Showing papers on "Dominion published in 2002"

Making Native Space: Colonialism, Resistance, and Reserves in British Columbia

Abstract: Figures and Illustrations Acknowledgments Introduction Part 1: The Colonial Period 1. The Imperial Background 2. The Douglas Years, 1850-64 3. Ideology and Land Policy, 1864-71 Part 2: Province and Dominion 4. The Confederation Years, 1871-76 5. The Joint Indian Reserve Commission, 1876-78 6. Sproat and the Native Voice, 1878-80 Part 3: Filling in the Map 7. O'Reilly, Bureaucracy, and Reserves, 1880-98 8. Imposing a Solution, 1898-1938 Part 4: Land and Livelihood 9. Native Space 10. Towards a Postcolonial Land Policy Appendix: Indian Reserves in British Columbia during the Colonial Period Notes Source Notes for Maps Bibliography Index

Dominion: The Power of Man, the Suffering of Animals, and the Call to Mercy

Abstract: "And God said, Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth."--Genesis 1:24-26In this crucial passage from the Old Testament, God grants mankind power over animals. But with this privilege comes the grave responsibility to respect life, to treat animals with simple dignity and compassion.Somewhere along the way, something has gone wrong.In "Dominion," we witness the annual convention of Safari Club International, an organization whose wealthier members will pay up to $20,000 to hunt an elephant, a lion or another animal, either abroad or in American "safari ranches," where the animals are fenced in pens. We attend the annual International Whaling Commission conference, where the skewed politics of the whaling industry come to light, and the focus is on developing more lethal, but not more merciful, methods of harvesting "living marine resources." And we visit a gargantuan American "factory farm," where animals are treated as mere product and raised in conditions of mass confinement, bred for passivity and bulk, inseminated and fed with machines, kept in tightly confined stalls for the entirety of their lives, and slaughtered in a way that maximizes profits and minimizes decency.Throughout "Dominion," Scully counters the hypocritical arguments that attempt to excuse animal abuse: from those who argue that the Bible's message permits mankind to use animals as it pleases, to the hunter's argument that through hunting animal populations are controlled, to the popular and "scientifically proven" notions that animals cannot feel pain, experience no emotions, and are not conscious of their own lives.The result is eye opening, painful and infuriating, insightful and rewarding. "Dominion" is a plea for human benevolence and mercy, a scathing attack on those who would dismiss animal activists as mere sentimentalists, and a demand for reform from the government down to the individual. Matthew Scully has created a groundbreaking work, a book of lasting power and importance for all of us.

The Imperial Republic: A Comparison of the Insular Territories under U.S. Dominion after 1898

Abstract: The doctrine of incorporation, as elaborated in legal debates and legitimated by the U.S. Supreme Court, excluded the inhabitants of Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and Guam from the body politic of the United States on the basis of their cultural differences from dominant European American culture. However, in spite of their shared legal status as unincorporated territories, the U.S. Congress established different governments that, although adaptations of continental territorial governments, were staffed largely with appointed imperial administrators. In contrast, Hawai9i, which had experienced a long period of European American settlement, received a government that followed the basic continental model of territorial government. Thus, the distinction between the incorporated and unincorporated territories corresponded to the limits of European American settlement. However, even among the unincorporated territories, cultural evaluations were important in determining the kinds of rule. The organic act for Puerto Rico provided for substantially more economic and judicial integration with the United States than did the organic act for the Phillippines. This followed from the assessment that Puerto Rico might be culturally assimilated while the Phillippines definitely could not. Moreover, religion was the criterion for determining different provincial governments within the Phillippines. In Guam, the interests of the naval station prevailed over all other considerations. There, U.S. government officials considered the local people to be hospitable and eager to accept U.S. sovereignty, while they largely ignored the local people9s language, culture, and history. In Guam, a military government prevailed.

Theorizing citizenship in British settler societies

Abstract: This article discusses citizenship in states with a history as British 'dominion' settler societies, focusing on questions of ethnicity and national identity. After noting the shortcomings of T. H. Marshall's widely used citizenship model, the key differences between English and British settler society citizenship experience are outlined, drawing on illustrative material from Australia, New Zealand, and Canada. The main settler/English state differences highlighted, are the presence of aboriginal peoples with distinct juridicial and political statuses; a characteristic set of relationships between successive flows of British migrants and subsequent generations of local-born settlers, and the shift in societies of immigration towards more extensive forms of ethnic and national pluralism within a 'post-settler' conception of multicultural nationhood in a globalized world. Finally, the article suggests settler and post-settler society citizenship is best conceptualized and described by examining the linked p...

Experiencing Dominion: Culture, Identity, and Power in the British Mediterranean

Abstract: This volume contributes to contemporary debates on hegemony, power and identity in contemporary historical and anthropological literature through an examination of the imperial encounter between the British and the Greeks of the Ionian Islands during the 19th century. Each chapter focused on a different aspect of the imperial encounter, with topics including identity construction, the contestation over civil society, gender and the manipulation of public space, hegemony and accommodation, the role of law and of the institutions of criminal justice, and religion and imperial domination. It argues that a great deal can be learned about colonializm in general through an analysis of the Ionian Islands, precisely because the colonial encounter was so atypical. For example, it demonstrates that because the Ionian Greeks were racially white, Christian and descendents of Europe's classical forebears, the process of colonial identity formation was more ambiguous and complex than elsewhere in the Empire where physical and cultural distinctions were more obvious. Colonial officers finally decided the Ionian Greeks were "Mediterranean Irish" who should be treated like European savages.

Dominion or Republic? Migrants to North America from the United

Abstract: Late nineteenth–century Canada attracted a large number of immigrants from the UK, despite far lower average income per head there than in the US. While urban labour markets in the northern US were much larger than those in Canada, differences in outcomes between UK immigrants in Canadian and in northern US cities were small. Average annual real earnings by occupation group were only 10 to 15 per cent lower in Canadian cities. Individual–level census data indicate that the occupational distribution of UK immigrants in Canada was quite similar to that of their peers in the US.

Australians and Globalisation: The Experience of Two Centuries

Abstract: Introduction: the challenge of globalisation 1. Globalisation, sovereignty and citizenship 2. Citizenship without nationhood 3. Nation-state and citizenship 4. Imperial dominion to Pacific nation 5. Australian citizen subjects 6. New world orders 7. Citizenship in a global nation.

America’s Virtual Empire

Abstract: Mediterranean by acquiring Cyprus at the Conference of Berlin, the colonial secretary, Lord Carnarvon, asked his civil servants if they knew the meaning of this new word "imperialism." As a member of the government that had two years earlier bestowed the title empress of India upon Queen Victoria, and as the man who steered the North America Act through Parliament, making Canada into a self-governing dominion, he should have known. He did not. Even as the

Reforming Empire: Protestant Colonialism and Conscience in British Literature

Abstract: The strength of Empire, wrote Ben Jonson, ""is in religion."" Hodgkins takes Jonson's dictum as his point of departure, showing how for more than four centuries the Protestant imagination gave the British Empire its mains paradigms for dominion and also, ironically, its chief languages of anti-imperial dissent. From Edmund Spenser's ""Faerie Queen"" to Rudyard Kiplings ""The Man Who Would Be King"", English literature about empire has turned with strange consistancy to themes of worship and idolatry, atrocity and deliverance, slavery and service, conversion, prophecy, apostacy and doom. Hodgkins organizes his study around three kinds of religious binding - unification, subjugation and self restraint. He details how early modern Prostestants like Hakluy and Spenser reformed the Arthurian chronicles and claimed to inhereit Rome's empire from the Caesars; how Ralegh and later Cromwell imagined a counterconquest of Spanish America and how Milton's Satan came to resemble Cortes; how Drake and the fictional Crusoe established their statues as worthy colonial masters by refusing to be worshiped as gods; and how 17th century preachers, poets and colonists moved haltingly toward a racist metaphysics - as Virginia began by celebrating the mixed marriage of Pocahontas but soon imposed the draconian separation of the Color Line. Yet Hodgkins reveals that Tudor-Stuart times also saw the revival of Augustinian anti-expansionism and the genesis of Protestant imperial guilt. From the start, British Protestant colonialism contained its own opposite: a religion of self-restraint. Though this conscience was often co-opted or conscripted to legitimize conquests and pacify the conquered, it frequently found memorable and even fierce literary expression in writers such as Shakespeare, Daniel, Herbert, Swift, Johnson, Burke, Blake, Austen, Browning, Tennyson, Conrad, Forster, and finally the anti-protestant Waugh.

Political Allegory in Late Elizabethan and Early Jacobean "Turk" Plays: Lust's Dominion and The Turke

Abstract: Recent work on representations of Turks in early modern literature and culture has shown the often complex and contradictory ways in which the English understood Muslim peoples at this time. (1) As Nabil Matar observes, "Muslims were seen to be different and strange, infidels and 'barbarians' admirable or fearsome, but they did not constitute colonial targets." (2) In fact, it is precisely because Muslims possessed an empire that rivaled, indeed superseded that of England in this period that "Britons began to demonize, polarize, and alterize them." (3) As a result, though English travelers in Islamic countries--for example, Thomas Saunders in his account of a trip to "Barbarie" in 1583, Richard Hasleton's narrative of "ten yeares travailes in many forraine countries" which was published in 1595, and the more famous early-seventeenth-century accounts of encounters with Muslims by George Sandys and William Lithgow--might describe with some admiration and envy the imperial achievement of the Ottoman Empire, by contrast early modern drama, pageants, and masques tended to emphasize negative characteristics. (4) "Turks" were tyrannical and cruel, "Moors" were lascivious and violent. (5) As a result critics have read literary representations of Muslims as playing an important role in the shaping of an anti-Muslim national consciousness. The present essay, however, suggests that this dominant view of early modern Turk plays only provides us with a partial understanding of the significance of these cultural documents. Lust's Dominion and John Mason's The Turke are both plays that portray Islamic men in negative ways, and clearly they should be seen as contributing to contemporary popular fears and anxieties about Muslims. However, to read these plays merely as expressions of anti-Muslim sentiment is to neglect central aspects of their significance since the plays' Islamic villains and the activities in Christian courts that prove to be corrupt also must refer to domestic English political issues. In what follows, the two closely related early modern English "Turk" plays, Lust's Dominion and The Turke, are read against the context of the politics of the culture within which they were produced. Similar to other dramatic subgenres of the period--Roman plays, history plays, travel drama, to name just three--which have increasingly been recognized as possessing allegorical dimensions, "Turk" plays should also be seen as offering comments on sensitive topical issues. (6) For instance, Ben Jonson's Sejanus His Fall (1603), which concentrates on the relationship between the Emperor Tiberius and his evil minion, has been read as an equivocal allegory about James Stuart and his favorites. (7) Yet, because it was conceived and partly written while Elizabeth was on the throne, Jonson's play has also been seen as a comment on her tarnished reputation at the end of her reign and especially as a late meditation on the Essex crisis. (8) While for my purposes here the intricacies of Jonson's allegory are not relevant, its ambivalent political direction is useful since it is in a sense matched by that of the plays discussed in this article. In other words, in Lust's Dominion and The Turke we have two versions--one written in Elizabeth's reign, one in James's--of a very similar story about an evil Mohammedan's interactions with a Christian court. In what follows, the ways this allied story is able to encode shifting political allegories will be seen to be central. Just as Sejanus can be read as allegorically directed at different targets, these plays should also be understood to present political and sexual ambition as covert meditations on English domestic concerns. It is now well attested that Christopher Marlowe was not responsible for Lust's Dominion; or, The Lascivious Queen, though the play is attributed to him on the title page of the 1657 edition. (9) Rather, the playtext is thought to have involved collaboration by John Marston (who was paid for a play or part of a play called The Spanish Moor's Tragedy by Philip Henslowe in the autumn of 1599 for the Fortune or Rose) and Thomas Dekker, William Haughton, and John Day who revised and renamed it in 1600. …

The Imperial Executive in America: Sir Edmund Andros, 1637-1714

Abstract: Edmund Andros, a soldier, administrator, courtier, and diplomat, served a succession of Stuart monarchs in the Old and New Worlds. This study differs from most past assessments that portray him in a negative light; instead it concentrates on his role in protecting and defending England's New World colonies as governor of New York, the Dominion of New England, and Virginia.

Dominion of the Eye: Urbanism, Art, and Power in Early Modern Florence

Abstract: Preface Part I. History and Theory: 1. Florence brought to historical account 2. Toward the Trecento Florentine piazza: problematics Part II. From Theory to Practice: 3. The Piazza del Duomo 4. The Piazza della Signoria Part III. Framing Urbanistic Discourse: Space, Subject and Vision in Trecento Theory and the Arts: 5. Spatial theory 6. The spatial order of Florentine streets, monumental architecture, and the new towns 7. Trecento pictorial perspective reconsidered 8. Perspective in Trecento sculpture and architectural detail 9. The Trecento fusion of the arts 10. The architecture of painting and the multimedia tableau 11. The role of optical and surveying theory Part IV. On The Politics of Urbanistic Order: 12. The political logic of demolition 13. Spatial form and political authority 14. The symbolic power of scopic order 15. Florentine Trecento urbanism as institutional and ideological praxis II 16. The Florentine urbanistic 'style' as bourgeois instrumentalism 17. Resistance and Renaissance: an afterword.

'A formula may have to be found': Ireland, India, and the headship of the Commonwealth

Abstract: During 50th anniversary commemorations of the 1949 Declaration that had facilitated the Republic of India's continued membership of the Commonwealth, only The Round Table recalled other events of 1...

Compromise and contestation in colonial Sumatra. An 1873 Mandailing schoolbook on the ‘Wonders of the West’

Abstract: Language and power issues are central to the study of colonialism, as a wide stream of recent work in anthropology and history has amply shown (Rafael 1988; Fabian 1991; Kuipers 1998:22-41; Bhabha 1985,1990; Florida 1995; Sears 1996; Pemberton 1994; Dirks 1992; Thomas 1994). One of the major insights of this scholarship is that colonial regimes in places like the Netherlands East Indies, the Philippines, or the Belgian Congo established hegemony over local populations (and constructed the latter as colonial subjects) in part through discursive practices, that is to say, through descriptive processes, beyond institutional modes of control per se. For instance, colonial states extended their political dominion by sponsoring ethnological projects that defined villagers as natives 'with local languages and cultures', which were in turn deemed suitable for documentation by experts from the metropole (Kahn 1993; Steedly 1996). Also important in this regard was the introduction of school curricula in countries like the Indies which privileged the language of the colonial state and any lingua franca that it favoured, while pushing 'local languages' far down the prestige hierarchy as quaint and 'ancient'. Harnessing the technology of print for state ends was also a crucial element in colonizing projects, as through the creation of official government publish ing houses for 'fine literature' (for example, Baiai Pustaka in the Indies; see Teeuw 1972). There are numerous examples of the kind of colonizing texts that flowed from state agencies along these lines in the era of high coloni

Emerald Trials: Northern Ireland's Struggle for Peace. (World in Review)

Abstract: A politically and socially violent landscape has long been an undeniable presence in Northern Ireland. For the younger generation, it has been a fact of life since birth. The start of "the Troubles" in Ireland can be dated back to 1968, although the current volatile political situation is underscored by centuries of conflict and the repeated failure of peaceful attempts at a solution. Hopes for peace remain dim, even after the promising Good Friday Agreement of 1998. The bombing in the town of Omagh that summer and continued violence, the problem of disarmament, and the ascent of splinter parties all point to the failure of the agreement to resolve the ideological divides. Considering the depth of this bloody, prolonged fighting and its widespread repercussions, the prospects for a lasting, peaceful resolution to the Northern Ireland conflict appear slim. Seeds of Unrest The groundwork for the Troubles was laid at the beginning of the 20th century. Two critical events crystallized all of the elements in the conflict. The first of these was the Easter Rising of 1916, a protest in Dublin against British rule in Ireland. Although the uprising failed, the brutality of the British crackdown had an unforeseen effect: it created a wave of sympathy for the Irish Republican Army (IRA), previously frowned upon as an extremist, violent organization with a weak constituency. Suddenly, the use of violence seemed not only justified but also essential if the objectives of the Catholic Irish were to be attained. In 1921, the partition of Ireland established the formal division of Northern Ireland (the six counties in Ulster province) from the rest of Ireland, which was afforded special dominion status as the Irish Free State. The control over Northern Ireland moved formally to London, while a subordinate government was created in Belfast. This arrangement exacerbated unrest and discontent among the Catholic minority in the North, which was faced with increasing (and legalized) economic and social discrimination. The aggressive IRA campaign for a unified Ireland now had a receptive audience and a fertile basis for justification. With the Catholic campaign against discrimination, the Troubles had begun. The More Things Change... Looking at the post-Good Friday political scene in Northern Ireland, it soon becomes apparent that the demands made by all sides involved seem irreconcilable. A study conducted by the University of Ulster showed that in a sample of 1,800 under-25 youths, 88 percent said they would never enter an area controlled by a group of the other religion. Furthermore, 58 percent said they would not use any of the other group's facilities (such as shops and restaurants). The younger generation of Northern Ireland is commonly thought to be more open to change, so the fact that even its members are still extremely militant does not bode well for peace. It is possible that the failure of peace is due not to any fault of the specific provisions of the Good Friday Agreement, but to the inadequacy of any agreement. Currently, the array of major and minor political parties in Northern Ireland represent the entire spectrum of political opinions, from those who still support unconditional union with Britain to those who continue the fight for united Irish independence. And though the larger moderate parties appear willing to compromise on the key issues of unity and independence, there remain numerous smaller radical groups that are not ready to give up any such claims. Neither side can be said to be more at fault than the other. Instead, the resolute refusal of groups to compromise on major claims has made peace difficult to enforce. The Good Friday Agreement was the product of moderate forces, but extremist parties currently render it useless. The main party of the pro-British Protestants, representing approximately 60 percent of the population, is the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). …

Stateless Nations: “I Pledge Allegiance To ...?”

Abstract: Man is a social being, even if not always sociable. The desire to commune and interact with some group defined as “us” and exclude “them” has been a driving force throughout history. The end game, so far, has been the consolidation of this social-ism (as a trait, not party) as politics into the state, meaning the construction and acceptance of a joint form of central government over a given physical domain. This condition of statehood is in flux throughout the world. At different times and places, nations—as defined by ethnicity or language or race—have found themselves stateless. That is to say, they have no plot of land with recognized and defined borders where they live under their own rules and government free from dominion or suzerainty.

Representation and Rule in the Imperial Archipelago Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawai’i, and the Philippines under US Dominion after 1898

Abstract: In 1898, the United Stated began to build an imperial archipelago, constructed from the remnants of the Spanish empire and through the annexation of Hawai’i. From 1898 until the beginning of World War I in 1914, dozens of books describing these “new possessions” of the United States were published. Most of these books were illustrated with photographs and some were lavishly produced, multivolume works which included separate sections for Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawai’i, and the Philippines. One of the first books to appear was Trumbull White’s Our New Possessions (1898); the last was William Boyce’s US Colonies and Dependencies (1914).

Music in Early Virginia

Abstract: Virginia's ideals, virtually synonymous with those of the young American republic, dominated the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Bill of Rights. Four of the first five presidents were Virginians. No other state has had as long a political and cultural history. And yet, even today, the Old Dominion's precedence seems to be ignored, especially in the history of American music. Leaving aside political historiography, and those earliest histories of music intentionally devoted to New England, most general texts dealing with American music have neglected musical activity in early Virginia.1 Curiously enough, tradition and myth rather than fact seem to be behind this position. Frideric Louis Ritter, our first "scientific" historian, who dedicated himself to the accentuation of "that which is in accordance with a true art spirit," is seemingly confused by the fact that while "English cavaliers appeared in Virginia [1607] fourteen years before the arrival of the 'May Flower' [1620] .. . yet they exercised very little influence on American musical development." Of course, Ritter was puzzled. If the Virginians were indeed fun-loving, sybaritic Englishmen, as implied by the term cavalier, one should have expected them to foster music. According to him, they did not. The Puritans, on the other hand, who lived to destroy the pleasures of this world the better to enjoy those of the next, or so the story goes, developed "the crude form of barbarously sung simple psalmody" from

‘A united South African nation and not merely a South Africa peopled by Africanders and English’: the Earl of Athlone and the attempt to forge a Dominion South Africanism in the 1920s

Abstract: Concepts of both metropoli tan and imperial Britishness have come under considerable scrut iny in recent years. In a previous article I discussed the concept of Britishness in a South African context and examined its relationship with the South Africanism which played so impor tant a role in South African politics during the first half of the 20th century. 1 I was part icular ly interested in the way in which a strong South Africanist sentiment developed amongst some white English-speaking South Africans. I used the term 'Dominion South Africanism' to stress that while this South Africanism was broad enough to embrace both white language groups, it was essentially underpinned by notions of British cultural superiori ty and predicated a South Africa loyal to the British Crown and an integral par t of the British Empire. In the view of Sir Patrick Duncan, the first South African to be appointed Governor-General, it implied a united white nation on terms ' favourable to the Empire and to the English in South Africa'. 2 This stress on the British connection made Dominion South

The Foundations of Power, 1815–1870

Abstract: When you come to think of it, there was no such thing as Greater Britain, still less a British empire — India perhaps apart. There was only a ragbag of territorial bits and pieces, some remaindered remnants, some pre-empted luxury items, some cheap samples. All that red on the map represented in truth at best only a dominion of opinion and a grand anomaly, and at worst a temptation to illusions of grandeur and a gross abuse. There was always a fundamental hiatus in the imperial bureaucratic process: the impossibility, in the last resort, of translating the democratic political decisions of one society into the totally different political realities of another, the problem of producing any kind of real relation between policy determined in London and the practice of government on the spot. Before the coming of the telegraph, even the imperfect translation of will into act could in many places be a matter of years, or perhaps decades. There was also the problem of getting public support at home for the effective maintenance of the empire, for it was the public, not the policy-makers, who behaved with a ‘fit of absence of mind’ about the empire for much of the century.

New Orleans' Squares 39 and 40: three centuries of change: an anthropological look at the social, economic and political effects on architecture

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