dainton, & Haas, 2000). Positivity refers to communicating with a partner in a cheerful and optimistic manner, openness refers to engaging in direct discussion about the relationship, assurances refers to expressing a desire to remain involved in the relationship, networks refers to sharing common affiliations and memberships, tasks refers to sharing responsibility for tasks unique to the relationship, conflict management refers to resolving conflict in an understanding and patient manner, and advice refers to providing social support to a partner (Canary & Stafford, 1992; Stafford et al., 2000). Generally, the use of these behaviors is considered to be proactive, constructive, and rewarding (Canary & Stafford, 1994; Guerrero, Eloy, & Wabnik, 1993). To date, the research conducted on adult sibling use of relational maintenance behaviors has drawn three conclusions. The first conclusion is that siblings report using some relational maintenance behaviors at a higher rate than other relational maintenance behaviors. For instance, researchers consistently have found that adult siblings use the tasks relational maintenance behavior the most frequently and the openness relational maintenance behavior the least frequently (Eidsness & Myers, 2008; Goodboy, Myers, & Patterson, 2009; Myers, Brann, & Rittenour, 2008; Myers & Members of COM 200, 2001). The second conclusion is that adult siblings' use of relational maintenance behaviors is linked positively to their feelings of liking, relational satisfaction, commitment, trust, relational closeness, and solidarity with each other (Eidsness & Myers; Mikkelson, 2006b, 2007; Myers & Members of COM 200; Myers & Weber, 2004). The third conclusion is that female siblings generally use relational maintenance behaviors at a higher rate than male siblings (Myers & Members of COM 200) and female-female sibling dyads generally use relational maintenance behaviors at a higher rate than male-male sibling dyads or cross-sex sibling dyads (Mikkelson, 2006b; Myers & Members of COM 200). What is missing from this collective body of research, however, is the identification of the reasons behind why adult siblings choose to maintain their relationships with each other. According to Dindia and Canary (1993), relational partners engage in relational maintenance for four reasons: to keep a relationship in existence, to keep a relationship in a specified state or condition, to keep a relationship in satisfactory condition, or to keep a relationship in repair. For adult siblings, their desire to keep the relationship in existence may be one reason why they choose to engage in relational maintenance. Not only is the sibling relationship considered to be enduring, involuntary, and obligatory (Mikkelson, 2006a), but also it is the longest lasting relationship in which most individuals will participate (Cicirelli, 1995; Ponzetti & James, 1997; Stewart, Verbrugge, & Beilfuss, 1998). Coupled with the fact that siblings are expected to serve as a source of support and responsibility across the lifespan (Connidis, 2005), and indeed do provide each other with instrumental, financial, emotional, and psychological support (Boland, 2007; Eriksen & Gerstel, 2002; Van Volkom, 2006; Wellman & Wortley, 1989), siblings may choose to maintain their relationships due to feelings of obligation or duty. …

Psychological Needs: A Study of What Makes Life Satisfying

Abstract: Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation that focuses on the degree to which people are intrinsically motivated and internally regulate their behaviors and activities (Deci, Eghrari, Patrick, & Leone, 1994; Deci & Ryan, 1985). SDT is based on organismic meta-theory and assumes that individuals have an innate tendency toward growth. SDT not only helps to identify factors in the social environment that are conducive to satisfaction of the basic psychological needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness, but also identifies the factors that are detrimental to this positive growth (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Autonomy is the need to pursue activities in which individuals are motivated internally and experience joy as a result of having personal choice (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Jang, Kim, Reeve, & Ryan, 2009; Reeve, Nix, & Hamm, 2003). Competence is the need to effectively interact with one's environment and maximize challenges, thus gaining more skills (Deci, 1975). Relatedness is the need to establish relationships in which one feels close, cared for, and secure (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Deci & Ryan, 1991). Previous research has shown that satisfaction of two human needs competence and autonomy--relates to emotional well-being (Sheldon, Ryan, & Reis, 1996). Such research has demonstrated that the degree of satisfaction of the basic needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness determines the variations or fluctuations in daily emotional well-being (Reis, Sheldon, Gable, Roscoe, & Ryan, 2000). In a cross-cultural attempt to test the model of SDT and examine cross cultural generalizability, researchers found that Korean students function well in a social environment that encourages growth of these three psychological needs. The results of the study support the idea of the universality of these needs (Jang, et al., 2009). Sheldon, Elliot, Kasser, and Kim (2001) created an interesting methodology for determining which psychological needs are most powerful. They asked students in introductory psychology classes at the University of Missouri (Study 1) and South Korean students at Hanyang University in South Korea (Study 2) to write down the most satisfying event that they had experienced in their lives during the last month. Next, the participants were asked to rate their responses on 30 descriptive statements of need-satisfaction on a scale ranging from 1 (not at all) to 5 (very much). Thus, their questionnaire was composed of items that described what made the satisfying event so satisfying. The 30 items in the Sheldon et al. (2001) study were grouped into 10 categories of needs. They were Self-Esteem, Self Actualization, Physical Thriving, and Security based on Maslow's hierarchy of needs theory; Autonomy, Competence, and Relatedness based on Self-Determination Theory; Pleasure / Stimulation based on behaviorist general principles of reward and punishment and Epstein's cognitive-experiential self-theory (1990) which specifies pleasure as one of the four needs that all individuals must satisfy and Money and Popularity based on the evolutionary or adaptationist perspective that assumes an evolutionary advantage to individuals who achieve material dominance (Buss, 1997). The results of the Sheldon et al. (2001) study indicated that autonomy, competence, relatedness and self-esteem emerged as the top four psychological needs and were considered as most important in understanding what is so satisfying about a satisfying event. In the present study, we tested the findings of the Sheldon et al. (2001) study. In addition, we also studied an 11th need, Compassionate Love, along with the 10 other psychological needs in the Sheldon et al. study. Sprecher and Fehr (2005) have done considerable research on compassionate love. Compassionate love is defined as an attitude toward others containing feelings, cognitions, and behaviors focused on caring, concern, tenderness, support, and helping (Sprecher & Fehr, 2005). …

The CSI Effect Reconsidered: Is It Moderated by Need for Cognition?

Abstract: The CBS-network crime fiction television series CSI: Crime Scene Investigation ranks among the most popular programs in the world and is one of the most watched scripted programs on television, gathering over 73.8 million viewers worldwide in 2009 (Gorman, 2010) with its reruns aired in over 200 territories (Rice, 2009). Furthermore, CBS closed the 2009-2010 season as the most-watched television network in the United States for the seventh time in eight years, attributed to CSI and its spin-offs and clone programs CSI: Miami, CSI: New York, NCIS: Naval Criminal Investigative Service, NCIS: Los Angeles, and Criminal Minds (Rice, 2010). Other television networks have followed suit, releasing similar programs such as NBC's Crossing Jordan, TNT's The Closer, and Fox's Bones (Cole & Dioso-Villa, 2007). In these fictional programs, sexy, charismatic, and highly astute crime scene investigators recover covert evidence from the crime scene, analyze the evidence with exceedingly sophisticated scientific testing procedures (often to the beat of a stylish soundtrack), make absolute conclusions about the perpetrator's identity and involvement in the crime, and often extract a confession from the perpetrator, all within an hour. However, much of the forensic science procedure depicted in these fictional programs is unrealistic and idealized, and in fact has been described by forensic science experts as "wishful thinking" (Kruse, 2010) or even nonexistent (Podlas, 2009; Schweitzer & Saks, 2007). To make matters more confusing, other documentary-style forensic science programs have proliferated as well, depicting criminal investigative procedures with actual cases, such as CBS's 48 Hours Mystery, AE Toobin, 2007). Cole and Dioso-Villa (2007, 2009) have outlined eight different subtypes of the Effect, the most troubling of which is the "strong prosecutor's effect" due to its potential to interfere most severely with the criminal justice system. In this subtype, heavy forensic science fiction-viewing jurors in real criminal trials hold unrealistically high expectations for the availability and reliability of pro-prosecution scientific evidence presented in court, and when these expectations are not met, they are more likely to acquit the defendant based upon reasonable doubt of guilt. Since CSI's debut in 2000, numerous professionals within the criminal justice system have expressed a deep-seated belief in the existence of the Effect. For example, in a survey study of 36 police officers and 127 forensic investigators, Stinson, Patry, and Smith (2007) found that the vast majority believed that forensic science television programs have influenced the public's perception of police work and investigations, court processes, and the legal system overall. As another example, Stevens' (2008) survey study of 444 prosecutors across the United States outlines several anecdotes suggesting that jurors are more heavily influenced by depictions of scientific evidence presented in forensic television programming than they are by evidence actually presented in court. Intense speculation about the existence of the CSI Effect has led to a call for action among prosecutors, judges, forensic scientists and investigators, and even jurors themselves. …

Stereotype Threat Leads to Reduction in Number of Math Problems Women Attempt

Abstract: The arousal hypotheses of stereotype threat and a simple, instructional intervention first used by Johns, Schmader, and Martens (2005) to alleviate the effect in women’s math performance were tested. 148 college students (69 women) provided salivary cortisol samples, completed GRE-Math items under stereotype threat activating, stereotype threat activating with alternate attribution instructions, or problem solving conditions, and then provided a second cortisol sample. Women in both stereotype threat conditions attempted fewer problems than men and fewer problems than women in the problem solving condition. By employing this strategy, women in the stereotype threat conditions were able to hold their performance accuracy (number correct divided by number attempted) at the level of men. No evidence for the arousal hypothesis or for the effectiveness of intervention was found. Stereotype threat occurs when members of a negatively stereotyped group are placed in a situation where their performance on the assigned

Person-Environment Fit and Self-Employment: Opportunities and Needs for Achievement, Affiliation, Autonomy, and Dominance

Abstract: Theories of person-environment fit have long been prevalent in management literature (Kristof, 1996; Kristof-Brown, Zimmerman, & Johnson, 2005; Schneider, 2001) and are used to explain how individuals' personalities and traits influence them to join and remain in organizations (Bernard, 1938; Schneider, 1987) and vocations (Dawis & Lofquist, 1984; Holland, 1985; Schein, 1978, 1994) and engage in entrepreneurial activities (McClelland, 1961; Schumpeter, 1934). Entrepreneurial trait researchers commonly use a design that compares a subgroup of study participants labeled as entrepreneurs to a subgroup of participants labeled as non-entrepreneurs with respect to specified personality characteristics. However, Gartner (1988) criticized prior trait research for using definitions of entrepreneurs that were vague or nonexistent and which varied across studies. This lack of definitional precision often led, in his view, to samples of entrepreneurs that were heterogeneous (for example, combining small business owners with people who serially created new organizations with high growth aspirations. Finally, he argued that researchers studied an excessive number of different traits and characteristics. Researchers have more recently adopted meta-analytical techniques and the Five Factor personality model as an organizing framework to quantitatively review multiple studies (Collins, Hanges, & Locke, 2004; Rauch & Frese; 2007; Stewart & Roth, 2001, 2007, Zhao & Seibert, 2006). Subsequently, primary researchers, while accepting that there is no universally accepted narrow definition of an entrepreneur and have developed alternative typologies to distinguish among types of entrepreneurs based on their characteristics and objectives (Hisrich, Langan-Fox, & Grant, 2007). Researchers have also provided more detailed information on the criteria for classifying individuals into different subgroups and recognized that entrepreneurs are not a homogeneous. Researchers have adopted meta-analytical techniques and the Five Factor personality model as an organizing framework to quantitatively review primary research studies that employed different definitions of participants and assessed different traits (Collins et al, 2004; Rauch & Frese; 2007; Stewart & Roth, 2001, 2007, Zhao & Seibert, 2006) Person-environment theories have provided a framework to study the interactions between individuals and foci of fit such as vocation, organization, group, and supervisor, and job (see Kristof, 1996; Kristof-Brown et al. 2005 for review of the conceptualizations and the results of prior empirical research). The different conceptualizations of person-environment fit share core assumptions: (i) work environments differ, (ii) individuals differ, and (iii) individuals tend to move toward environments which are congruent with the individual's needs, values, or capabilities. Person-environment fit theories focus on the individual as an active agent who enters and leaves work environments to achieve personal objectives. Henry Murray (1938) was one of the early pioneers of person-environment, proposing that individuals had distinct psychological traits ("needs") that they would attempt to satisfy by finding opportunities ("supplies"), at work and elsewhere, to engage in certain behaviors. The needs-supply conceptualization of person-environment fit undergirds much of the trait oriented entrepreneurial research. Under that conceptualization, fit is achieved when there is congruence between what the person needs, desires, or prefers (material or psychological) and what is provided by the work environment. For example, an individual with a high need for dominance would likely enter an organization or a profession where he or she would be able to direct and manage other people and act as a leader and avoid those environments where positions of power and authority were less available. Trait oriented entrepreneurial research is based on the assumption that entrepreneurship, however defined, provides opportunities for behaviors ("supplies") that are different from the behaviors in non-entrepreneurial work setting. …

Taste preference for brand name versus store brand sodas.

Abstract: How similar in taste preference are store brand products compared to the major national brands? Various stores such as Wal-Mart have their own private label versions of major products. The typical advantage to these products is the reduced price, relative to national brand names. However, brand equity may also play a role in perceptions and preferences for specific products (e.g., LeClerc, Schmitt, & Dube, 1994, see also brand differentiation, Chakravarti & Janiszewski, 2004). Brand equity can be described as added knowledge or "added value" that impacts a consumer's response to a product, given the brand name of the product (Keller, 1993; LeClerc et al., 1994). A brand name, in and of itself, can have an impact on consumer perceptions and responses to products. The present study focuses specifically on cola-flavored soft drinks. A significant amount of research has focused on participants' ability to correctly identify cola beverages from blind samples. For example, Pronko and Bowles (1948) instructed participants to taste and identify four samples of soda. The researchers found that participants tended to identify sodas in terms of better-known brands rather than the actual brands used. Even more powerfully, when participants received 4 samples of the same cola drink, the results of participants' responses were comparable to those of participants who received samples of 4 different cola drinks. Pronko and Bowles (1948) suggested that, based on these results, participants could not detect taste (gustatory) differences between the different soda brands. Bowles and Pronko followed up with further studies that continued to examine participants' identification of cola beverages (Bowles & Pronko 1948; Pronko & Bowles, 1949). Bowles and Pronko (1948) examined the distribution of participant identifications with only 3 soda samples (rather than 4, as in Pronko & Bowles, 1948), as well as examining the pattern of participant responses when participants were given 3 samples of the same soda (rather than 3 different soda samples). Correct identification of soda samples did not differ significantly from chance, regardless of whether participants were given 3 different sodas to sample or 3 samples of the same soda. Bowles and Pronko (1948) again provided evidence indicating that participants could not correctly identify different cola-flavored sodas by taste. Of note, these earlier studies used relatively well-known soda brands: Coca-Cola, Pepsi Cola, RC (Royal Crown) Cola, and (only in Pronko & Bowles, 1948) Vess Cola. Pronko and Bowles (1949) later indirectly addressed issues relating to name-brands and less popular brands in correct identification of cola beverages by examining participants' ability to identify lesser-known brands of cola beverages (Hyde Park Cola, Kroger Cola, and Spur Cola). The procedure was essentially the same as with the previous studies, where some participants sampled 3 different sodas, and others sampled the same soda 3 times, in a paradigm where participants were not notified of the soda brand (or brands) presented. Interestingly, there were no correct identifications in the study. Participants indicated that their samples were Coca-Cola, Pepsi, or RC Cola especially often, but occasionally also identified the Hyde Park, Kroger, and Spur cola-flavored beverages as 7 Up, Dr. Pepper, or Cleo Cola. These results again suggest that participants are not able to correctly identify soda samples (the authors concluded that all of these sodas may thus be considered "equivalent stimuli," p. 608). Further, the results suggest that participants have, at the very least, a response bias wherein they identify unmarked soda stimuli as the popular brands, regardless of the actual brands presented. However, when Thumin (1962) examined correct soda identification via a different procedure, his results differed from previously observed results. Unlike previous research (e. …

Integrating Inattentional Blindness and Eyewitness Memory

Abstract: Although there is abundant literature on both inattentional blindness (IB) and eyewitness memory as separate areas of research, there has been little focus on integrating these two. Laney and Loftus (2010) made a strong case for conducting research that combines IB and change blindness (CB) with eyewitness memory. In eyewitness studies that are conducted in laboratory settings, the participants are usually expecting to see something happen and are aware that they will be questioned about the material. In approximately two thirds of eyewitness studies reviewed, researchers showed participants a video, slideshow or series of photos and implied or explicitly told them they would be asked questions about the stimuli. These instructions may have led them to pay closer attention to the events portrayed in the materials than they would have if they had been actual witnesses to the real-life event. This heightened level of expectancy in many of the studies may have resulted in greater frequencies of noticing than would be expected outside of the laboratory where real witnesses are often engaged in some other task or activity when the event occurs. Others (Ihlebaek, Love, Eilertsen, & Magnussen, 2003; Malpass, Sporer, & Koehnken, 1996) have acknowledged these problems with traditional eyewitness studies and Lane (2006) directly addressed effects of concurrent tasks on eyewitness memory. She found that participants who engaged in a secondary task were more susceptible to misinformation presented after viewing a slide show. However, her secondary task was auditory, unrelated to the eyewitness slide sequence, and did not produce inattentional blindness. IB is the failure to notice an unexpected stimulus because attention is focused on another task or object (Mack & Rock, 1998). A few studies have directly addressed how IB and the related phenomenon of CB are relevant in criminal cases. Chabris and Simons (2010) suggested Boston police officer Kenny Conley may have been inattentionally blind to the beating of African-American undercover officer Michael Cox by uniformed officers who mistook Cox for a suspect. Conley, who reportedly ran by within feet of the beating, claimed to have not noticed the assault. Chabris, Weinberger, Fontaine and Simons (2011) simulated this situation in a recent study. They found that 35% of undergraduates following a fellow jogger at night failed to notice three students engaged in a staged fight. Davis, Loftus, Vanous, and Cucciare (2007) conducted a study on CB, which occurs when a change to a visual scene goes undetected. Participants watched a video of a theft in a grocery store. As in typical IB studies, participants were given a task to complete (memorizing items from aisles) while watching the video. Sixty-four percent of participants failed to notice that the person who emerged from behind a display was not the thief who had recently gone behind it, and overall misidentifications were over 70%. The visual attention literature, encompassing both IB and CB, addresses issues pertinent to eyewitness memory performance, such as failure to encode features of a scene or failure to distinguish differences properly. Incorporating aspects of the IB paradigm, like dual task procedures, may result in findings that are more applicable to real-life eyewitness situations where bystanders are not maximally attentive to the important event occurring in front of them. Since Mack and Rock (1998) first coined the term, there have been numerous studies to demonstrate the applicability of IB to various situations. In a well-known study building on Neisser (1979), Simons and Chabris (1999) instructed participants to count basketball passes between team members wearing either white or black shirts in a video. While players passed the ball, a woman in a gorilla costume or a tall woman with an umbrella appeared on screen for 5 seconds, walking through the middle of the screen. Despite the salience of the event, only 54% of participants noticed. …

Bridging the Research-Practice Gap in Psychotherapy Training: Qualitative Analysis of Master's Students' Experiences in a Student-Led Research and Practice Team

Abstract: Despite the importance of research in clinical work, a gap between research and practice occurs in psychology, counseling, and marriage and family therapy (MFT) training programs. Many therapists, particularly at the master's level, display ambivalent attitudes toward incorporating research into their practices and do not produce research (Brems, Johnson, & Gallucci, 1996). Johnson, Sandberg, and Miller (1999) found that although approximately 60% of a sample of MFT practitioners indicated a willingness to participate in a hypothetical research study, only about 40% indicated they empirically studied the outcomes of their clinical work, with most indicating the use of an exit satisfaction survey. Although Gelso (2006) proposed that graduate training is the most appropriate time to shape and develop counseling students' attitudes towards research, concern has been raised about the lack of research incorporation in all training models, including MFT and clinical psychology. Due to the shared research-practice training gap problem across program types, integrating the current research from different fields is warranted. This article examines the literature on barriers and solutions to the problem of integrated research-practice training in the fields of MFT and counseling and clinical psychology, and presents a qualitative study exploring the proposed solution of a master's student-led research and practice team. Students may not understand the value of research due to the lack of role models in the professional community. For example, consistent with previous studies, the modal number for lifetime publications was zero in a sample of 654 clinical psychologists (Norcross, Karpiak, & Santoro, 2005). Likewise challenging for the field of MFT, much of the research in this field is not done by MFTs but by others outside of the discipline (Crane, Wampler, Sprenkle, Sandberg, & Hovestadt, 2002). Betz (1997) suggested that mentoring by counseling psychologists is particularly effective when faculty advisors are actively involved in research projects because they serve as both role model and mentor. With heavy teaching and advising loads, faculty in master's programs may also have difficulty serving as research role models (Barraclough, 2006). Although counselor educators report that they believe research-specific mentoring is crucial to training counselors (Okech, Amstramovich, Johnson, Hoskins, & Rubel, 2006), "great divergence" has been found in the preparation of counselor educators in research and writing for publication (Kline & Farrell, 2005, p. 174). Some MFT educators describe the research curriculum as lacking (Crane et al., 2002). The common standard for research exposure during master's training in counseling and marriage and family therapy is one or two research methods courses. Additionally, COAMFTE (2005) and CACREP (2009) do not state that programs must require a master's thesis. Out of 44 accredited master's MFT programs, theses are not required in 24, optional in 11, and required in 9 (Crane et al., 2002). Along with such quantity concerns, the quality of existing counselor educator research courses has been called into question (Kline & Farrell, 2005). A deficiency of relevant research activities and opportunities may leave students with inadequate preparation for integrating research with practice and for publishing. Crane et al. (2002) argued that the current culture of MFT does not support the scientist-practitioner model of training. One aspect of culture is gender: the average MFT is a female with a master's degree and the average person publishing in the MFT field is a male with a doctoral degree (Crane et al.). Also, Crane et al. (2002), Gelso (2006) and Barraclough (2006) described that many MFT and counseling psychology students do not come into their master's and doctoral studies with a strong or specific interest in research. This finding may be due, in part, to admissions procedures. …

Spectators' Relationship with Women's Professional Basketball: Is It More Than Sex?

Abstract: Sports psychology and consumer scholars have acknowledged the importance of attitudes in shaping spectators' preferences for sport products. Because gender plays a salient role in shaping and directing consumer attitudes and experiences, a plethora of studies have examined the links between gender and spectators' relationships with team sports. Yet, much of this research is limited to the examination of sex differences, without measuring the psychological and social factors of gender (e.g., Klomsten, March, & Skaalvik, 2005; Krane, Choi, Baird, Aimar, & Kauer, 2004). A few studies have identified the significance of individuals' masculine and feminine gender traits on spectators' and athletes' relationships with team sports (e.g., Matteo, 1988; Wann & Waddill, 2003). More recently, it has been demonstrated that a multifactorial approach to gender (Spence, 1993) provides an increased understanding of the ways in which gender identity traits (i.e., instrumental and expressive traits) and gender-role attitudes influence spectators' attitudes toward college team sports as well as women's professional basketball (e.g., McCabe, 2007, 2008). In addition to gender, spectators' psychological involvement has received a great deal of attention within the sports marketing and psychology literature. A critical outcome of understanding the nature of spectators' involvement with competitive sports is its relevance in predicting consumption attitudes and purchasing behaviors (Funk & Pastore, 2000; Kwon & Armstrong, 2004). Not surprisingly, much of the sports involvement research suggests that involved sports fans are more likely to be young, single, and male (e.g., Weiller & Higgs, 1997). As is the case with gender, limiting our perception of spectators' involvement to sex differences constrains our ability to enhance our understanding of spectators' involvement profiles (Burnett, Menon, & Smart, 1993; McCabe, 2008; Shank & Beasley, 1998). Grounded in multifactorial gender identity theory and the psychological involvement literature, the current study is an important first step in examining the complex relationships between multiple gender factors and spectators' psychological involvement with and attitudes toward competitive sports. While there is a dearth of research regarding the relationship between gender identity traits and spectators' involvement with team sports, interesting results have emerged from the few empirical investigations that have examined the influence of gender identity traits on sports fans. Psychological gender traits refer to instrumental and expressive traits associated with males and females. Traits are defined as "internally located response predispositions or capacities that have considerable transituational significance for behavior but are neither conceptually equivalent to behavior nor its sole determinant" (Spence & Helmreich, 1979, p. 1037). Expressive traits include characteristics such as understanding, ability to deal with others' emotions, kindness, helpfulness, and nurturing. Instrumental traits consist of competitiveness, independence, ability to make decisions easily, and self-confidence. For example, Wann and Waddill (2003) and Wann, Waddill and Dunham (2004), suggest that instrumental traits (e.g., competitiveness) positively influence sports' fans, while expressive traits (e.g., understanding) do not consistently contribute to sports fandom. Recently, studies grounded in multifactorial gender identity theory found that instrumental traits contribute to spectators' affect towards men's college basketball, but not affect towards women's college or professional basketball. Expressive traits were found to contribute positively to spectators' attitudes toward women's professional basketball but not men's or women's college basketball. In addition, the sex of fans did not influence their attitudes toward women's professional basketball whereas men were found to have a more positive affect for men's college basketball and women had a more positive affect toward women's college basketball (McCabe, 2007; McCabe, 2008). …

Does the Shipley Institute of Living Scale measure fluid and crystallized abilities

Abstract: Developed over six decades ago, the Shipley Institute of Living Scale (Shipley, 1967; Zachary, 1991) is a brief measure of intelligence consisting of two subtests. On the Abstraction subtest, participants must complete numerical problems, word patterns, and analogies for 20 different problems, and on the Verbal subtest, participants must choose synonyms for 40 English words that become increasingly more difficult. The test usually takes less than 20 minutes to administer and yields raw scores that can be converted to standard IQ scores (Zachary, 1991). While the Shipley enjoys status as a well-established brief measure of intelligence, the test was not developed from a theoretically based model of intelligence. The Abstraction and Verbal subtests of the Shipley, however, appear to measure constructs similar to the fluid and crystallized abilities first purported by Horn and Cattell (Cattell, 1941, 1963; Horn & Cattell, 1966) and later by Carroll and other researchers (Carroll, 1993; Horn & Noll, 1997). Indeed, the Shipley manual (Zachary, 1991) describes the Abstraction scale as tapping attention and problem solving processes that are more fluid in nature, while the Shipley Verbal scale is easily conceptualized as a test of crystallized ability due to its verbal content. Although the psychometric properties of the Shipley have been supported by research, the fact remains that the Shipley does not operate from an established theoretical base. The Cattell-Horn-Carroll (Carroll, 1993; Horn & Noll, 1997) theory of fluid and crystallized intelligence maintains its status as one of the current major empirical theories of intelligence. This paradigm conceptualizes intelligence as composed of many subcomponents, with two major components being fluid (Gf) and crystallized (Gc) abilities. The Cattell-Horn-Carroll theory's concept of fluid intelligence, or Gf, represents pure, nonverbal mental efficiency that is less influenced by cultural or educational experience. Individuals may demonstrate fluid intelligence through completion of figure classifications, figural analyses, number and letter series, matrices and paired associates (Sattler, 1992). The items on the Shipley Abstraction scale purport to measure these same constructs. To complete the word and number puzzles, the examinee merely needs to know how to read, count, and relate simple words and numbers; abilities that reflect minimal cultural and educational bias. Conversely, the theory postulates that crystallized intelligence, or Gc, encompasses acquired skills and knowledge that depend on educational exposure. This dimension of intelligence may also be culturally sensitive. Crystallized abilities may be measured by performance on such tasks as: vocabulary, abstract word analogies, and mechanics of language (McGrew, 1997). The vocabulary words in the Shipley's Verbal section require a participant to have learned the words on the test prior to taking it; a task rooted in educational and cultural experience. The current study attempts to compare the Shipley Abstraction and Verbal subscales to the KAIT Gf and Gc components to determine if the Shipley does in fact measure similar constructs as the KAIT. Validity of the KAIT Kaufman and Kaufman (1993) purport to measure crystallized and fluid abilities with the KAIT. This theoretically based test contains four subtests designed to measure fluid abilities: Rebus Learning, Logical Steps, Mystery Codes and Memory for Block Designs. Four subtests also measure Crystallized ability: Definitions, Auditory Comprehension, Double Meanings, and Famous Faces. The KAIT Fluid subtests contain numerous symbols, abstract designs, and problem solving items that tap into pure reasoning abilities that operate autonomously from educational placement or achievement. The KAIT Crystallized subtests include vocabulary words, short story comprehension and pictures of historic and popular icons that measure a participant's accumulation of knowledge over time. …

Perfectionism and Psychological Adjustment among College Students: Does Educational Context Matter?

Abstract: Perfectionism is generally seen as the "striving for flawlessness" (Flett & Hewitt, 2002, p. 5), and although perfectionism exists among individuals of all ages, perfectionism and its influence on psychological adjustment among college students has not been thoroughly researched. At both the undergraduate and graduate levels, students are under increasing pressure to perform at the highest levels to compete. Information about how perfectionism affects college students can help parents, teachers, counselors, and other higher education professionals who assist these students. Moreover, it is possible that the nature and effects of perfectionism may vary for students attending different types of institutions of higher learning. This study attempts to explore these issues. Although researchers (e.g., Flett & Hewitt, 2002; Frost, Marten, Lahart, & Rosenblate, 1990) disagree on how exactly to define or conceptualize perfectionism, some researchers have found that a multidimensional approach to studying perfectionism is useful in identifying both adaptive and maladaptive aspects of perfectionism (Flett & Hewitt, 2002; Frost et al., 1990). Early work by Hamachek (1978) distinguished between "normal" perfectionists who have high personal standards but allow themselves some flexibility in self-evaluations, and "neurotic" perfectionists who avoid positive self-evaluations unless their performance is always perfect. Frost et al. (1990) contend that perfectionism is made up of several dimensions, including concerns about making mistakes, high personal standards, doubts about one's actions, and organization. Frost et al. (1990) argue that perceived high parental expectations and parental criticism are also important ingredients of a perfectionistic orientation. If, indeed, there are distinct dimensions of perfectionism, it is important to examine how each of these dimensions is associated with typical markers of psychological adjustment among college students such as self-esteem, depression, eating disorders, and loneliness. For example, it would be useful to clarify whether some aspects of perfectionism (e.g., having high personal standards) are associated with good psychological adjustment, whereas other aspects (e.g., excessive concerns about making mistakes) are associated with poorer adjustment. Another interesting issue is whether the nature of perfectionism differs depending on the type of student and/or the type of university setting. One possibility is that perfectionistic students tend to be drawn to selective private universities, whereas students who are not perfectionistic tend to be attracted to less selective public universities (or simply get lower grades and have to settle for less elite institutions). On the other hand, it may be that private colleges tend to encourage perfectionism in students (perhaps because of the rigid standards common at these institutions). The high pressure context of a selective private school may breed perfectionism where students feel like they must attain perfection just to meet high standards. In contrast--although standards vary from school to school--less selective public colleges may not foster a perfectionistic orientation to the same degree. It is not clear which, or if any of these possibilities is more likely. Although it is difficult to tease apart the effects of type of college setting from the kind of students who attend the colleges, research that explores the relationship and patterns between perfectionism and psychological adjustment in different types of school environments is necessary to provide a good starting point for further longitudinal research. Although much research has examined the general patterns of association between perfectionism and psychological adjustment factors, very few studies have compared these patterns in different types of learning environments. For example, consistent links have been found between perfectionism and depressive symptomology (e. …

How Type of Treatment and Presence of PTSD affect Employment, Self-regulation, and Abstinence.

Abstract: The present study examined self-regulation, unemployment, and substance use outcomes for individuals with and without posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) who had transitioned from substance use treatment centers to the community. Participants, recruited from substance abuse treatment centers, were randomly assigned to an Oxford House self-help communal living environment (n = 75) or received usual aftercare (n = 75). Among these 150 individuals, 32 participants (27 women, 5 men) were diagnosed with lifetime PTSD. At a two year follow-up, individuals with PTSD in the usual aftercare condition showed significantly lower levels of self-regulation than those in the Oxford House condition with or without PTSD. These findings highlight the importance of abstinence supportive settings following substance use treatment, especially for individuals with PTSD.

Religious Typologies and Health Risk Behaviors of African American College Students

Abstract: Research on the impact of religiosity or spirituality on physical and mental health is a topic of increasing significance and interest to scientist in numerous fields A growing body of work indicates that religiousness is positively related to a number of physical and mental health outcomes among the elderly (Ellison, 1994; Koenig, McCullough, & Larson, 2001; Powell, Shahabi, & Thoresen, 2003) Research has prominently shown that religion and spirituality can have an important influence on human health and behavior (Cole & Pargament, 1999; Dein & Stygal, 1997; Koenig & Perez, 1998; Pargament, Smith, Koenig & Perez, 1998) Research has also indicated a positive relationship between religious attendance or religious membership and physical activity (Merill & Thygerson, 2001; Oleckno & Blacconiere, 1991; Wallace & Forman, 1998) These physical activities included seatbelt use, walking, and strenuous exercise Other studies have found a relationship between religiosity and healthy dietary habits, with dietary habits defined as fruit and vegetable consumption (Lytle et al 2009; Neumark-Sztainer, Story, Perry, & Casey, 1999); Waite, Hawks & Gast, 1999; Wallace & Forman, 1998) Religion is often defined as an organized system of beliefs, practices, rituals and symbols designed (a) to facilitate closeness to the sacred or transcendent (God, higher power, or ultimate truth/reality), and (b) to foster an understanding of one's relationship and responsibility to others in living together in a community (Koenig et al, 2001) Spirituality, however, is seen as more of a personal quest for understanding answers to ultimate questions about life, about meaning, and about a relationship to the sacred or transcendent, which may (or may not) lead to the development of religious rituals and the formation of community (Koenig et al, 2001) Religion is an important, but often overlooked factor that may be tied to college students' behavioral health Although college students report lower levels of religiousness than the general population, most still endorse being religious In a national survey, approximately 77% of college students reported being members of a church, synagogue, or campus religious group In addition, 80% of college students reported that religion is "important" to them (Gallup & Bezilla, 1992) Religion is deeply rooted in traditional African American culture Throughout much of American history, religious institutions have occupied an important position in the African American community and studies have reported that a majority of African Americans are affiliated with a religious denomination (Taylor, Ellison, Chatters, Levin, & Lincoln, 2000) The overarching role of religion in the lives of African Americans is a vehicle used to speak to issues of oppression and the quest for liberation, love, hope, and justice (Anderson & Black, 1995) Religiousness may be a factor to target in an effort to reduce underage drinking among college students Wechsler, Davenport, Dowdall, Moeykens, and Castillo (1994) reported that college students who stated that participating in religious activity was "not at all important" to their lives had a significantly higher likelihood of binge drinking than students for whom religion was "at least somewhat important" In a longitudinal study, Wills, Yaeger, and Sandy (2003) found that religiousness buffers against adolescent substance use There has also been a consistent inverse relationship reported between alcohol use and both frequency of service attendance (Adlaf & Smart, 1985; Hadaway, Elifson, & Petersen, 1984) and importance of religion (Jessor, Chase, & Donovan, 1980) College students who drink lightly or infrequently cite religious beliefs as one of the reasons why they do not drink heavily (Slicker, 1997) In a study investigating college students' reasons for not drinking, Strawser, Storch, Geffken, Killiany, and Baumeister (2004) found that an increase in religious faith was associated with a decrease in the likelihood of alcohol problems …

Examining Perfectionism through the Lens of Achievement Goal Theory

Abstract: Over the past few decades, American society has become increasingly fixated on performance outcomes, and winning or being declared the best has become of paramount importance (eg, Crain, 2004; Kohn, 1986) Winning is often viewed as an all or nothing virtue, whereby greatness is a descriptive term reserved only for those whose names appear at the top of the list The message conveyed is that only one's final results matter, regardless of the intensity of his/her effort Toward this end, Nicholls (1976) wrote that "the largest rewards are generally associated with outstanding performance, not outstanding effort" (p 313) For many individuals the ideas of achievement, excellence, and self-worth have become highly dependent upon the perceived outcomes of the competitions or events in which they engage That is, outperforming one's competitors serves as the defining characteristic of success or excellence which, in turn, appear to serve as a key determinant in the individual's self-assessment of life satisfaction (Harackiewicz, Barron, & Elliot, 1998) The premise that success is defined in terms of competitive results or peer-referenced standards seems especially applicable within our education system Previous authors (eg, Covington & Berry, 1976; Harackiewicz et al, 1998; Shim & Ryan, 2005) have hypothesized that today's students who are seeking academic advancement have begun to place too much of their focus on the comparative markers that are perceived to be indicative of success (eg, grades, admissions tests scores), instead of viewing education as a way of enhancing their knowledge base or level of competency (ie, learning) Thus, students' emphasis on performance-related outcomes coincides with a sacrificing of more intrinsically-motivated achievements, such as advancing their personal growth or enhancing the quality of their scholarship (Ames, 1992; Harackiewicz et al, 1998) Two prominent psychological constructs, namely perfectionism and achievement goal orientation, appear to bear important implications for the manner by which students vary in their approaches to achievement-related endeavors Indeed, perfectionism and achievement goal orientation have become important conceptual frameworks for understanding the means by which students meet the demands imposed upon them and, more globally, how they perceive, interpret, and respond to their environment (Archer, 1994; Hamachek, 1978) Moreover, both constructs have been linked with varying cognitive styles, behavioral patterns, manifestations of affectivity, and academic-related outcomes However, a review of the literature suggests that perfectionism and achievement goal orientation have been studied relatively independently of each other, despite the apparent similarities they share The current study sought to bridge this gap by demonstrating that groups of perfectionists vary in their reported achievement goal orientations in addition to their differing profiles of psychological adjustment and academic functioning A Brief History of Perfectionism Within recent decades, perfectionism has become an increasingly popular construct for psychological investigation In fact, publications related to the study of perfectionism increased over 300% in the 1990s as compared to the 1980s (eg, Flett & Hewitt, 2002), with many researchers investigating its psychological and educational implications across all different age groups, especially the college student population (eg, Mills & Blankstein, 2000; Rice & Lapsley, 2001; Rice & Mizradeh, 2000) Hence, perfectionism has emerged as an important and relevant concept for understanding individual differences across numerous domains of functioning, including the presence of mental health symptoms (eg, Frost & Marten-DiBartolo, 2002; Marten-DiBartolo, Li, & Frost, 2008; Shafran & Mansell, 2001), interpersonal functioning (eg, Chang, 2000; Hill, Zrull, & Turlington, 1997), and academic functioning including procrastination (e …

An Investigation of Jewish Ethnic Identity and Jewish Affiliation for American Jews

Abstract: Previous studies suggest that Jews have been left out of discussion in textbooks on multicultural counseling (Weinrach, 2002), professional psychological journals (Foley, 2007; Robbins, 2000), and multiculturalism in general (Langman, 1995; 1999; Schlosser, 2006). Some possible reasons for these omissions include the designation of Jews as just a religious group, the perception of Jews as just mainstream White Americans, and the perceived high economic status of Jews (Langman, 1999; 1995). However, such assumptions ignore important aspects of being Jewish in America. The label "White" implies a shared set of values, a common history, and the same sense of privilege among all members of the group. Unfortunately though, this kind of categorization may confuse race with culture and/or ethnicity, perpetuating thinking that marginalizes entire groups of people. Over the years, the Jewish people have become so assimilated into the American culture that their unique issues and concerns have been overlooked. This study attempts to address some of the unique concerns of this group by investigating the relationships among Jewish ethnic identity, Jewish affiliation, and well-being for American Jews. Jews do not constitute a race because being Jewish is not a biological distinction (Casas, 1984). There are Jews of many different races in the world (Langman, 1999). Jews are best defined as an ethnic group because they share a common history, a language, a religion, a nation, and a culture (Casas, 1984). Whereas ethnic identity refers to a person's sense of belonging to a group, self-identification or affiliation is related to participation in activities of the group (Phinney, 1992). Most previous research intending to examine Jewish identity may actually be focused on Jewish affiliation (Himmelfarb, 1980). The current study makes a distiction between these two concepts. Ethnic Identity Research Previous studies on the effects of discrimination on individuals' self-esteem and well-being show that members of stigmatized groups do not necessarily have lower self-esteem than members of the majority group (Crocker & Major, 1989; Hoelter, 1983). The members of minority groups face a choice between accepting the majority views of them (which are usually negative) or rejecting these views in search of their own identity. This choice can create a psychological conflict, and thus some members of minority groups develop a negative self-identity and self-hatred (Phinney, 1989; Tajfel 1978). Cross, Smith, and Payne (2002) discussed the concept of "buffering," which refers to the practice of using one's own ethnic identity as a shield against racism or other methods of discrimination from the majority society. Although Cross and colleagues (2002) discussed "buffering" in relation to African Americans, this concept can apply to other minority groups. In fact, Dubow, Pargament, Boxer, and Tarakeshwar (2000) found that higher scores on measures of Jewish ethnic identity were related to more ethnic-related coping strategies for early adolescents. Since one's racial or ethnic identity can serve as a protective shield from the negative views of the majority culture, those individuals who have stronger ethnic identities may be more successful in protecting themselves from internalizing negative messages coming from the oppressing group. Phinney (1992) found that ethnic identity is correlated with self-esteem measures for high-school students. At the college level, this relationship was still present for ethnic minority students, but not for the White students (Phinney, 1992). Another study found that for college students correlations between self-esteem and ethnic identity were higher for ethnic minorities than for White students (Phinney & Alipuria, 1990). However, Phinney (1992) reported that the White students who attended schools where Whites were in the minority, showed the same patterns of relationship between their ethnic identity and self-esteem as the minority students. …

Brief Report: Presence of a Dog, Pet Attachment, and Loneliness among Elders

Abstract: The present study examines the relationship between pet attachment and loneliness in the elderly and asks whether both vary as a function of choosing to have a dog present or absent during an experimental session. Pet therapy has positive effects for elderly residents in different institutional and non-institutional settings. For instance, Williams and Jenkins (2008) suggested that pet therapy has a positive effect on psychosocial well being and may reduce loneliness. Pet visitation has also been found to be associated with more positive evaluations by nursing staff of the patients' attitudes toward both the staff and other residents (Wallace & Naderman, 1987). In addition, Friedman and colleagues (2007) found a reduction in diastolic blood pressure among elders when in the presence of a dog. Banks and Banks (2010) found that animal assisted therapy reduced loneliness among nursing home residents, and that the desire to have animal assisted therapy was highly correlated with previous pet ownership. Pet attachment may moderate the relationship between ownership and loneliness. Zasloff and Kidd (1994) assessed pet ownership, pet attachment, and loneliness among female students who lived either alone or with others, and either did or did not own a pet. There were no significant differences between pet owners and non-pet owners on either loneliness or attachment, but women who lived alone with no pets were significantly lonelier than all other groups. Duvall Antonacopulus and Pychyl (2010) concluded that adults who lived alone and had high levels of social support appeared to benefit the most from dog ownership. Pet owners living alone who were highly attached to their pets and who had low levels of social support were lonelier than pet owners with low levels of pet attachment. We hypothesized that: 1) elderly persons who chose to have a dog present as opposed to those who chose not to have the dog present would have higher scores on the Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale and experience less loneliness as indicated by the UCLA Loneliness Scale, and 2) elderly persons who currently own pets would have higher pet attachment scores and experience less loneliness than elderly persons who do not currently own a pet. METHOD Participants Participants were 68 persons * living in two local retirement communities with an age range of 55 to 94 years and a mean age of 79.74 (SD = 7.12). There were 50 females (74.6%) and 17 males (25.4%). Participants were all Caucasian, with the exception of one individual who self-identified as a Native American. Thirty-four participants (50.7%) were widowed, 28 (41.8%) were married, three (4.5%) never married, and two (3%) divorced. Forty two individuals lived alone, while 25 lived with another person. Eleven participants lived alone with a pet, and ten lived with another person and a pet. Procedure Participants were told that there would be an interviewer in the room with a small dog (Shitzu), and that the interviewer would give the participant the choice of having the dog leave the room or remain in the room during the test situation. Participants were then taken to the test room and introduced to the interviewer, who was holding the dog. Participants who elected to have the dog in the room were asked to hold the dog in their lap while the interviewer asked background questions about his/her age, ethnic identity, marital status, and living situation. Responses included living entirely alone (no other person or pets), living alone but with a pet, living with another person and no pet, and living with another person and a pet. If the participant did not elect to have the dog remain the room, the interviewer took the dog to the researcher outside the room before collecting the background information. After collecting the background information, the interviewer took the dog and held it while the participant was asked to complete two surveys: 1) The Lexington Attachment to Pets Scale (LAPS), and 2) A revised abbreviated form of the UCLA Loneliness Scale (Russell, 1996). …

Students' First Day of Class Preferences: Factor Structure and Individual Differences

Abstract: Several authors of resources for effective teaching offer advice about the first day of class, such as articulating course requirements, using icebreakers to build rapport (Davis, 1993), and using the full class meeting time in order to convey to students the idea that class time is valuable (McKeachie, 2002). However, this advice stems from intuitive opinions and anecdotal experiences rather than empirical evidence about what students prefer or what actually increases student success. In an effort to obtain such empirical evidence, Perlman and McCann (1999) asked students to describe the most useful things professors do on the first day of class as well as their first day pet peeves. The most frequently mentioned useful behaviors were providing detailed information about the course content, requirements, and expectations. The most frequently mentioned pet peeves were beginning lecture material and using the entire class period. Similarly, Henslee, Burgess, and Buskist (2006) asked students to rate the importance of 18 aspects of professors' behavior on the first day of class. Students rated getting practical information about the nature and requirements of the course along with study tips as most important but rated icebreakers and learning about the instructor and other students as unimportant. The results of these studies were only partially consistent with popular advice about best practices. On the first day, students appear to be more interested in learning about course requirements than in learning about the professor and their classmates. Perhaps, this preference reflects students' interest in information most relevant to their decision about whether to drop the class. The goal of the present study was to enhance the extant literature by exploring the number of different dimensions underlying first day of class preferences and by examining sources of individual variability in these preferences. Although Henslee et al. (2006) summarized their results in terms of the conceptual distinction between instructors' behaviors that provided practical information versus those that focused on building rapport, they did not present any empirical evidence to justify this distinction. It remains unclear just how many factors are represented in the list of 18 instructor behaviors utilized by Henslee et al. The authors of the current study used factor analysis to determine how many different dimensions contributed to students' first day of class preferences and the relative importance of these dimensions. In addition, the authors examined two potential sources of variability in students' preferences for the first day of class. The first source focused on student-instructor relationships. Creasey, Jarvis, and Knapcik (2009) argued that student-instructor relationships vary on the two orthogonal dimensions of connectedness and anxiety. Connectedness refers to the tendency to trust others and seek out relationships without fear or discomfort, whereas anxiety refers to a general discomfort in relationships characterized by mistrust and the perception of others as threatening. Previous research has shown that students who feel greater connectedness in relationships with instructors tend to show more self-directed learning and more confidence in their academic abilities, whereas students who feel more anxiety in relationships with instructors tend to exhibit higher levels of test anxiety (Creasey et al., 2009). Therefore, these relationship dimensions might also predict first day of class preferences. Specifically, we hypothesized that students whose typical relationships with instructors were characterized by high levels of connectedness and low levels of anxiety would be more interested in learning information about the instructor and other students on the first day of class. The second source focused on the nature of the class itself. Although we had no specific a-priori prediction, it seemed reasonable that preferences for first day of class practices might differ depending on whether the class was a general education or major requirement. …

Student Course Evaluations: Association with Pre-Course Attitudes and Comparison of Business Courses in Social Science and Quantitative Topics

Abstract: As instructors we often sense that students come to our courses with pre-conceived notions about the course, possibly influenced by normative views of members of the larger campus community (Heise, 1979, 2002). Results of prior research have shown student attitudes toward a course before the start of the semester affect student course evaluations (Barke, Tollefson & Tracy, 1983). Barke, et al., (1983) used a 52 item Affective Entry Questionnaire as a pre-test at the start of the semester to survey 789 students in courses led by 65 instructors. A sample questions was "I will probably find this course boring." The 48-item post-test Course Evaluation Form was given during the last week of the semester. Regression analysis showed evaluation sub-scales were related to the pretest, including Course Difficulty ([R.sup.2] = 45, p A few studies have addressed similar topics. In a recent factor analysis approach to student evaluations, prior "interest in the subject matter" was shown to have a significant impact on the overall course ratings (Barth, 2008). Two studies addressed the effect of student precourse expectations on subsequent course evaluations (Gigliotti, 1987; Koermer & Petelle, 1991). These significant associations with student evaluations included expected relevance and expected stimulation and communications as types of interaction in a course. Additionally, researchers have examined antecedents of instructor evaluations: instructor reputation before encounters with the instructor were compared to impressions formed early in the course (Babad, Kaplowitz & Darley, 1999; Buchert, Laws, Apperson & Bregman, 2008; Laws, Apperson, Buchert & Bregman, 2010). Findings indicated that first impressions in actual encounters with professors correlated with evaluations of the instructor at the end of the semester. However, pre-course attitudes of instructor reputations did not persist through the end of the semester. This is inconsistent with research on course evaluations, suggesting differences between evaluations of an instructor versus evaluation of a course. Research also shows student ratings of courses vary significantly by field of study (Cashin, 1990), suggesting the presence of normative attitudes toward various disciplines on a campus. Information from two large databases (Student Instructional Report from the Educational Testing Service and the Instructional Development and Effectiveness Assessment) comprised the variables in the study. The sample consisted of responses from students in over 100,000 undergraduate classes in 45 disciplines located at hundreds of institutions. Cashin (1990) found students rated the management field low for instructor and course effectiveness in contrast to higher ratings for courses in the "hard sciences" such as physics. Biglan (1973) provided insight on distinguishing between academic fields with three dimensions to classify specific courses. For example, "hard" versus "soft" addresses the extent of competing theories within a field; "pure" versus "applied" considers the practical application of a field; and the third dimension is whether a field is concerned with living objects or not. Related to this topic is a study which found student perceptions of course relevance at the second class meeting were lower for an organizational behavior course as a "social science" (refers to psychology at work) compared to perceptions of a computing course (Burke & Moore, 2003). These results suggest two antecedents impact student course evaluations: pre-course attitudes and discipline of the course. The purpose of this study is to examine pre-course attitudes to determine if they are persistent across time. That is, are pre-course attitudes related to student evaluations? I also investigated attitudes and course evaluations by course discipline. To understand the effects of attitudes on course evaluation behaviors, I looked to Affect Control Theory (ACT; Heise, 1979, 2002) as a model that proposes attitudes are persistent across time and influence behavior. …

The Effect of Gender of Canned Laughter on Television Programme Appreciation

Abstract: There is, within the growing literature on the psychology of humour, studies on the effects of canned laughter, the topic of this paper (Chapman, 1973; Provine, 1992, 2000) Laughter is socially mediated in the sense that we are more inclined to laugh and smile when others do so (Platow et al., 2005). Canned laughter is used to increase audience appreciation. It exploits the persuasive powers of social proof. This study examines this thesis as well as investigating whether male or female laughter has more effect on reactions to programs. There is much evidence that both laughter and humour ratings are socially influenced (Freud, 1960; Giles & Oxford, 1970; Provine, 1996; Ruch, 1997, 2001; 2007; Ruch & Ekman, 2001). Various papers have shown that when we hear others laughing or smiling, especially friends, we are more prone to do so ourselves (Smoski & Bachorowski, 2003). Fridlund (1991) demonstrated that we tend to smile more if we think that our friends are watching the same funny material. This illustrates the concept of the social mediation of laughter. Indeed there is increasing evidence that males are the best "laughter-getters," that males are attracted to females who laugh in their presence, and that females are attracted to males who make them laugh (Provine, 2000) Such compelling evidence became the foundation for the use of "canned laughter," using it to try and capitalize on the social nature of laughter to entice the audience to laugh (Cialdini, 1993). Canned laughter is a separate soundtrack with the sound of usually genuine audience laughter, but which is often inserted into comedies and sitcoms on television primarily screened in the United States. In this sense, the laughter in the programme may be real, but it occurred in some other situation with different stimulus material. The first series to ever use this technique was 'The Hank McCune Show' in the 1950's. Cialdini (1993) argued that people laugh in response to canned laughter due to an "automatic, non-thinking conformity." The laughter of others in the audience, in a sense, provides "social proof" that the material being presented actually is humorous. Research supports the idea that canned laughter is an effective method to increase laughter and positive responses, yet the reason as to why it works and the reliability of its effects are still unclear (Platow, et al., 2005). One of the reasons for this ambiguity may be due to the fact that the correlation between canned laughter and the audience's response is affected by several variables. As can be seen in the example by Lawson, Downing and Cetola (1998) perceivers' evaluations were less influenced by audience laughter that was artificial, since it lost the effect of offering social proof, compared to laughter that was obviously live. Thus knowing whether the laughter is canned or live/genuine alters the perception of the humour and therefore, the humour ratings amongst participants. Experimental approaches have found that there are higher levels of open laughter and an increase in the humour ratings of the stimulus if there is evidence that others laugh as well (Martin & Gray, 1996). However, there is some controversy over these findings as certain studies have only shown that there is an increase in overt laughter (Chapman, 1973), whereas others have discovered that there are only higher humour ratings (Porterfield et al., 1988). One of the earlier experiments, conducted by Cupchik and Leventhal (1974), showed a positive correlation between both the overt laughter and humour ratings and the presence of pre-recorded laughter. Another trial showed that whilst there was still an increase in explicit laughter there were several factors (participants' gender, cartoon quality), which influenced the humour ratings. One test demonstrated that there was actually no change in the explicit laughter or humour ratings when canned laughter was presented to isolated participants, yet, the pre-recorded laughter, when used in the presence of a laughing confederate, did increase overt laughter (Donoghue, McCarrey & Clement, 1983). …

Brief Report: Narrative Qualities and Perceptions of Generated Alibis

Abstract: We examined whether there were differences in verbal statements between individuals who were prepared to provide an alibi and those who were not. Undergraduates were asked to recall where they were for dinner three nights earlier. Some were given three minutes to prepare, whereas others provided their alibis immediately. The interviews were transcribed and coded for several narrative variables. We hypothesized that the statements by the no warning group would contain narrative variables related to uncertainty and hesitation. Individuals who were not warned tended to pause more and use fewer positive qualifiers (i.e., words which portrayed confidence). The transcribed interviews were then read by a new group of participants who rated them on their credibility (e.g., alibi believability, accuracy). Results indicated that alibis containing more signs of hesitation resulted in higher ratings of interviewee hesitancy and lower ratings of perceptions of the strength of physical alibi evidence. When suspects are being interviewed and asked to account for their whereabouts on a particular day, their innocence may mean they are unprepared for such questions. For instance, innocent individuals may be surprised by the questions and could have difficulty remembering their whereabouts at the time in question, rendering their alibi statements less cohesive and credible. Alternatively, guilty suspects may be prepared for questioning and have rehearsed their alibis, resulting in a coherent and cohesive narrative. The narrative content of alibis is important because it may affect police officers’ and jurors’ perceptions of suspects and defendants and because weak alibis have played a role in wrongful convictions (e.g., Olson & Wells, 2004; Wells et al., 1998). However, there is no research on the factors influencing the content and believability of alibis. One way to study alibis is to ask participants to state where they were at a particular time (called generated alibis as opposed to fictitious alibis; Stromwell, Granhag, & Jonsson, 2003). The alibi generation research has yet to address the importance of narratives. Narratives are people’s personal stories which include external actions, as well as private thoughts and emotions (Bruner, 1992). Although alibi researchers have

Effects of Peppermint Scent Administration on Cognitive Video Game Performance

Abstract: A struggle within the realm of video game research involves the games' so-called "bad reputation." As many video games involve violence, aggression, addiction, and gender bias (Selfton-Green, 2005; Schrader & McCreery, 2007), many critics dismiss them as learning tools entirely, despite the widespread appeal and educational value they may possess. This "bad reputation" stems from the violence and illegality portrayed in games such as "Grand Theft Auto"[TM] and from the demeaning sexuality illustrated in games such as "Dead or Alive"[TM] (Gee, 2003). Other games, such as the violent African zombie game "Resident Evil 5"[TM], create controversy for their racial stereotyping. Because, in part, of the huge popularity of such games, other more socially or educationally appropriate games have been overshadowed. However, the Nintendo Wii[TM] game system is changing the way video games are considered; many of that system's games involve an active and family-friendly approach to video game play. Despite the occasionally questionable outlook on video games, research and real world findings note their benefits and applicability. The games themselves can provide goals for the player, positive reinforcement, and increasing challenge as he or she progresses through different levels (Gee, 2003). Games can support intrinsic motivation, since many require the player to be actively engaged through observing the environment, discover new aspects to a particular level or challenge, and solve problems (Dickey, 2005). A subcategory of educational gaming is "edutainment." Games in this category include Nintendo's[TM] "Brain Age"[TM] and "Big Brain Academy"[TM] which aim to improve logic, memory, and mathematical skill, amongst other cognitive challenges, and Playstation 2's[TM] Konami Kid Playground,[TM] which is a game that teaches numbers, letters, colors, and shapes to preschoolers. Such games are targeted towards a mass market, i.e. not aimed for classroom use exclusively, and are intended to teach the user a skill or content while he or she has fun progressing through the levels of the game. Thus, it becomes important to describe a context when such learning is of importance. Educational implications of gaming are diverse. The current study hopes to quantify the cognitive benefits of video game use in a non-formal learning environment. Although it is still fairly new to the market, the majority of the use of the Nintendo Wii[TM] game system is for entertainment purposes and, more seriously but less frequently, for rehabilitation purposes (Peltier, 2007). However, new games are being developed that tie into the Nintendo[TM] brand's broader goals of reaching a wide range of ages and engaging them in a wide variety of activities. While some research on the Wii's rehabilitation abilities suggests that it can be effectively used to help rehabilitate stroke victims and cardiac patients as well as help physical therapy patients to improve their range of motion (Peltier, 2007), the Wii has not yet been used to study cognition. Shin and Rosenbaum (2002) examined the ways in which cognitive and perceptual motor processes coordinate in a video arithmetic task. In their study, participants completed a video game task that involved arithmetic, aiming, or both. Results indicate that aiming occurred faster in the non-combined tasks. This suggests that a distraction of an additional task may hinder performance. Likewise, the current study hopes to examine how cognitive function can be enhanced through scent and gaming. Further, Barlett, Vowels, Shanteau, Crow, and Miller (2009) studied the impact of computer games on cognitive performance and found that participants who did not play a game showed no cognitive change while participants that played either a violent or non-violent game showed an increase in cognitive performance. Lee and LaRose (2007) assessed various mechanisms of video game consumption behaviors. Results indicate that those who had low amounts of experience had less self-regulation and habit strength than regular players. …