Showing papers on "Democracy published in 1977"

Democracy in Deficit: The Political Legacy of Lord Keynes

Abstract: Democracy in Deficit opened the door for much of the current work on political business cycles and the incorporation of public-choice considerations into macroeconomic theory. Even in the area of monetarism, Buchanan's landmark work has greatly influenced the sway of contemporary theorists away from the nearly universally held belief of Keynesian theory. Democracy in Deficit contributes greatly to Buchanan's lifelong fiscal and monetary rules to guide long-term policy in macroeconomics. The book serves to bolster Buchanan's central beliefs in the necessity of a balanced-budget amendment to the US Constitution and in monetary rules rather than central bank discretion.

The life and times of liberal democracy

Abstract: The author traces the background of current liberal-democratic theory, explains how the concept of democracy became both embedded in the shifting ideas of social equality and increasingly dependent on the mechanism of capitalism, and points the way to a more participatory democracy.

Liberal Corporatism and Party Government

Abstract: The progress of corporatist ideas since the late nineteenth century and the advent of authoritarian “corporatist” regimes in the twentieth century have been strongly fostered by critiques of parliamentary and party government. To be sure, corporatist doctrines have not been unanimous in their assessment of universal suffrage, parliament, and competitive party systems. While on the one hand authors such as Spann (1934) proposed to abolish parliament, that “Schwatzbude,” and to replace it by a representation of “estates,” others merely proposed to redress the alleged shortcomings of parliamentary democracy by adding a system of corporate representation. For example, Catholic “Solidarists” (a school which has been important in the German-speaking countries), proposed a Chamber of Corporations which should supplement, but not substitute for, a parliament based on political parties (Mayer-Tasch, 1971:60). On the other hand, a socialist party leader, the “Austro-Marxist” theorist Bauer, under the influence of early Soviet experience as well as English “guild socialism,” pleaded for the improvement of merely “formal” or “political” democracy (i.e., bourgeois-dominated parliamentary government based on universal suffrage) by “functional democracy,” which demands that “the government in each single branch of its activity rests in continual understanding with the organized whole of the citizens, who, according to their profession or their plant, according to their social and economic function are immediately concerned by that particular branch of government activity” (Bauer, 1923: 187).

The Effect of Political Democracy and Social Democracy on Equality in Industrial Societies: A Cross-National Comparison

Abstract: Pulzer, Peter 1967 Political Representation and Elections. New York: Praeger. Ragin, Charles 1976 "Review of Michael Hechter, 'Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development."' Social Forces 55:553-4. Rokkan, Stein 1967 "Geography, religion, and social class: crosscutting cleavages in Norwegian polities." Pp. 367-44 in S. Lipset and S. Rokkan (eds), Party Systems and Voter Alignments. New York: Free Press.

Democracy for the Few

Abstract: Preface 1. Partisan Politics. 2. A Constitution for the Few. 3. Rise of the Corporate State. 4. Wealth and Want in the United States. 5. Institutions and Ideologies. 6. Politics: Who Gets What? 7. Health and Human Services: Sacrificial Lambs. 8. The Last Environment. 9. Unequal before the Law. 10. Political Repression and National Insecurity. 11. The U.S. Global Military Empire. 12. Who Governs? Elites, Labor, and Globalization. 13. Mass Media: For the Many, by the Few. 14. Voters, Parties, and Stolen Elections. 15. Congress: The Pocketing of Power. 16. The President: Guardian of the System. 17. The Political Economy of Bureaucracy. 18. The Supremely Political Court. 19. Democracy for the Few.

Politics, Language, and Thought: The Somali Experience

Abstract: When the Somali Republic received independence, its parliamentary government decided to adopt three official languages: English, Italian, and Arabic all languages of foreign contact. Since the vast majority of the nation's citizens spoke a single language, Somali, which then had no written form, this decision made governing exceedingly difficult. Selecting any one language was equally problematic, however, because those who spoke the official language would automatically become the privileged class. Twelve years after independence, a military government was able to settle the acrimonious controversy by announcing that Somali would be the official language and Latin the basic script. It was hoped that this choice would foster political equality and strengthen the national culture. "Politics, Language, and Thought" is an exploration of how language and politics interrelate in the Somali Republic. Using both historical and experimental evidence, David D. Laitin demonstrates that the choice of an official language may significantly affect the course of a country's political development. Part I of Laitin's study is an attempt to explain why the parliamentary government was incapable of reaching agreement on a national script and to assess the social and political consequences of the years of nondecision. Laitin shows how the imposition of nonindigenous languages produced inequalities which eroded the country's natural social basis of democracy. Part 2 attempts to relate language to political thought and political culture. Analyzing interviews and role-playing sessions among Somali bilingual students, Laitin demonstrates that the impact of certain political concepts is quite different when expressed in different languages. He concludes that the implications of choosing a language are far more complex than previously thought, because to change the language of a people is tochange the ways they think and act politically."

Comparative politics: Notes and readings

Abstract: INTRODUCTION: ON COMPARING NATIONS. 1. How and Why Compare. Roy C. Macridis, The Search for Focus. Robert H. Bates, Area Studies and the Discipline. Mark Blyth, Interests and Ideas. Robert D. Putnam, The Public Role of Political Science. PART ONE. POLITICAL CHANGE AND THE STATE. 2. Modernization/Globalization. Karl Marx, British Rule in India. Samuel H. Beer, Dynamics of Modernization. Ronald Inglehart, Modernization and Postmodernization. H. V. Savitch, What is New About Globalization? 3. State and Identity. Max Weber, What is a State? Theda Skocpol, Bringing the State Back In Liah Greenfeld, Varieties of Nationalism Donald L. Horowitz, A Right to Secede? 4. Governing Globalization. John Gerard Ruggie, Territoriality and Beyond. Jurgen Habermas, Nation-State or Global State? Anne-Marie Slaughter, Everyday Global Governance. Marc F. Plattner, Sovereignty and Democracy. 5. Revolution and Protest. S. N. Eisenstadt, Frameworks of the Great Revolutions. Francois Furet, On Revolutions: French, American, and Russian. Kurt Schock, Nonviolent Action. Bernard E. Brown Revolution and Anomie. PART TWO. PATTERNS OF LEGITIMACY. 6. Democracies. Susan J. Pharr, Robert D. Putnam, and Russell J. Dalton, Trouble in the Advanced Democracies? Russell J. Dalton, Susan E. Scarrow, and Bruce E. Cain, The New Politics in Advanced Democracies. Bernard E. Brown, Worker Democracy: A Test Case 7. Transition to Democracy. Guillermo O?Donnell, Horizontal Accountability in New Democracies. Thomas Carothers, The End of the Transition Paradigm. Larry Diamond, Universal Democracy? 8. Authoritarianism: Old and New. Aristotle, On Democracy and Tyranny. Andrew C. Janos, What Was Communism? Lilia Shevtsova, Bureaucratic Authoritarianism in Russia. Andrew J. Nathan, Authoritarian Resilience in China. 9. The Challenge of Islamism. Lisa Wedeen, Beyond the Crusades. Walter Laqueur, The Terrorism to Come. Fareed Zakaria, Islam, Democracy, and Constitutional Liberalism. PART THREE. POLITICAL DYNAMICS, DECISIONS, AND EFFICACY. 10. Political Parties. Robert Michels, The Iron Law of Oligarchy. Richard Gunther and Larry Diamond, Species of Political Parties. Seymour Martin Lipset, The Americanization of the European Left. Piero Ignazi, The Rise of New Political Parties. 11. Do Institutions Matter? James March and Johan Olsen, Institutional Perspectives. Arend Lijphart, Constitutional Design for Divided Societies. Nathan J. Brown, Judicial Review. 12. Political Performance. Joel D. Abernach and Bert A. Rockman, Governance and Outcomes. Herbert Simon, Organizations and Markets. Graham Wilson, In a State? Robert A. Dahl, Equality vs. Inequality.

Rural Employment, Wages and Labour Markets in India-A Survey of Research

Abstract: its demographic compulsions and democratic commitment can ill afford to turn away from social justice and equality and thrust for freedom. And for that very reason it is not possible on the one hand to pursue a policy of "let the hounds run", under which the private enterprise can dictate the course of economic development, and on the other hand, to permit the existing state apparatus, with its insensitive bureaucracy and power and patronage-prone politicians, to have a stranglehold over the economic system. Social justice can be guaranteed when State intervention is on a scale which is small enough to checkmate the concentration of power; economic efficiency, freedom and growth can be ensured if the units in the economy, while animated by social conscience, can compete with each other. It is just this balance which is likely to be attained if India could have numerous small states with better communication with the people in each state. If it is a communist or a socialist ideology it will have its full sway in a smaller unit; if it is the free enterprise approach, it may be experimented within a small area. If any of the alternative succeeds, it would then affect other states, without the failure of any one of them doing irreparable and irreversible damage. Social purposiveness can. then be dovetailed with the imperatives of economic efficiency and democratic commitment.

Religion, Communications, and the Ideological Origins of the American Revolution

Abstract: ed from their restrictive, deferential context came to mean something else. In Tocqueville's observation, Americans had a penchant for abstract words because only by using a vocabulary lacking specificity could they communicate radical ideas that destroyed a conventional style. "An abstract word," Tocqueville noted, "is like a box with a false bottom; you may put in it what ideas you please and take them out again unobserved."" The "country" publicists did not provide the textbook of revolution, so much as a lexicon of revolution, the meaning of which could be grasped only within a persuasion that celebrated the sovereignty of the new political audience. "Jonathan Edwards, The Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God . .. (174I), in Bushman, ed., Great Awakening, I23. On Edwards's use of language see Harold P. Simonson, Jonathan Edwards: Theologian of the Heart (Grand Rapids, Mich., I974), 9i-ii8. 80 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, eds. J. P. Mayer and Max Lerner (New York, i966), 482. See also Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," WAVIQ, XXIX (1972), 72-73. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.112 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:37:39 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Law and the rise of capitalism

Abstract: Originally published in 1977 and translated into Spanish, Portugese, Greek, and Chinese, Law and the Rise of Capitalism examines the role of law and lawyers in the European bourgeoisie's conquest of power. From the scattered urban uprisings of the eleventh century to the English and French revolutions, Michael Tigar traces this history using charters, letters, statutes, and other primary sources.Against a backdrop of seven hundred years of bourgeois struggle, Tigar weaves a Marxist theory of law and jurisprudence based upon the Western experience. Contradicting R.H. Tawney and Max Weber, he shows that the legal theory of the insurgent bourgeoisie predated the Protestant Reformation and was a major ideological ingredient of the bourgeois revolution and also helps explain today's revolutionary movements.In a compelling new introduction, Tigar discusses the struggle for human rights in the historical context of the past two decades, drawing on his own experiences as a fighter for democratic rights in the United States, Europe and South Africa.

Patterns of Change in the Partisan Loyalties of Native Southerners: 1952- 1972

Abstract: INCE THE INCURSIONS made by Strom Thurmond on the solid South in 1948, a great deal of interest has come to focus on the electoral behavior of this region. From the historical and descriptive point of view, the crumbling of the traditional Democratic hegemony provokes continued fascination. However, the major interest which this region now holds for the political scientist is the opportunity it presents to advance theoretical thinking about voting behavior. In particular, the existence of rapid change allows a fresh examination of the controversy which has arisen over the place which partisan self-identification has come to occupy in the pantheon of political science concepts. The goal of this study is to

The Pardoning Power - A World Survey

Abstract: The resilience of the power to pardon offenders is a remarkable phenomenon, in view of some seemingly powerful reasons for the disappearance of this institution. These reasons are both ideological and practical in character. The ideological grounds derive from the fact that the pardoning power appears to be an archaic survival fan earlier era, during which the State was governed by an omnipotent ruler, who might have an occasional urge to demonstrate his benevolent disposition. This seems something of an anomaly in a twentieth century constitutional democracy having a commitment-at least in principle-to a delicate separation of powers designed to ensure the independence of the judiciary. This independence would appear to be threatened by vesting in a non-judicial authority the power to pardon offenders duly convicted and sentenced in the course of a judicial process. It is no coincidence that the ideological controversy regarding the desirability of the pardoning power reached its peak during the eighteenth century,' when the groundwork of much of our prevailing political theory was being laid. Thus while Montesquieu believed that there was room-at least under a monarchical system-for the institution of clemency, Beccaria advocated the total abolition of this institution, a path which was followed in France for a number of years in the wake of the revolution of 1789.

I Pledge Allegiance.

Abstract: Thirty-one words which affirm the values and freedom that the American flag represents are recited while facing the flag as a pledge of Americans’ loyalty to their country. The Pledge of Allegiance was written for the 400th anniversary, in 1892, of the discovery of America. A national committee of educators and civic leaders planned a public-school celebration of Columbus Day to center around the flag. Included with the script for ceremonies that would culminate in raising of the flag was the pledge. So it was in October 1892 Columbus Day programs that school children across the country first recited the Pledge of Allegiance this way:

Citizen Demand and Bureaucratic Response: Direct Dialing Democracy in a Major American City

Abstract: However, we know very little about that mode of participation wherein the citizen contacts government in regard to a public matter. The available evidence does suggest that many citizens never engage in this form of participation. Aberbach and Walker (1970) reported that only a third of the respondents in a survey of citizen attitudes in Detroit had ever contacted city government in regard to municipal services, while Levy et al. (1974) found that the streets department in Oakland received about three complaints daily. In addition, blacks are less likely to contact government than whites. Relying on survey data, Eisenger (1972)

The Theory of Mass Society

Abstract: In George Gissing’s novel New Grub Street (1891), two representatives of the new world of mass publishing are cynically discussing the profitable living and potential fortune which await them if they transform the semi-popular paper Chat into Chit-Chat and the serious Tatler into Tittle-Tattle. And why? Because the late nineteenth century is the age of mass democracy and universal semi-literacy: ‘I would have the paper address itself to the quarter-educated … the great new generation that is being turned out by the Board schools, the young men and women who can just read but are incapable of sustained attention. People of this sort want something to occupy them in trains and on the buses and tram … what they want is the lightest and frothiest of chit-chatty information — bits of stories, bits of description, bits of scandal, bits of jokes, bits of statistics. … Everything must be very short, two inches at the utmost; their attention can’t sustain itself beyond two inches. Even chat is too solid for them: they want chit-chat.’1 In almost identical language, a modern critic writes of the ‘shapeless sprawling and anti-human’ environment of modern mass society in which people ‘read manic journals and magazines’ as they journey to the ‘meaningless tasks’ of work to find relief only ‘in office flirtations, pin-up and pop-singer cults, film and television talk, cosmetic and fashion preoccupations’.2

What to Show the World: The Office of War Information and Hollywood, 1942–1945

Abstract: IHE uneasy relationship between propaganda and democracy proved especially troublesome during World War II. Interpreting the war as a worldwide crusade, liberals in the Office of War Information (OWI) won unprecedented control over the content of American motion pictures. An understanding of the interaction between OWI and Hollywood sheds light on both the objectives and methods of the nation's propaganda campaign and the content of wartime entertainment films. This episode, all but ignored by historians, offers insights into America's war ideology and the intersection of politics and mass culture in wartime. Moreover, it raises the question of whether the Roosevelt administration's propaganda strategy helped undermine some of its avowed war aims.' OWI, the chief government propaganda agency during World War II, was formed by an executive order on June 13, 1942, that consolidated several prewar information agencies. OWI's domestic branch handled the home front; its overseas branch supervised all United States foreign

"Unemployment, Class Consciousness and Radical Politics: What Didn't Happen in the Thirties

Abstract: O NE OF THE MOST SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCES between American political history and that of most European nations is the peripheral role played by class conflict. Although relations between management and labor have been often tense and sometimes violent, the American labor movement has not spawned a class-based or socialist party, and the American worker has not manifested the sense of class consciousness characteristic of European workers. Even during the depression of the thirties, when one might expect massive unemployment and sharp disagreement over governmental policy to have heightened working class consciousness and alienation, American workers remained allegiant to a capitalist economy and a democratic polity. They were mobilized to support New Deal reforms, not to support radical political or economic change. We know, both from the folklore of the great depression of the thirties as well as from scholarly accounts of that period, that the experience of being unemployed was a devastating one, both psychologically and economically. Why did such a massive disruption spawn reform, not revolution? In particular, why did those who

Majority rule versus democracy in deeply divided societies

Abstract: Two widely accepted — but nevertheless quite erroneous — theoretical notions appear to dominate contemporary scholarly thinking and writing about the politics, in culturally, ethnically, and racially divided societies: the equation of democracy with majority rule, and the proposition that democracy is not a viable form of government for such deeply divided societies. These ideas are both so basic and so prevalent in political science that they may be compared to ‘paradigms’ in Thomas S. Kuhn’s sense of the term.1

Martial Law in the Philippines: The Methods of Regime Survival

Abstract: The Philippines was the latest of the colonially inspired experiments in constitutional democracy within Southeast Asia to succumb to a palace coup. Because the Filipino citizenry had a longer experience in the uses of competitive elections, a free press and an independent judiciary than did the other peoples of the region, the demise of such institutions holds a special fascination for the scholar and is regarded as a special tragedy by all those who love freedom. Martial law was declared by President Marcos on September 2I, I972, more than halfway through his second, and constitutionally final, four-year term. He has clung to power beyond that term by utilizing for purposes of gaining legitimacy the transitory provisions of the I973 Constitution. That document was drafted in the Presidential palace, adopted by the Constitutional Convention under duress, and "ratified" by voice vote in village assemblies where armed soldiers and policemen were in prominent attendance. Though a majority of the Supreme Court regarded this ratification as invalid, there was not a majority to declare the new "Constitution not in force."' Some writers, including Marcos and his apologists, have described what happened in the early i970's as the "failure of Philippine democracy." But that is a distortion of the realities of that period. Filipino democratic institutions did not break down, either in the sense of an inability to maintain order or a failure to respond to changes within the society. The rising political violence after i969 was to a considerable degree the creation of Marcos himself, first in trying to get himself re-elected and then in preparing ajustification for martial law.

Types of Democratic Systems and Types of Public Policy: An Empirical Examination

Abstract: With the success of the "behavioral revolution" in political science have come a number of positive changes in the study of comparative politics.1 We have long abandoned the strict constitutionalism and institutionalism which had characterized traditional comparative government studies.2 These have been replaced with a broader conception of politics and the political process. The apparent problem with comparative politics at present is that this revolution has been too successful. Now the study of the input side of the political system-political parties, pressure groups, electoral behavior, and mass attitudinal configurations-has become so popular that we tend to ignore the "conversion functions" of the political system-those governmental and institutional configurations so important in traditional comparative politics. Further, we have especially ignored until quite recently the comparative study of the output side of the political system. The reasons for the emphasis on inputs are numerous. One of the most important is the reliance on the Eastonian version of systems theory as an approximation of a paradigm for the discipline.3 Although some slight attention is given to the processes of decision making, this influential work directs our attention mainly toward political inputs. It further tends to assume a direct correspondence between the inputs and outputs of this political system. Roy Macridis has referred to this focus in comparative politics as "inputism" and notes that:

The Politics of Electoral Reform in Japan

Abstract: UNIQUE IN MANY respects among the electoral systems of democratic nations, Japan's electoral laws have had a very significant impact on the nation's postwar political party system. From the multimember parliamentary districts to the chronic malapportionment and the straitjacket campaign activities restrictions, Japanese electoral laws have operated to keep Japan a one-party dominant nation. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has ruled the nation uninterrupted, without need to resort to coalition, since its inception in 1955. And while many political, economic, and social influences have assisted the LDP during this period of dominance, one of the most significant factors helping the conservatives retain power has been the favorable impact of the electoral system on their parliamentary fortunes. The recent fragmentation of the Japanese political party system can only be viewed against the background of the election system which facilitates such developments. In the following sections the basic elements of the Japanese election system will be presented and the political outcomes of these elements analyzed in terms of their effects on the party system. Japan's six political parties, the LDP, Socialist (JSP), Communist (JCP), Komeito, Democratic Socialist (DSP), and New Liberal Club (NLC), operate in an environment which is legally regulated by the two fundamental electoral laws, the Public Offices Elections Law and the Political Funds Control Law. The latter deals with the very sig-

Bureaucratic behavior in democracy: A case study

Abstract: This paper analyzes bureaucracy within the context of the politico-economic framework using the rational choice approach. Bureaucracy interacts with various groups of decision-makers, and its influence depends on institutional differences, in particular representative democracy with or without referendum. Theoretical and empirical analysis for Swiss cities suggests that (1) there is little evidence for any significant influence on policy outcome by bureaucrats qua voters; (2) there is evidence that bureaucracy has a direct influence on the supply side; (3) it is not useful to view bureaucracy to be in an isolated position of a monopolist.(This abstract was borrowed from another version of this item.)

Social Movement Radicalization: the Case of the People's Democracy in Northern Ireland*

Abstract: Most of existing literature assumes that social movement organizations will inevitably become more ideologically and tactically conservative over time. This paper presents a couterargument to this ...