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Munich: The Price of Peace
01 Jan 1979-
About: The article was published on 1979-01-01 and is currently open access. It has received 50 citations till now.
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TL;DR: In this paper, a collection of articles represents Professor Williamson Murray's efforts to elucidate the role that history should play in thinking about both the present and the future, and his belief that the study of military and strategic history can be of real use to those who will confront the daunting problems of war and peace in the twenty-first century.
Abstract: This collection of articles represents Professor Williamson Murray's efforts to elucidate the role that history should play in thinking about both the present and the future. They reflect three disparate themes in Professor Murray's work: his deep fascination with history and those who have acted in the past; his fascination with the similarities in human behavior between the past and the present; and his belief that the study of military and strategic history can be of real use to those who will confront the daunting problems of war and peace in the twenty-first century. The first group of essays addresses the relevance of history to an understanding of the present and to an understanding of the possibilities of the future. The second addresses the possible direct uses of history to think through the problems involved in the creation of effective military institutions. The final group represents historical case studies that serve to illuminate the present.
6 citations
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TL;DR: New Zealand's first Labour government has generally been depicted as opposing compromise with aggressive states during the late 1930s, thereby demonstrating an independent and "moral" foreign policy as mentioned in this paper. Yet it consistently advocated negotiations with Nazi Germany, signed a trade agreement with it, welcomed the Munich settlement, discouraged public criticism of the German government and pursued a half-hearted rearmament programme.
Abstract: New Zealand's first Labour government has generally been depicted as opposing compromise with aggressive states during the late 1930s, thereby demonstrating an ‘independent’ and ‘moral’ foreign policy. Yet it consistently advocated negotiations with Nazi Germany, signed a trade agreement with it, welcomed the Munich settlement, discouraged public criticism of the German government and pursued a half-hearted rearmament programme. Most strikingly, it advocated a negotiated peace following the Nazi conquest of Poland and left the decision whether to fight on after the fall of France to the British government's judgement. Labour's motives included opposition to the Versailles Treaty, anti-militarism, suspicion of the British National Government, sympathy for the Soviet Union, a focus on the possible threat from Japan and, paradoxically, a desire for greater independence.
6 citations
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TL;DR: Sikorski and Benes as mentioned in this paper argued that if the Red Army were to occupy central Europe it would impose communist governments there, and they added that there was nothing they could do about it.
Abstract: At the height of World War II, General Wfadyslaw Sikorski visited Dr. Edvard Benes at his London residence. The Polish prime minister warned the Czechoslovak president that if the Red Army were to occupy central Europe it would impose communist governments there. Benes conceded that this was so but he added that there was nothing they could do about it. Sikorski continued pressing Benes: "Why are you so friendly with the Soviets?" he demanded. He then invited the president to harmonize his foreign policy with that of the democracies. Benes replied that he was unable to share Sikorski's confidence in the west for the simple reason that he had experienced the horror of Munich. "What partitions of Poland mean for the Poles, that is what Munich is for us," said Benes forcefully.
6 citations
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